Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Tunisians – Europe'

Very little scholarship has been published on politics in Tunisia in the last two decades, resulting in scant coverage of the country’s political relations with the European Union (EU). Likewise, few studies of the EU’s democracy promotion and Mediterranean policies have provided any in-depth analysis of Tunisia. Meanwhile, much has been made by scholars of role played by democracy promotion in the EU’s foreign policy, particularly focusing on understandings of the Union as a ‘normative power’ or as an advocate of the ‘democratic peace theory’. By assessing EU democracy promotion in Tunisia, this thesis argues that democracy promotion has become a predominantly functional part of this foreign policy; its principal role being a means of realising the Union’s principal objectives of achieving security and stability for Europeans. By analysing the discourse of actors involved with the EU’s democracy promotion, the thesis traces a shift in EU policy from a more normative position in the mid-1990s to a more realist and securitised one since the turn of the twenty-first century. Tunisia has evolved over the last two centuries as a state strongly committed to European-influenced socio-economic reforms, but reforms which have led to little political contestability and few changes in government. However, as the EU forged a new approach to its Mediterranean neighbours, it established the promotion of democracy in its neighbours as an integral part of its foreign and security policies. Democracy was to be promoted in Tunisia within multilateral and holistic policy frameworks, such as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, and by a range of methods that encourage reform of many levels of the region’s societies. Yet it appears that these reforms are failing to deliver the political reforms they once promised. Furthermore, democracy is gradually slipping off the EU’s agenda, and its policy objectives converge with those of the Tunisian government as security concerns come to dominate its policy discourses. In the Tunisian context at least, democracy is a purely utilitarian device used to achieve security. When that security already exists, democracy loses its utility, and fades from its once prominent place in the EU policy in Tunisia.

In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Tunisia is often described as the solitary success among the political transitions which followed. Much has been ascribed to the trade agreement (Euro-Mediterranean Partnership or EMP) between EU and Tunisia in promoting said democracy. Recently, Tunisia has also become dependent on IMF loans. This has raised concerns of the effect of neoliberal policies that are advocated for by the IMF, EU and the World Bank. The correlation between neoliberal policies and political stability is still being debated among scholars and the linear causalities remain unclear. Several scholars have criticised the EU-Tunisian trade agreement and EU policies, claiming that this has led to increased poverty and social instability in the country. This study seeks to determine, in accordance with such critique, if a neoliberal agenda is advocated for by the EU. Previous studies have focused on policy effects of the trade and foreign relations between EU and Tunisia. Instead this study analyses the mutual trade agreement and EU political policy agenda for Tunisia to understand the intent of the EU. A content analysis is used on the Association Agreement as well as the EU Policy Paper `Cadre Unique d’appui 2017-2020´ towards Tunisia.This study uses a definition of neoliberalism based on Joseph Stiglitz well-renowned critique on IMF-policies in developing countries in the 1980s-1990s. The result of the analysis shows that even though policy or trade provisions may correspond to a neoliberal agenda, the overall language in both the trade agreement and the policy documents suggest that EU is well-aware of possible negative effects of neoliberal policies. Throughout the documents EU advocates for a balanced approach including both economic and social interests.The study does not find evidence for EU knowingly pursuing a neoliberal agenda in Tunisia. Instead it suggests that future studies on the topic should focus on the EU Commission’s own projections of its policies, a more thorough study on policy effects of specific treaty- and policy provisions, and/ or how neoliberal approaches have recently evolved in development policies.

Le commerce électronique B to C se popularise de plus en plus et le nombre de ses adeptes ne cesse de croître d'année en année. Ses avantages, pour les consommateurs, en termes de rapidité, de commodité et de proximité ne sont plus à prouver. Néanmoins, la particularité du medium utilisé pour effectuer des transactions en ligne et les spécificités de l'environnement électronique, notamment l'immatérialité, l'interactivité et l'internationalité influent considérablement sur la confiance des cyberconsommateurs en même temps qu'elles accroissent leur vulnérabilité, d'où la nécessité d'un cadre juridique adapté afin que l'essor du commerce électronique B to C ne néglige pas la protection des cyberconsommateurs. Conscients de cet impératif, les législateurs communautaire, français et tunisien, ont mis en place un certain nombre de mesures de nature à rassurer ces derniers et leur permettre de s'engager dans des transactions de commerce en ligne en toute confiance. Ces mesures sont de deux ordres : les unes sont destinées à assurer au cyberconsommateur une protection intrinsèque au processus de la transaction en ligne ; cette protection se manifeste en amont de la transaction, lors de la phase précontractuelle, mais également pendant la période contractuelle, c'est-à-dire au moment de la finalisation de la transaction en ligne et de son exécution. Les autres ont pour objectif de garantir au consommateur une protection extrinsèque au processus de la transaction du commerce électronique. Deux aspects sont, à cet égard, pris en compte : la protection des données à caractère personnel traitées dans le cadre d'une transaction en ligne et les aspects du droit international privé de la protection du cyberconsommateur<br>B to C e-commerce is increasingly gaining popularity. The number of its followers has seen a drastic surge throughout the few recent years. Its advantages in terms of speed, convenience and proximity are not any more questionable by consumers. Nevertheless, the characteristic of this medium used to carry out online transactions as well as the specificities of the electronic environment - in particular the immateriality, the interactivity and internationality - influence considerably cyber-consumers confidence. Simultaneously, they increase their vulnerability. Thus, the need for an appropriate legal framework to regulate the rise of B to C e-commerce and protect cyber-consumers. Taking into account these requirement, community, French and Tunisian legislators set up a number of measures to reassure the latter and allow them to engage confidently in online commerce transactions. These measures have two targets: some of them were intended to grant cyber-consumers an intrinsic protection in the process of the online transaction. This protection is set to be an upstream transaction protection at the pre-contractual phase as well as during the contractual period; i.e. at the level of on line transaction finalization and execution. The others aim to guarantee the consumer an extrinsic protection throughout the process of e-commerce transaction. In this respect, two aspects are taken into account, namely: personal data processed during transactions and the aspects of private international law of cyber-consumer protection

Following the signature of the Millennium Declaration in 2000, and of the Lisbon treaty in 2009, the EU developed a key-role role on the international stage notably through the development of the CSFP and its HR representative, Federica Mogherini. While the EU reinforced its security policies, its involvement in developing countries increased as well. Higher requirements toward its foreign partners are expected, notably regarding the implementation of democratic principles. The EUROMED partnership, through which Tunisia is bound to the EU´s financial support and socio-economic goals, deploys a wide range of democracy promotion instruments. This research looks at the meanings of democracy in the context of the EU-Tunisian partnership through a transversal discursive analysis based on the work of Chaban & Holland, the foucauldian normative theory and the criteria for an ideal democracy from Dahl and Habermas. The analysis compares two layers of democratic discourses: the official one, from the EU and the Tunisian government; and the civil society level, from NGOs, journalists and activist bloggers. The aim of the study being to look at the possible mismatch between democratic discourse and democratic realities, resulting in a transformation of the democracy definition. The findings show discrepancies between the EU´s institutionalized democratic discourse, the Tunisian governments newly democratic discourse based on familial and religious values, and finally a Tunisian civil society distanced from political life, but speaking the "parrhesian" truth of Foucault and appearing as the last authentic layer of authentic democracy.

This study seeks to examine the specific circumstances surrounding the development of a trade in alfa, or esparto, grass, between Britain and southern Tunisia in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Beginning abruptly in 1871, within the space of ten years alfa grass had became not only the principal item of foreign trade in the south but also one of the whole country's most important exports. What differentiates the alfa trade from existing commercial activities in Tunisia at the time is that it was carried on between European merchants and the inhabitants of districts which were only marginally integrated into the political structures of the central government and the externally orientated market economy of the coastal and urban regions. A mainly pastoral and overwhelmingly subsistence orientated population, the tribes of south and central Tunisia were, on the surface, an unlikely labour force for the collection and sale of a plant which was laborious and time consuming to gather, and whose sale offered what were often extremely meagre returns. In attempting to understand and explain how and why a people, hitherto largely unconnected with and uninterested in direct, market orientated transactions within Tunisia, should enter into economic relations of such magnitude with European industrialists, the study has highlighted a number of interesting issues relating to the penetration of capitalism into what is commonly termed the periphery. Although many of the findings may be specific to Tunisia it is clear that the alfa trade there emerged as a result of a complex interplay of local, regional and international factors which had some surprising origins and some interesting results. Although fulfilling many of the criteria for Myint's "vent-for-surplus" theory of international trade, the alfa trade in Tunisia neither caused any far reaching social change nor did it result in any independent and self-sustaining economic development in the south of the country. Indeed the alfa trade helped mask, and undoubtedly prolonged, the growing economic and social crisis in southern Tunisia as the region underwent a painful integration into the developing national economy. With little to offer the country in terms of natural resources southern Tunisia was sucked dry of its surplus wealth yet deprived of any corresponding investment.

Partant du constat de la constitution de la promotion de la démocratie comme enjeu des relations internationales et de politique étrangère, la présente recherche s’interroge sur les politiques menées en la matière par l’Union européenne dans le cadre des relations avec ses voisins méditerranéens, particulièrement le Maroc et la Tunisie. L’analyse se concentre sur l’Instrument européen pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme, sur la période 2007-2012.<p>L’objectif est de comprendre et d’expliquer les pratiques des différents groupes d’acteurs impliqués dans ces politiques, au sein de la Commission (DG Relex/SEAE, DG Devco, délégations) et du Parlement (sous-commission DROI).<p>La position défendue est la suivante :les pratiques européennes de promotion de la démocratie au Maroc et en Tunisie sont fonction de l’identité des groupes institutionnels qui les mettent en œuvre. Pour chaque groupe institutionnel, peuvent être mis en évidence des normes, intérêts et ressources qui contribuent à défendre et renforcer l’identité institutionnelle. Dès lors, des pratiques qui peuvent paraître incohérentes au premier abord (pourquoi agir au Maroc et pas en Tunisie ?pourquoi créer l’IEDDH et, parallèlement, évincer l’objectif de promotion de la démocratie de la coopération bilatérale avec la Tunisie ?) prennent tout leur sens lorsqu’on parvient à restituer la fonction sociale qu’elles assurent.<p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The misappropriation sanctions refer to the European Union sanctions adopted against foreign kleptocrats to address the suspected theft of public funds. After the regimes had been successfully overthrown in the Arab Spring in Tunisia and Egypt in 2011 as well as the Maidan Revolution in Ukraine in 2014, the misappropriation sanctions were imposed, in all three cases, as the ousted leaders and their close associates were suspected of stealing vast amounts of public funds from their respective countries and hiding the misappropriated funds overseas. The misappropriation sanctions take the form of asset freezes against individuals considered being responsible for “misappropriation of state funds”. The sanctions in question have been extensively reviewed by the Court of Justice of the European Union as numerous of the targeted individuals have applied for annulment of the sanctions in the parts that concern them. The purpose of this thesis is to examine, on the basis of the case law of the CJEU, the threshold for legitimate listing of a targeted individuals in the misappropriation sanctions. It is concluded that threshold vis-à-vis the criteria or the listing grounds must be regarded as reasonable, while the threshold concerning the respect of fundamental rights is creating a heavy burden to bear.

Cette thèse se propose de mettre en perspective l’impact de l’environnement entrepreneurial, afin d'expliquer les raisons de la variation spatiale du niveau de développement régional pour les régions de l’Union Européenne et celles des régions tunisiennes. Cette inégalité régionale s’accompagne par une non-stationnarité spatiale des relations modalisées dans l’espace, ce qui implique que certaines variables peuvent avoir un effet positif dans quelques régions, alors que des effets négatifs sont observables dans d’autres régions. Pour aborder la question des inégalités régionales liées à une contribution entrepreneuriale dans un contexte spatiale, trois chapitres, sous forme d’articles, ont été développés. Le premier chapitre étudie l’hétérogénéité spatiale de l’impact de l’environnement entrepreneurial sur le développement des régions de l’Union Européenne. Le deuxième s’intéresse à la description des répartitions spatiales globales et locales de l’indice de développement régional en Tunisie, ainsi qu'à l’impact de la variation de l’effet de la micro-entreprise sur l’indice de développement des régions (délégations) tunisiennes. Le dernier chapitre explique les facteurs favorisant un environnement entrepreneurial adéquat pour attirer les micro-entreprises dans les régions (délégations) tunisiennes principalement défavorisées mais qui sont cependant dans une phase de développement.En se basant sur un échantillon composé de 246 régions de l’Union Européenne, les résultats du premier chapitre annoncent que l’environnement entrepreneurial contribue à expliquer les inégalités du développement entre les régions. Ce résultat révèle que promouvoir un entrepreneuriat d’opportunité face à un entrepreneuriat de nécessité dans les régions les moins développées de l’Union Européenne est une obligation, notamment dans les pays de l’Europe Centrale et Orientale. Le deuxième chapitre a pour objectif d’examiner l’effet de la micro-entreprise sur l’indice de développement des 262 régions tunisiennes à l’aide d’une analyse exploratoire des données Géo-référencées. Le résultat obtenu montre, sur la base d’un modèle spatial global, que la présence de la micro-entreprise dans une région impacte positivement le niveau de développement régional de celle-ci et de celles des régions voisines. A contrario, pour un modèle spatial local, nous constatons, d’une part que l'impact de la micro-entreprise s’affaiblit en se rapprochant des régions côtières (développées), et d’autre part que l'impact de la micro-entreprise est plus important dans les régions à faible niveau de développement par rapport à celles dotées d’un développement favorable. Les résultats du troisième chapitre affirment que l’entrepreneuriat par nécessité, un contexte social décourageant, la corruption, la faible fiabilité des structures d'appui et le déséquilibre entre la formation universitaire et l’offre d’emplois qualifiés sur le marché sont les facteurs majeurs freinant la survie de la micro-entreprise dans les régions en retard de développement<br>This thesis proposes to put into perspective the impact of the entrepreneurial environment, in order to explain the reasons for the spatial variation of the level of regional development for the regions of the European Union and those of the Tunisian regions. This regional inequality is accompanied by non-stationary spatial modalized relationships in space, implying that certain variables can have a positive effect in some regions, while negative effects are observable in other regions. To address the issue of regional inequalities in an entrepreneurial contribution in a context space, three chapters, in the form of articles, have been developed. The first chapter sheds light on the spatial heterogeneity of the impact of the environment on the development of the European Union Regions. The second focuses on the description of spatial distributions global and local index to regional development in Tunisia, as well as the impact of the change in the effect of the micro-enterprise on the index of development of the Tunisian regions (delegations).The last chapter explains the factors fostering an entrepreneurial environment to attract micro-enterprises in the (delegations) Tunisian regions primarily disadvantaged but are in a phase of development .Based on a sample composed of 246 regions of the European Union, the results of the first chapter announced that the entrepreneurial environment helps explain inequalities in development between the regions. This result reveals that promote entrepreneurship of opportunity in the face of the necessity entrepreneurship in the regions the least developed in the European Union is an obligation, particularly in countries of Central Europe and Eastern. The second chapter is aimed to consider the effect of the micro-enterprise on the development index of 262 Tunisian regions using an exploratory analysis of Geo-referenced data. The result shows, on the basis of a global spatial model, that the presence of the micro-enterprise or business in a region impacted positively the level of regional development and those of the neighboring regions. Conversely, for a local spatial model, we see, on the one hand that the impact of micro-enterprise weakens while approaching coastal areas (developed), and on the other hand the impact of the micro-enterprise is more important in the regions with low level of development compared to those with a favorable development. The results of the third chapter claim that entrepreneurship by necessity, a discouraging social context, corruption, low reliability of support structures and the imbalance between the academic training and supply of skilled jobs on the market are the major factors slowing down the survival of the micro-enterprise in under developed regions

L'etude porte sur deux types de matiere organique: l'une provient des sediments argileux et phosphates du bassin de gafsa-metlaoui en tunisie, l'autre est une serie de charbon presentant tous les stades de houillification et provenant du bassin houiller lorrain. On utilise la spectrometrie de resonance paramagnetique electronique et la spectrometrie infra-rouge a transformee de fourier (irtf) afin de determiner les groupements presents et la structure du materiau

Cette étude a pour objectifs d’actualiser les données sur la répartition et la variation génétique des deux espèces de tortues d’eau douce Mauremys leprosa et Emys orbicularis en Tunisie et d’évaluer leur vulnérabilité. Elle a également pour but de déterminer la diversité et d’évaluer la spécificité des hémogrégarines (Protozoa: Apicomplexa: Haemogregarinidae) en se basant sur les analyses morphologiques et moléculaires. L’Emyde lépreuse n’est actuellement pas menacée en Tunisie contrairement à la Cistude d’Europe qui est en situation critique. Les analyses morphologiques et moléculaires des parasites sanguins ont permis de montrer la présence de co-infection chez un même individu de tortue. L’aspect moléculaire a concerné la caractérisation et l’identification des espèces appartenant au même genre Haemogregarina à travers l’utilisation des marqueurs mitochondriaux et nucléaires. Ainsi on a pu comparer le degré d’informations génétiques des deux marqueurs et de montrer que le gène mitochondrial COI permettait d’identifier plus de variabilité que celle trouvée avec le gène 18S ARNr. En outre, la faible spécificité de ces parasites sanguins envers les espèces hôtes définitives et intermédiaires, s’est révélée un facteur qui augmente le risque de transmission des hémogregarines d’une espèce hôte exotique vers une espèce hôte indigène<br>The objective of this study is to update data on distribution and genetic variation of t two species of freshwater turtles Mauremys leprosa and Emys orbicularis in Tunisia and to assess their vulnerability. It also aims to determine the diversity and to evaluate the specificity of the hemogregarins (Protozoa: Apicomplexa: Haemogregarinidae) based on morphological and molecular analyzes. The Mediterranean pond turtle is currently not threatened in Tunisia unlike the European pond turtle which is in critical situation. Morphological and molecular analyzes of blood parasites have reveald the presence of co-infection in the same turtle specimen. The molecular aspect concerned the characterization and identification of species belonging to the same genus Haemogregarina through the use of mitochondrial and nuclear markers. Thus we were able to compare the level of genetic information of the two markers and to demonstrat that the mitochondrial COI genes identified more variability than those found with the 18S rRNA gene. In addition, the low specificity of these blood parasites towards the final and intermediate host species has been shown to be a factor which increases the risk of transmission of hemogregarins from an exotic host species to a native host species

This thesis explains recent accounts of discrimination and cutbacks in reproductive health spaces in Tunisia. Complicating dominant analyses, which attribute these events to the post-revolution political atmosphere which has allowed the proliferation of islamic extremism, I interpret these instances as a manifestation of a deeply rooted stigma against sexually active single women. I trace this stigma’s inception to the contradictory way that Habib Bourguiba conceptualized modernity after independence, and the responsibility he assigned to Tunisian women to embody that modernity. This responsibility remains salient today, and is putting Tunisian women in an increasingly untenable and vulnerable position. After independence, Bourguiba instated a series of policies and programs aimed at demonstrating the modernity of Tunisia. The success of Tunisia’s modernization was determined, and continues to be determined by the woman’s social transformation and embodiment of modernist values. Bourguiba’s modernist platform was constituted not only by typically ‘Western’ values, such as economic prosperity, family planning, education, and gender equality, but was also deeply informed by the islamic and cultural values that hold the woman’s primordial role to be mother and wife, and expect her to abstain from sex until marriage. The modern Tunisia woman thus became expected to both obtain higher levels of education and actively participate in the public sphere, and also uphold virtues around premarital virginity, marriage, and motherhood. Her fulfillment of these tasks marked the independent nation’s progress and modernity. Today, as more and more Tunisian women are increasingly empowered to fulfill one facet of their obligation and attend university, participate in the labor market, and make use of the growing contraceptive technologies available to them, they become more likely to postpone marriage and engage in premarital sexual relations. These latter behaviors transgress the second facet of the woman’s obligation, and threaten the very integrity of the modern nation. Women are thus becoming more and more subjected to societal punishment — stigma — which manifests in many forms, including discrimination in reproductive health care spaces.

Defence date: 18 December 1998<br>Examining board: Prof. Michel Camau (Institut d'Etudes Politiques, Aix-en-Provence) ; Prof. Colin Crouch (European University Institute - Co-supervisor) ; Prof. Georges Joffé (The Royal Institute of International Affairs, London) ; Prof. Christian Joppke (European University Institute - Supervisor)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017<br>This text concentrates on the economic sociology of return migration, with specific reference to Tunisia. As such, it aims to analyze, on the one hand, the patterns of resource mobilization and the strategies for survival developed by some Tunisian entrepreneur returnees with a view to providing for the survival of their own business concerns, as well as the elements which have shaped their entrepreneurial activities, on the other. By building a typology, which comprises three categories of entrepreneur returnees (namely the 'Heirs', the 'Converts' and the 'New Entrepreneurs') this book sets out to explain how and why some interviewed Tunisian return migrants have succeeded in investing their past experiences of migration, lived in Europe, in their current entrepreneurial activities in Tunisia, while being involved in the dynamics of cross border social and economic networks.

Defence date: 27 September 1991<br>Examining board: Dr. Armindo P. Da Silva, Technical University of Lisbon and European Commission ; Prof. Jean-Pierre Gourlaouen, University of Nantes ; Prof. Stuart Holland, EUI, supervisor ; Prof. Henri Regnault, University of Pau ; Prof. George Yannopoulos, University of Reading, Co-supervisor<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

This graduate thesis analyses the EU security policy towards the Maghreb between 2005 and 2010. It does so in order to ascertain to what extent the level of practical policy corresponds with the level of declarations. Also, by using the promotion of democratic governance in the Maghreb countries under the ENP as s case study, the thesis means to challenge the proposition that European Union can be described as a 'Normative Power'. First chapter briefly presents the concept of 'Normative Power Europe'. Following section looks at the European Security Strategy and localizes the primary position of the goal of democracy promotion in the document. Third part gives an overview of the European policy towards the Mediterranean under which EU relations with the Maghreb have been framed. Most attention is paid to the European Neighbourhood Policy. Next chapter examines the level of practical EU policy. It consists of three separate case studies of European policy towards Tunisia, Morocco and Libya between 2005 and 2010. The fifth and final part qualitatively analyses the way four factors (trade, energy, migration and terrorism) contributed to the structuring of relations of Tunisia, Morocco and Libya with Spain, France and Italy. The thesis arrives at the conclusion that while at the declaratory level the EU strives...

Normative Power Europe theory presented by Ian Manners defines the European Union as a normative actor in international relations. According to him, EU's ability to change what passes for "normal" in international relations originates from its internal set-up which the EU uses to shape its environment and international norms in its own image. After first studying Manner's tripartite analysis and defining normative goals, means and impact of the normative policy, the thesis then proceeds to test normative theory in the European neighbourhood, particularly in the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, by analysing EU's democracy and human rights promotion in Tunisia. It identifies discrepancy between EU's goals and means and discovers that on the one side, Euro-Mediterranean cooperation improves socio-economic development, however on the other it impedes the political one. This finding reflects incoherence and inconsistency of the EU's policies in the Mediterranean and arrives to the conclusion that EU is not a normative power in its neighbourhood policy.