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Journal articles on the topic 'Tunisia'
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1
Sha’ath, Hiba, and Fatma Raach. "Cooperation within Reason: Tunisia’s Approach to Asylum and Readmission." European Journal of Migration and Law 26, no. 2 (June 18, 2024): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718166-12340176.
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Abstract Since 2011, migration and asylum have grown in salience in EU-Tunisia international cooperation. Through various agreements, the EU has provided technical and financial support to Tunisia to strengthen its border management capabilities, develop a national migration strategy, legislate a national asylum framework, and re-integrate Tunisians who were returned from Europe. However, among the points of contention between Tunisia and the EU, two key issues stand out: the continued absence of a national law governing asylum in Tunisia, and Tunisia’s refusal to include clauses related to readmission (of its own nationals and third-country nationals) in its agreements with the EU. Drawing on an analysis of cooperation on asylum and readmission between the EU and Tunisia from 2011 to 2021, this article argues that the EU’s perceptions of a lack of cooperation from its Tunisian counterparts are misplaced. Rather, Tunisia is willing to work cooperatively with the EU as long as it does not see this cooperation serve the sole purpose of supporting the EU’s externalization agenda. We see this attitude as a form of resistance to EU pressure, with the unfortunate consequence being the undermining of protection for vulnerable populations in Tunisia and in the EU. Tunisian authorities see the adoption of an asylum law as paving the way for disembarkation platforms, the use of the safe third country concept to return foreign nationals and contain them to Tunisia. This has been fueled by issue linkage in negotiations with the EU between the passing of the asylum act and the return of third-country nationals to Tunisia. Similarly, while Tunisia has concluded agreements with some EU countries regarding the readmission of its nationals, its priorities with respect to facilitating returns lie in the protection of its nationals’ social rights rather than in meeting quantitative targets set by the EU.
2
Boughnim, Amel. "La situation linguistique en Tunisie : Quelle évolution après la révolution." Traduction et Langues 14, no. 1 (August 31, 2015): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.52919/translang.v14i1.790.
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The Linguistic Situation in Tunisia: What evolution after the revolution?
This contribution shed light on the language situation in Tunisia, particularly the status of the French language and the language of the Amazigh. We process including interviewing programs of both major political parties in Tunisia and based on qualitative interviews conducted with leaders of these parties’ analysis. French enjoys independence from Tunisia a privileged status. Historically the language of administration and education, many Tunisians are now bilingual. However, since the so-called "Jasmine" revolution, this status is challenged by the rise of English in teaching but also because of some political parties who wish to emphasize classical Arabic and strengthen the Arab identity Tunisian Muslim. In contrast to the privileged status of the French language, Tamazight is completely absent political projects since independence. Despite their historical primacy on Tunisian soil, the Amazigh language and culture seem to be perceived as a threat for the Tunisian identity.
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Marglin, Jessica M. "Belonging in French North Africa: Debating the Citizenship of Tunisian Jews." Jewish Quarterly Review 114, no. 4 (September 2024): 465–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2024.a944933.
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Abstracts: At the dawn of the twentieth century, French-educated Jews and Muslims in Tunisia debated the nature of Jews’ citizenship as part of a broader conversation on colonial policy. A group of Jews known as La Justice argued that Jews were not Tunisian nationals; rather, they had always been considered foreigners according to Islamic law. The Jeunes tunisiens (Young Tunisians), reform-minded Muslims, countered that Jews in Tunisia were full citizens, equal to Muslims. This episode contradicts much of the narrative about Jews and modernity, especially regarding the nature of emancipation. For some Jews under French colonial rule in Tunisia, being foreign was preferable to being full members of the Tunisian nation.
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AKKAŞ, Necmi Enes. "THE REFLECTION OF THE ARAB SPRING TO THE DEMOCRATICATION OF TUNISIA: RASHID AL GANNUSHI AND THE NAHDA MOVEMENT PARTY." SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 7, no. 30 (March 15, 2022): 289–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.558.
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The Republic of Tunisia, located in North Africa, is an Arab state that gained its independence from France on March 20, 1956 and witnessed the firsts. The official name of Tunisia, which came under the rule of the Turks in 1574, has remained as Tunisia since then. Tunisia, the country of firsts, was the first constitution made under Ahd-ül Aman in 1861 and the first non-governmental organization Tunisian Workers' Union was established in 1924. The first action that ignited the Arab Spring started when 26-year-old computer engineer Mohammed Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of the governor's office on 17 December 2010. While ethnic and sectarian turmoil led to coups d'etat and civil war in the Middle East and North African countries where the Arab Spring spread, Tunisia's weak army organization as well as the experiences of civil and political sectors in the historical process were effective in overcoming the troubles it experienced during the revolution without being dragged into civil war. One of the important factors positively affecting Tunisia's democratization process is the Ennahda Movement Party, which represents a moderate Islamist democratic politics. The name Ennahda, which is defined as the Arab awakening, the Arab resurrection, the Arab Renaissance, was given to the party led by the philosopher and politician Ghannushi. When the effects of the Arab Spring on democratization are evaluated, the Ennahda Movement Party is an important event for the development of Tunisian democracy. The study will analyze the contributions of the Ennahda Movement Party and its leader, Rashid Al-Ghannushi Gannuşi, which made significant contributions to the democratization of Tunisia, to the democratization of Tunisia. Within the scope of the study, the reflections of the Arab Spring on the Tunisian revolution and the political process will be explained.
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Marchionne, Silvia. "Vocational Educational Training (VET) in Tunisia: Barriers and Challenges to its Internationalization and Possible Solutions to Boost Socio-Economic Development of the Country." Frontiers: The Interdisciplinary Journal of Study Abroad 35, no. 3 (November 15, 2023): 208–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.36366/frontiers.v35i3.837.
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Since the educational reform of the 1980s, Tunisian Vocational Educational Training (VET) system has been the oldest continuing education system in North Africa, with its origins dating back to the beginning of Tunisian independence from the French colonial power in 1956. This article explores internationalization trends in VET institutions in Tunisia through desk research on secondary sources and through informal interviews with local actors conducted in 2023 to complement gathered information. The study contributes to setting grounds for further research in this field by providing an overview of the (VET) sector in Tunisia, their internationalization trends, and policy recommendations to further develop the internationalization of VET institutions in the country. Abstract in French Depuis la réforme éducative des années 1980, le système tunisien de formation professionnelle (EFP) est le plus ancien système de formation continue en Afrique du Nord, ses origines remontant au début de l'indépendance tunisienne de la puissance coloniale française en 1956. Cet article explore l'internationalisation et ses tendances dans les établissements d’EFP en Tunisie à travers une recherche documentaire sur des sources secondaires et à travers des entretiens informels avec des acteurs locaux menés en 2023 pour compléter les informations recueillies. L'étude contribue à jeter les bases de recherches plus approfondies dans ce domaine en fournissant un aperçu du secteur de la formation professionnelle en Tunisie, de ses tendances en matière d'internationalisation et des recommandations politiques pour développer davantage l'internationalisation des institutions d'EFP dans le pays.
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Ewards, Evan. "Tunisia Post-Revolution: What is Preventing its Democracy." Panoply Journal 2 (December 27, 2021): 16–33. https://doi.org/10.71166/3g5xr274.
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Ten years have passed since Tunisians overthrew an authoritarian regime controlled by President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Corruption and an oppressive police force led to the self-immolation and death of Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street merchant in 2011, quickly igniting waves of protests and becoming the catalyst for the Arab Spring. These protests which quickly encompassed the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) called for democratic reform within their respective governments, but Tunisia remains the only state to succeed, holding democratic elections from 2011 onward and ratifying a new constitution in 2014. Despite these measures, democratization remains slow to develop. What explains Tunisia’s lack of democratic progress since the revolution? This paper examines Tunisia’s impediment to a fully developed democracy, which will argue weak institutional reform as the cause for corruption to persist. To offer a comparison, this paper will highlight Chile’s rapid democratic transition from a violent dictatorship under Augusto Pinochet, where corruption levels plummeted after thorough institutional reform. Chile also possesses a Constitutional Court, an independent judicial body whose significance is affirming the constitutionality of proposed laws and decisions made by executive powers. Disagreements among parties within Tunisian Parliament have prevented this institution, which contributes to Tunisia’s democratic prevention as there is no third-party oversight on constitutional matters to ensure civil liberties provided by the constitution are adhered to.
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Assulthoni, Fahmi. "Konstelasi Pemikiran Hukum Keluarga di Tunisia." ASASI: Journal of Islamic Family Law 2, no. 1 (October 15, 2021): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.36420/asasi.v2i1.118.
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Tunisia is one of the many Muslim countries that continue to strive to build a family law system which is a permanent rule of law for Muslims. Both before and after Tunisia's independence, legal reforms were intensively carried out, including legal reforms in the field of family law. One of the laws implemented in Tunisia is the Tunisian Code of Personal Status (CPST) or other names Majallah Al-Akhwal Ash-Shakhshiyyah. The legal reforms carried out by Tunisia cannot be separated from the progressive thoughts that have colored family law policies which in the next stage will become state policies. This article is presented in a descriptive form using a literature study approach as the study material. The results of the study concluded that the Tunisian State carried out many Islamic family law policies based on the development of family law in the world and the needs of its citizens.
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Hechiche, Abdelwahab. "THE JASMINE REVOLUTION BETWEEN SECULARISM AND ISLAMIC FUNDAMENTALISM; THE CASE OF TUNISIA AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT." Levantine Review 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2013): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/lev.v2i2.5360.
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The central impetus of this paper is the “un-Tunisian-like” hostile slogans emitted in early 2012 in honor of Hamas leader Ismail Hanya, during his official visit to Tunisia at that time. The slogans in question, among them “Kill the Jews!” were protested by many Tunisians, and were widely denounced as an insult to the Jews of the world, but more importantly perhaps, they were decried as affront to Tunisia’s own Jewish children. Upon his historic return from exile and from jail, one of Bourguiba’s first acts was to visit the poor Jewish quarter of “Hafsya,” a gesture that reminded us of the Bey of Tunis, and the King of Morocco, both of whom, courageously, during WWII, declared their total and unconditional commitment to the defense and protection of their Jewish subjects. Integrating its tolerant “Mediterranean” past, and charting a post-Jasmine Revolution future is one of the major challenges facing the Tunisia of today.
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Chamekh, Mohamed. "Illegal Migration in Tunisian Rap." ATHENS JOURNAL OF MEDITERRANEAN STUDIES 7, no. 1 (December 29, 2020): 45–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajms.7-1-3.
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This article explores illegal migration through Tunisian rap. It considers this music an aspect of resistance and protest against the socio-economic and political conditions obliging thousands of Tunisians to cross the Mediterranean in makeshift boats in search of better prospects and challenging the increasing security and legislative measures crippling mobility imposed by the EU and Tunisian authorities. This article contends that harga songs document the history of the working class in Tunisia and carve the identity of harraga as people who have been marginalised for generations. It concludes that EU-Tunisia security talks and dialogues remain ineffective as long as the root causes of illegal migration have not been addressed. Keywords: illegal migration, Tunisian rap, resistance, marginalization, security, immobility, identity
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El Houssi, Leila. "The History and Evolution of Independence Movements in Tunisia." Oriente Moderno 97, no. 1 (March 30, 2017): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340139.
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After the establishment of French protectorate in 1881, the role played by the domestic nationalist movements that emerged in Tunisia during the early twentieth century is fundamentally important for any analysis of the long chain of events that ultimately led to the decolonization of the country. The first Tunisian nationalist movement was that of the Jeunes Tunisiens (Young Tunisians) in 1907, which was fronted by two charismatic leaders: al-Bašīr Ṣafar and ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah. Al-Bašīr Ṣafar, the undisputed heart and soul of the movement, was among the founders of the Ḫaldūniyyah, a journalist for Le Tunisien, and, after 1908, the governor of Sousse. ʿAlī Bāš Ḥānbah as an administrator at the Collège Sadiki and co-founder of Le Tunisien. After the Great War, another movement emerged demanding the creation of a parliamentary assembly made up of both French and native citizens: the Parti Libéral Constitutionnel, or Dustūr, led by ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz al-Taʿālbī, which founded the Arabic-language newspaper “Sabīl al-Rašād”. Initially underestimated by the French authorities, Dustūr would go on become a legitimate nationalist movement. In 1934, at the Congress of Ksar Hellal, the party line imposed by Dustūr frustrated and disappointed many young nationalist militants, who split away from the group and founded a movement of their own that would go on to become the primary champion of the independence struggle: Néo-Dustūr. Among these young militants were Ḥabīb Būrqībah, the leader of the new party, which radically transformed itself with a cross-class platform capable of winning the allegiance of the Tunisian masses in the fight for greater independence. As we shall see, the origins of decolonization in Tunisia indisputably lay in the creation and evolution of these nationalist groups, which built upon and succeeded one another during the first four decades of the twentieth century.
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Nurali, Rinawati Acan. "PERKEMBANGAN DEMOKRASI DI TUNISIA." Thaqafiyyat : Jurnal Bahasa, Peradaban dan Informasi Islam 20, no. 2 (August 1, 2021): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/thaq.2021.20204.
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This paper discusses the development of democracy in Tunisia. The goal is to understand the development of Tunisian democracy which is full of dynamics of the effects of the Arab Spring. This research uses the library method. Data collection through journals and books. The results of this study found that the long journey of the Tunisian people, in achieving independence from the occupation of the Tunisian government itself, was a road that was not easy, steep and sharp. Many became victims, in the name of the revolution. Both physically and psychologically. However, the struggle is carried out not only in the name of religion but also human humanity at stake, the rights and obligations desired by the Tunisian people, who become their driving force in their journey to achieve a democratic government. Of course, this requires a sacrifice in the long journey of democracy in Tunisia. Although in some Middle Eastern countries the process of democratization is still uncertain, Tunisia is not. Tunisia has become a hope for countries in the Middle East to rise from adversity. Tunisia has successfully held elections to democratically appoint a leader. Tunisian democracy is getting better with the inauguration of a new constitution that provides equality between men and women so that Tunisia becomes a pioneer of feminism in the Middle East. Although we cannot compare it with other contexts of Islamic government, Tunisia is a system that continues to rise to renew the slump of democracy by removing the influence of secular, far-right ideologies, and the monarchical system. Therefore, the political dynamics of the state system is a transition period whether it will lead to destruction or even towards democratic maturity, thus there is still optimism for the implementation of Islamic democracy in the Tunisian government system in the midst of all the dynamics that are faced.
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Gannoun, Ibtissem, Naoufel Liouane, and Dorsaf Jammali. "Price Volatility and Cereal Food Security in Tunisia: Determining the Critical Threshold of Cereal Price Volatility Using the Threshold Model." Business and Economic Research 14, no. 4 (October 30, 2024): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ber.v14i4.22210.
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This study examines the substantial impact of grain price volatility on food security in Tunisia, a nation heavily reliant on cereal consumption. Employing Hansen's (1999) threshold model, we pinpoint the precise level of price volatility that poses a significant threat to cereal food security in Tunisia. A novel application of this methodology, our analysis, spanning 1991-2021, focuses on cereals, constituting over 50% of Tunisia's food imports. The threshold model identifies a critical volatility threshold of 4.65%. Beyond this point, food security is significantly compromised. This finding underscores the study's capacity to quantify the precise level of grain price volatility that exacerbates food security risks in Tunisia. To mitigate these risks, policymakers should prioritize price stabilization measures, enhance risk management and storage mechanisms, and develop targeted adaptation strategies for vulnerable populations. These actions will bolster the resilience of the Tunisian food system.
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Paull, John. "Organic Agriculture in Tunisia, Africa." European Journal of Agriculture and Food Sciences 6, no. 1 (February 16, 2024): 38–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejfood.2024.6.1.774.
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Tunisia reports 279,389 hectares of certified organic agriculture, accounting for 2.87% of the country’s farmland. Most of Tunisia’s organic production is exported. Organic olive oil accounts for 74% of organic exports, and organic dates for 22%. In 2021, Tunisia bid and won the right to host the Organic World Congress (OWC) 2024. After almost half a century of OWCs, the prospective OWS Tunis 2024 was to be the first such event to be held in Africa. It would be an opportunity to showcase Tunisian and African organics, and to provide a welcome impetus to grow the organics sectors of the country and the continent. In 2023, OWS Tunis 2024 was cancelled in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic, the loss-making OWC Rennes 2021, and changed economic, political and social circumstances. The African continent is an under-performer in organics; 15 countries report no organics, 28 countries report less than 1% organics and only a single country reports greater than 5% (viz. São Tomé and Principe, 21.2%). Tunisia is an organics leader in Africa. The present paper tracks the stop-start growth of the organics sector of Tunisia over the past two decades.
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Toso, Giorgio. "«Il morbo continua a regnare». La peste in Tunisia tra il 1818 e il 1820 nelle relazioni del Console sabaudo Gaetano Palma di Borgofranco." STORIA URBANA, no. 168 (November 2021): 51–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/su2021-168003.
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La Reggenza di Tunisi fu colpita tra il 1818 e il 1820 da una grave epidemia di peste, che causò la morte di migliaia di persone. In questo contesto, i Consoli degli Stati europei presenti nel Paese nordafricano riportarono, nelle relazioni dirette ai loro governi, notizie relative alla diffusione e all'andamento del contagio, alla mortalità e alle misure adottate dalle autorità tunisine durante l'emergenza: per quanto viziate talvolta da pregiudizi o imprecisioni, queste relazioni rappresentano una testimonianza diretta sulla peste in Tunisia e sui suoi effetti. In questa sede si presentano i riferimenti all'epidemia nelle relazioni del Console sabaudo a Tunisi, Gaetano Palma di Borgofranco, con un'attenzione particolare per l'immagine, tendenzialmente negativa, del governo e della popolazione tunisini. Attraverso l'analisi di documenti conservati presso gli Archivi di Stato di Genova e Torino emergono quindi non solo i dati pratici relativi all'epidemia ma anche le idee e gli atteggiamenti di un diplomatico europeo ottocentesco nei confronti di una società musulmana nel corso di un'emergenza sanitaria.
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Voskresenskaya, Anna. "The Bizerte question in Franco-Tunisian relations (1961-1963)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2023): 70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080027750-2.
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This article discusses the Franco-Tunisian relations during the "Bizerte crisis" in 1961. The conflict arose when France refused to withdraw from Bizerte, its largest military base in Tunisia, leading to a short but violent armed conflict. The status of the base became a major issue after Tunisia gained independence. The French government, due to its interest in maintaining troops in Tunisia because of the events in Algeria, delayed negotiations for the base's evacuation. Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba strongly opposed this policy, leading to further escalation of the conflict. Through analyzing foreign policy documents, the author examines the changes and priorities in the relations between France and Tunisia in the early 1960s. The article highlights the impact of the crisis on the future development of Franco-Tunisian relations. This publication aims to address the lack of works on this topic in national historiography and provide a comprehensive view of the French-Tunisian relations during the Bizerte crisis.
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Feather, Ginger. "Proactive versus Reactive Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights: A Comparative Case Study Analysis of Morocco and Tunisia." FEMINA POLITICA - Zeitschrift für feministische Politikwissenschaft 29, no. 2-2020 (November 30, 2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v29i2.07.
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Morocco and Tunisia, two progressive Muslim-majority countries, took vastly different approaches to women’s sexual and reproductive health rights (SRHR). Sharing a French colonial past and Maliki Islamic tradition, Tunisia is an emerging democracy with a long history of top-down women’s rights advances and state-promoted SRHR. Tunisian women have benefitted from SRH education, access to contraception, emergency contraception, and state-funded first trimester abortion. Tunisia targets vulnerable populations, including unmarried, minor, rural, and poor women, with special clinics and subsidies. Finally, Tunisia holds men responsible for children they father outside of wedlock. In contrast, Morocco’s bottom-up feminist-driven approach to SRHR, including access to contraception, emergency contraception, and abortion, is circumscribed and exclusionary, targeting married couples. The criminalization of extramarital sexual relations and most abortions force single women with unwanted pregnancies to resort to unsafe abortion. Moroccan men who father children outside of marriage enjoy legal impunity from paternal responsibilities. Nevertheless, the recent rise of Islamic parties in both countries poses a potential threat to Tunisia’s proactive laws and policies governing SRHR, while adding another obstacle to adequate SRHR provision in Morocco.
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Bougatef, Khemaies, Hedia Jaouadi Teraoui, and Amira Kaddour. "Understanding the major causes of Islamic finance under-development in Tunisia." International Journal of Accounting and Financial Reporting 2, no. 1 (April 14, 2012): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijafr.v2i1.1302.
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The main purpose of this paper is to determine the major causes of the underdevelopment of Islamic finance in Tunisia. Indeed, it’s surprising to note that Zitouna bank established in May 2010 is the first Islamic Tunisian bank although 99% of Tunisians are Muslim and Islam is the religion of the State according to the Constitution.So we rely in our paper on the opinions of number of professors of finance and economics as educated people to prove or reject our hypothesis that the underdevelopment of Islamic finance in Tunisia can be explained by the ignorance of its main principles and advantages. Ours findings reveal that this branch of finance is still largely unknown, not only from public but also from professionals. The results obtained surprisingly show that this insignificance of Islamic banking cannot be explained by the fact that Tunisia has been governed since her independence by a secular left-wing party. Indeed, only 3% of respondents believe that legislation and regulation in Tunisia represent an obstacle to the development of Islamic finance. Moreover, respondents are not very optimistic about the future role of Islamic financing.
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Booley, Ashraf. "Progressive Realisation of Muslim Family Law: The Case of Tunisia." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 22 (October 24, 2019): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2019/v22i0a2029.
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From the time when women's rights were not placed high on the agenda of any state to the time when women's rights are given top priority, Tunisia's gender-friendly legislation requires a fresher look. One would be forgiven for thinking that Tunisia's reforms started after they gained independence from France in the 1950's. In fact, it was during the French Protectorate that reformers started rumours of reform, arguing amongst other issues for affording women more rights than those they were granted under sharia law, which governed family law in Tunisia. After gaining its independence, Tunisia promulgated the Code of Personal Status, which was considered a radical departure from the sharia. It is considered to be the first women-friendly legislation promulgated in the country. It could be argued that Tunisian family law underwent, four waves of reform. The first wave started during the French Protectorate. The second wave started in the 1950's with the codification of Tunisia's family law, which introduced women-friendly legislation. The third wave started in the 1990's with changes to the Code of Personal Status, and the latest wave commenced in 2010. In this article, I analyse the initial, pioneering phases of the reforms resulting from the actions of a newly formed national state interested in building a free society at the end of colonial rule, as well as reforms that have taken place in the modern state since the Arab uprising in Tunisia. As a result of the various waves of reforms, I argue that Tunisia should be seen as the vanguard of women-friendly legislation in the Arab world.
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Muhajir, Muhammad. "REFORMASI HUKUM KELUARGA ISLAM TUNISIA PASCA ARAB SPRING: Antara Liberalisme dan Konservatisme." Al-Ahwal: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga Islam 14, no. 1 (May 12, 2021): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/ahwal.2021.14103.
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After the Arab Spring, which was distinguished by the development of liberalism, Tunisia's personal status law became more progressive. This liberalism is exemplified by the enactment of a law permitting Muslim women to marry non-Muslim men. Tunisia's efforts to liberalize Islamic family law appear to be impeded, however, by the rejection of a proposal to change the law on inheritance equality between men and women. The purpose of this study is to examine the liberalism of Islamic family law in Tunisia. Using information media such as news, articles, and other sources, the research utilizes a descriptive-qualitative strategy with a theoretical and fact-based approach. This article argues that there are at least three reasons for Tunisia's modest liberalization of Islamic family law 1) Avoiding confrontations with secularists as much as possible. 2) Learning from the failure of the 2014 parliamentary general election, which revealed that Tunisians prefer non-religious parties. 3) The idealistic and pragmatic reasons of Ennahdha members.Pasca terjadinya Arab Spring, sistem perpolitikan di Tunisia menjadi lebih demokratis menyebabkan liberalisme pemikiran semakin menguat. Liberalisme tersebut ditunjukan dengan disahkanya undang-undang pernikahan wanita muslimah dengan laki-laki non-muslim. Namun upaya liberalisme hukum keluarga Islam Tunisia tampaknya masih terbatas dengan ditolaknya penyeruan amandemen undang-undang persamaan hukum waris antara laki-laki dan perempuan. Penelitian artikel ini adalah penelitian pustaka (library research). Metode yang penulis gunakan adalah metode deskriptif-kualitatifdengan pendekatan teoritis dan fakta melalui media informasi baik berita, artikel, maupun sumber lainya. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa terjadinya liberalisme terbatas hukum keluarga Islam di Tunisia disebabkan tiga alasan. 1) Menghindari ketegangan dengan kaum sekuler 2) Belajar dari pengalaman kekalahan dalam pemilihan umum legislatif pada tahun 2014 yang menujukan masyarakat Tunisia cenderung memilih partai yang tidak berbasis agama, 3) Motif idealis dan pragmatis anggota partai Ennahdha].
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Bel’Kiry, Leila Najeh. "A Historical Account of Linguistic Imperialism and Educational Policy in Tunisia: From the independence to the ‘Jasmine Revolution’." Indonesian TESOL Journal 3, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24256/itj.v3i1.1742.
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This article is about foreign languages hegemony in Tunisia. It describes the linguistic situation at the macro and micro levels, the Tunisian and the international linguistic communities, the status of English and French languages throughout the world, and their effects on the Tunisian educational policy. The prevalence of French in Tunisia as the language of science and technology between 1956 and 1987, the way the value of English is promoted in the Tunisian educational system between 1987 and 2011 though Tunisia is a French colonized country, and the tendency to linguistic isolationism since 2011, prove the intrinsic link between language and politics. Political changes at international and local levels shape the local linguistic communities.
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Ahn, So Yeon. "The Rise of Populism and Crisis of Democracy: The Case of Tunisia." Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 21, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2022.21.3.29.
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Initially igniting the Arab Spring, Tunisia is the sole participating country that managed to transition toward democracy. However, during the period of political transition since then, the economic crisis has increased. Under the mounting political grievance of Tunisian citizens, populism has risen, which usually emerges when democracy is in crisis. The Tunisian citizens elected current president Kais Saied as an alternative to established politics. However, as the president attempts to decrease the power of political parties, the future of democracy in Tunisia has become more fragile. This study examines the process of transitioning politically to democracy in Tunisia over the past 11 years and explores the current crisis through the lens of populism and democracy. The result confirms that Tunisian citizens’ political grievance stems from the economic crisis and not the transition to democracy. With this reasoning, if the current president cannot address citizens’ political frustration, conditions might enable a second Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia.
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Damak, Donia. "The Research to Remove Barriers Between China and Tunisia in the Shipping Field." International Business Research 11, no. 5 (March 14, 2018): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ibr.v11n5p28.
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Over the years, the trade from China to Mediterranean countries has boomed spectacularly. The fast development of foreign trade has not only pushed China’s port industry and international shipping industry forward considerably, but also provided foreign ocean carriers and terminals opportunities and challengers. As Tunisia is a strategic location, the Tunisian ports overall goals are to increase the number of calls made to it. Then the market study between Mainland China and Tunisia turned to be necessary and meaningful.The objective of this research project is as a first a theoretical review to introduce and describe collaborative logistics management and investigate its consequence on the supply chain. This purpose necessitates a framework to support the collaboration between the entities in the chain especially in terms of logistics activities. Despite the identified needs and potential benefits, there are still barriers, which must be identified to attain desired benefits.On a second part the purpose of this study is to analyze China’s port industry and ocean shipping market in a relation to trade with Tunisia and to recommend some suitable Chinese ports to cooperate with Tunisian ports and find the reason why some top shipping companies are still not carrying goods to Tunisia. Two market surveys are performed, one for finding suitable Chinese ports for the Tunisian ports to cooperate with, and one to collect information from several top shipping companies using the Tunisian ports.In the third and last part a small research study focuses in the costs and quality shipment from China to Tunisia showing Tunisia as a transshipment port for the whole Maghreb. The case of study will be a proof of future consideration for Chinese shipping companies to assure a direct shipping line to the port of Tunisia. The case of study will be affirmed by statistical and theoretical analysis in order to confirm the idea.
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Guetat, Meriem, and Meriem Agrebi. "From Democratic Exception to State of Exception: Covid-19 in the Context of Tunisia’s State of Law." Middle East Law and Governance 14, no. 1 (October 26, 2021): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-13040002.
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Abstract Through an analysis of the early legal and institutional response to Covid-19 in Tunisia, this article demonstrates that the narrative of Tunisia’s democratic exceptionalism following the 2011 revolution is not translated into a liberal legal practice but is instead upheld by an authoritarian rationale that serves the role of a formal channel that legitimizes power discourse. Specifically, this article focuses on what the state of exception, which was declared during the ongoing state of emergency, reveals about the various uses of law in Tunisia. It argues that the state of emergency has become the norm to the Tunisian way of governance post-2011, allowing for the survival of past authoritarian practices where the legal apparatus is used and deployed as a tool of policing and control.
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Hamzaoui, Sonia Mlayah. "Rituels de deuil et symbolisme alimentaire en Tunisie." Anthropology of the Middle East 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2020.150208.
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Abstract: This study focuses on the analysis of eating practices rituals during the different phases of the Tunisian funeral rite. It is based on direct surveys, collected from resource people from different regions of Tunisia as well as on participant observation established on mourning families and relatives. The objective of this study is to highlight the diverse nature of these eating practices compared to Tunisian everyday life, to understand their meaning and the symbolism that they underlie and to appreciate the extent of the changes they have undergone. Field surveys have allowed us to analyse these eating practices rituals according to the objectives that the community seeks to achieve through their observation.Résumé : Cet article porte sur l’analyse des pratiques alimentaires rituelles au cours des différentes phases du rite funéraire tunisien. Elle est basée sur des enquêtes directes auprès de personnes ressources de différentes régions de Tunisie ainsi que sur l’observation participante à des deuils familiaux et de proches. L’objectif de cette étude est de faire ressortir le caractère exceptionnel de ces pratiques alimentaires par rapport au quotidien tunisien, de saisir leur sens et la symbolique qu’elles sous-tendent et d’apprécier l’ampleur des changements qu’elles ont subis. Les enquêtes de terrain nous ont permis de classer ces pratiques alimentaires rituelles en fonction des objectifs que la communauté cherche à atteindre à travers leur observation.
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Prasad, Rajendra, and Anjani Kumar. "Democracy in Tunisia: An Uncertain Path." International Journal of Social Science and Economic Research 09, no. 11 (2024): 5643–51. https://doi.org/10.46609/ijsser.2024.v09i11.044.
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This paper examines Tunisia's turbulent journey toward democracy, focusing on the factors that have shaped its political trajectory since 1987. Beginning with Ben Ali's authoritarian rule, which marginalized religious factions despite economic liberalization, Tunisia's struggle for inclusive development led to the 2011 Jasmine Revolution, uniting various political groups to overthrow him. Although a new constitution was adopted in 2014 and elections were held, Tunisia continued to face economic challenges, with political polarization deepening between secular and religious factions. The rise of Kais Saied in 2019, initially seen as a populist figure, marked a shift toward authoritarianism, undermining Tunisia’s fragile democratic institutions. The paper highlights the complexities and contradictions of Tunisia's democratization process, suggesting that despite initial hopes, the country's democratic experiment has been short-lived due to disunity among key constituents, namely the religious and secular-progressive factions. The paper concludes with a call for further research into Tunisia's current political landscape to better understand its democratic backsliding and the broader implications for the region.
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Nafti, Sawssen. "Confinement, Food security and consumption of subsidized products in Tunisia: Worsening trade deficit." Technium Social Sciences Journal 27 (January 8, 2022): 659–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v27i1.5681.
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The present paper attempts to know if the confinement in Tunisia has an impact on the consumption of subsidized products and in turn on food security and on the trade balance or not. Firstly, by analyzing the place of subsidized products in Tunisian economy. Then via the determination of limits of confinement in Tunisia specially trade deficit. Finally through the analysis of different problems given by confinement on food security and increased of percentage of cancer. According to our analysis, confinement of COVID-19 pandemic has caused an unprecedented economic, food security and financial crisis in Tunisia especially on the trade deficit witch is suffer before of various difficulty. The confinement can be considred a good solution for COVID but it have many limits on food security for Tunisian and on incresed of consumption of subsidized products in Tunisia.
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Rohde, Achim. "Resurrecting Maghreb Pluriel ?: Jews and Postauthoritarian Tunisia." Jewish Social Studies 28, no. 2 (March 2023): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jewisocistud.28.2.07.
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Abstract: The Tunisian revolution of 2011 marked a partial reconfiguration of the political elite and the beginning of a protracted democratization process whose long-term success is far from secured. In this article, I discuss societal/political/cultural transformations toward democracy in Tunisia since 2011 through the prism of its tiny Jewish minority. The perceived homogeneity of Tunisian society has come under increasing scrutiny since the revolution, and this includes a heightened visibility of the country's Jewish community and a degree of public debate on related topics. I focus on three cases: the preservation of Jewish cultural heritage, the demise of an NGO designed to fight racism and antisemitism in Tunisia, and the commemoration of the German occupation of Tunisia during World War II. Addressing contemporary Tunisian history "from the margins" enables a more nuanced understanding of political struggles that accompany processes of de-/re-territorializing Tunisian collective identities.
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Rohde, Achim. "Resurrecting Maghreb Pluriel ?: Jews and Postauthoritarian Tunisia." Jewish Social Studies 28, no. 2 (March 2023): 173–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jss.2023.a901517.
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Abstract: The Tunisian revolution of 2011 marked a partial reconfiguration of the political elite and the beginning of a protracted democratization process whose long-term success is far from secured. In this article, I discuss societal/political/cultural transformations toward democracy in Tunisia since 2011 through the prism of its tiny Jewish minority. The perceived homogeneity of Tunisian society has come under increasing scrutiny since the revolution, and this includes a heightened visibility of the country's Jewish community and a degree of public debate on related topics. I focus on three cases: the preservation of Jewish cultural heritage, the demise of an NGO designed to fight racism and antisemitism in Tunisia, and the commemoration of the German occupation of Tunisia during World War II. Addressing contemporary Tunisian history "from the margins" enables a more nuanced understanding of political struggles that accompany processes of de-/re-territorializing Tunisian collective identities.
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Kacem, Sana, Lobna Abid, and Sonia Ghorbel-Zouari. "Measurement of inclusive growth: evidence from Tunisia." Economics of Development 18, no. 3 (December 25, 2019): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ed.18(3).2019.03.
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In most economies, strategies that promote greater equity and less precariousness have become more than a necessity for reducing the effects of poverty. Thus, the focus is on inclusive growth by policy makers and institutions in charge of development and poverty alleviation. For Tunisia, there was a broad consensus on the need for structural reforms to promote inclusive economic growth that reduce social inequalities and regional disparities. This article aims to determine a synthetic indicator of inclusive growth in Tunisia. The method used is the Principal Component Analysis (PCA). The purpose of the latter is to provide weightings that take into account the variability of the data through time. The results found showed that Tunisia’s Inclusive Growth Index (IGI) deteriorated during the period from 1980 to 2017, falling from 5.35 to –3.40. The Tunisian government must embark on deep structural reforms to open up channels for a more egalitarian and inclusive society and put the country on a path to more sustainable development.
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Bassil, Noah, and Nourhan Kassem. "The Subtle Dynamics of Power Struggles in Tunisia: Local media since the Arab Uprisings." Media and Communication 9, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 286–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i4.4452.
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This article contributes to the analysis of local media and democratic transformation in Tunisia since the Arab Uprisings. It aims to assess the extent to which pluralism, freedom of expression, and participation—central tenets of democratisation—are evident at the local level. Tunisian local media, unlike the national media, is relatively free of governmental control. Local media is also decentralised. It is this autonomy from the government which makes the analysis of local media fundamentally important for understanding politics in Tunisia. While national media is linked to the most powerful elements in the country, the diversity of voices within the media at the local level provides an opportunity to grasp the grievances, struggles, and agency of people in Tunisia, especially the most marginalised communities. This article will detail the changes in the media landscape, especially for local media, in Tunisia and connect our analysis of local media to better understand the Tunisia that has developed between dictatorship and democracy and the extent that the fledgling Tunisian democracy can withstand its most recent test.
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Bahauddin, Ahmad. "TINJAUAN SOSIO-POLITIK TERHADAP LARANGAN POLIGAMI (Pembaharuan Hukum Keluarga Tunisia)." Familia: Jurnal Hukum Keluarga 1, no. 2 (December 28, 2020): 163–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24239/familia.v1i2.16.
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The practice of polygamy which is carried out by some Tunisian society generally torments the wife. This is the basis for the prohibition of polygamy in Tunisia. The purpose of this research is to find out about the prohibition of polygamy in Tunisia which is contained in the Tunisian Family Law. This study uses literature research that focuses on the object of study on existing books and literature. While the method used in this research is descriptive-analysis method, which provides an overview and analyzes the Tunisian family law regarding the prohibition of polygamy. The results of this study indicate that the Tunisian State in implementing the law on the prohibition of polygamy cannot be separated from social politics. The factor is the number of husbands who torment their wives and children. This is one of the reasons that makes the law on the prohibition of polygamy come into effect. Because of the injustice committed by husbands to their wives. But in reality the regulations on the prohibition of polygamy are still not running optimally. This is because there is no common will between the government and the people.
Abstrak
Praktek poligami yang dilakukan oleh sebagian masyarakat Tunisia pada umumnya menyengsarakan pihak isteri. Inilah yang menjadi dasar pelarangan Poligami di Tunisia. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mencari tau terhadap pelarangan poligami di Negara Tunisia yang termuat dalam Hukum Keluarga Tunisia. Penelitian ini menggunakan penelitian kepustakaan yang memfokuskan pada objek kajian pada buku-buku dan literature yang ada. Sedangkan metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode deskriptif-analisis, yaitu memberikan gambaran dan menganalisis Hukum Keluarga Tunisia terkait tentang pelarangan poligami. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa Negara Tunisia dalam penerapan undang-undang tentang larangan poligami tidak lepas dari social politik. Faktornya ialah dengan banyaknya para suami yang menyengsarakan pihak isteri dan anak. Inilah salah satu penyebab yang menjadikan berlakunya perundang-undangan tentang larangan poligami. Karena ketidakadilan yang dilakukan suami terhadap para isterinya. Tetapi pada kenyataannya peraturan larangan poligami tersebut berjalan masih belum maksimal. Ini disebabkan karena tidak adanya kesamaan kehendak antara pemerintah dan masyarakat.
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Jeribi, Ahmed, and Yasmin Snene Manzli. "Can cryptocurrencies be a safe haven during the novel COVID-19 pandemic? Evidence from the Tunisian Stock Market." Journal of Research in Emerging Markets 3, no. 1 (October 30, 2020): 14–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.30585/jrems.v3i1.555.
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In this paper, we discuss the behavior of stock market returns in Tunisia during the COVID-19 outbreak. Using the OLS regression, we find that Bitcoin act as a hedge and Ethereum as a diversifier for Tunisia’s stock market before the COVID-19 outbreak; however, Bitcoin and Ethereum cannot generate benefits from portfolio diversification and hedging strategies for financial investors during the COVID-19. Moreover, Dash, Monero, and Ripple act as hedges before the COVID-19 outbreak and as diversifiers during this pandemic. Our results reveal that gold acts as a hedge and diversifier before the pandemic, but it's neither hedge nor a haven during the COVID-19 pandemic. Besides, the results indicated that the expected volatility of the US stock market has an impact on the Tunisian stock market. Finally, our results indicate that the growth rate of the COVID-19 confirmed cases and deaths harms Tunisia's stock market.
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Ben Khedher, Hassib, Mohamed Braham, and Ikbal Chaieb. "The State of the Art of the Tunisian Apidae Fauna (Hymenoptera: Anthophila)." Sociobiology 69, no. 3 (September 7, 2022): e8151. http://dx.doi.org/10.13102/sociobiology.v69i3.8151.
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Based on a review of the available literature, the state of the art and a checklist of the fauna of the Apidae family of Tunisia is presented. The first list of the species of the family is given. 184 species and subspecies belonging to 19 genera, 12 tribes and three subfamilies were listed. Distribution of recorded taxa from Tunisia and from the world is provided. Apinae is the subfamily with the highest species richness with 89 species. Nomada has the highest number of species represented by 62 taxa. The Tunisian East center is the least species-diversified regions with only 16 species and subspecies reported so far. Five species are endemic to Tunisian fauna. Eight Nomada and one Anthophora species were collected from Tunisia, but their identity should be re-confirmed. The presence of Thyreomelecta sibirica (Radoszkowski, 1893) in Tunisia is doubtful and a re-examination and confirmation are needed.
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Hakim, Lukman. "Perkembangan Hukum Keluarga di Tunisia." JURNAL PAI: Jurnal Kajian Pendidikan Agama Islam 1, no. 2 (December 14, 2022): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33507/pai.v1i2.1014.
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Islamic family law in Tunisia is unique because of Tunisian radicalism. This is because the process of formulating and structuring Islamic family law in Tunisia is not just an attempt to codify (bookkeeping) the Maliki school of law. However, these are also progressive and revolutionary steps to legalize and regulate administration in the field of law, particularly about family law. This is evidenced by the birth of the Tunisian Code of Personal Status. Judging from the historicity of the formation of the CPST, it was heavily influenced by France. In addition, there are also Nationalists who have a secular educational background. The legal reforms carried out by the Tunisian government, in terms of existing problems, do not intend to deviate and abandon the principles of Islamic law, but rather are caused by the government's desire to ensure the welfare, peace and benefit of the Tunisian nation and people themselves
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KHEDHER, HASSIB BEN, EROL YILDIRIM, MOHAMED BRAHAM, and TOSHKO LJUBOMIROV. "First checklist of Tunisian sphecid wasps (Hymenoptera: Sphecidae) with new and additional records." Zootaxa 4801, no. 2 (June 18, 2020): 301–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4801.2.6.
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The first checklist of Sphecidae of Tunisia is established. It is based on literature, on examination of Tunisian specimens present in the Muséum National d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris, France), and on specimens recently collected in Tunisia. Fifty-three species and subspecies belonging to 10 genera, 3 tribes and 4 subfamilies are listed. Three species: Parapsammophila errabunda (Kohl, 1901), Eremochares luteus (Taschenberg, 1869) and Prionyx macula (Fabricius, 1804) are recorded for the first time from Tunisia.
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Gabsi, Zouhir. "Rap and Mizoued Music: Claiming a Space for Dissent and Protest in Post-Arab Spring Tunisia." Sociological Research Online 25, no. 4 (February 2, 2020): 626–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419898494.
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The Arab Spring in Tunisia has brought with it positive changes, such as freedom of expression and democracy. However, Tunisians have found that these applauded achievements have not improved their living conditions. After Ben Ali was ousted in 2010, the decline of Tunisia’s economy was exacerbated by internal and external factors such as global recession, a dysfunctional liberal economy, internal political infighting, and corruption. To ventilate their frustration and dismay with the government and the overall socio-economic situation in Tunisia, some Tunisians turn to the music of rap and Mizoued in search for a new space where there is solace and escapism. Mizoued music and rap deal with core issues about the living conditions in Tunisia, such as ḥarga (border jumping, clandestine migration). Most rappers and Mzēwdiyye (Mizoued players) represent the houma (neighbourhood), and it is their connection with frustrated youths and struggling Tunisians that influenced these two genres to merge and gain popularity in their shared history of marginalization. The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it analyses the points of convergence and divergence of these two genres in terms of themes and authenticity. Second, it discusses how rap and Mizoued discourses use the notion of ‘space’ in the development of the artists’ trajectories and narratives in three domains: cultural, political, and sociological. Within these domains, Bourdieu’s social concepts of habitus, cultural capital, and field throw light on how ‘taste’, power’, and ‘class’ are exercised in the three domains.
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Mansour, Nadia. "Green banks in Tunisia: Issues and challenges." Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 7, no. 2 (August 11, 2023): 2099. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v7i2.2099.
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This paper explores the development of the concept of “green banks” in Tunisia, focusing on the role of regulators and the central bank in ensuring this transmission. The paper also examines the involvement of banks in the green economic transition and the various challenges. The study is based on the review of articles and research works regarding the emergence of green banks, especially in Tunisia (2018–2022); it also collected information and statistics from the websites and reports of Tunisian banks. The results of this work showed the critical role played by the Central Bank of Tunisia in encouraging banks to move towards greening the system. Also, several Tunisian banks are aware of the seriousness of climate change and have tried to implement several initiatives and services to accelerate green growth. However, Tunisia still needs to catch up with developed and some developing countries. Our findings help bankers and regulators better address climate change and its effect on the financial sector to achieve greater financial stability. These results contribute to banking in Tunisia by providing bankers and regulators with new tools to manage the impact of climate change on the banking sector.
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Boulila Taktak, Neila, and Sarra Ben Slama Zouari. "Tunisia Islamic finance: overview and future prospects." Journal of Islamic Accounting and Business Research 5, no. 1 (April 8, 2014): 2–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jiabr-02-2014-0007.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to better understand the current state of the Islamic financial system in Tunisia. In addition, it is aimed at discussing the preconditions that can help exploit the potential development of Tunisia's Islamic finance and expand the banked population. Design/methodology/approach – The paper describes the regulatory and legal framework governing the Tunisian Islamic banks. It provides a mapping of Islamic banks, mutual funds, Takaful institutions and a potential Sukuk market. The paper also relates recent developments including academic qualifications and training in Islamic finance. Findings – The paper concludes with various recommendations for the successful transition from a niche position to a critical mass. It argues the need to establish a specific regulatory framework, supervisory standards and rules of accounting for this kind of institutions. It suggests the development of Islamic financial education to strengthen the role played by the Islamic financing Ecosystem and to help Tunisia promote local and exportable expertise to other countries. Finally, authorities should focus more on promoting market Sukuk, Takaful and microcredit to fund SME. Originality/value – This paper contributes to the assessment of the current situation of Islamic finance in Tunisia by performing a full scan of the Islamic financial landscape instead of being limited only to Islamic banks. It proposes some prerequisites to benefit from the opportunities offered by the Islamic finance industry in Tunisia to take advantage of its future potential and ensure its promotion.
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Slim, Amine, Luciana Piarulli, Houda Chennaoui Kourda, Mustapha Rouaissi, Cyrine Robbana, Ramzi Chaabane, Domenico Pignone, Cinzia Montemurro, and Giacomo Mangini. "Genetic Structure Analysis of a Collection of Tunisian Durum Wheat Germplasm." International Journal of Molecular Sciences 20, no. 13 (July 9, 2019): 3362. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijms20133362.
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The Tunisian durum wheat germplasm includes modern cultivars and traditional varieties that are still cultivated in areas where elite cultivars or intensive cultivation systems are not suitable. Within the frame of a collection program of the National Gene Bank of Tunisia (NGBT), durum wheat germplasm was collected from different Tunisian agro-ecological zones. The collected samples were studied using simple sequence repeats (SSRs) markers to explore the genetic diversity and evaluate the genetic structure in Tunisian germplasm. The results demonstrated significant diversity in the Tunisian durum wheat germplasm, with clear differentiation between traditional varieties and modern cultivars. The population structure analysis allowed the identification of five subpopulations, two of which appear to be more strongly represented in germplasm collected in central and southern Tunisia, where environmental conditions at critical development phases of the plant are harsher. Moreover these subpopulations are underrepresented in modern varieties, suggesting that traits of adaptation useful for breeding more resilient varieties might be present in central and southern germplasm. Moreover, our results will support, the activity of in situ on farm conservation of Tunisian durum wheat germplasm started by the National Gene Bank of Tunisia along with the ex situ approach.
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Moumni, Ridha. "Archaeology and Cultural Policy in Ottoman Tunisia Part I: Muhammad Khaznadar (1865–70)." Muqarnas Online 37, no. 1 (October 2, 2020): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-00371p10.
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Abstract During the period of the “Great Reforms” (1837–81), the Ottoman province of Tunisia underwent major changes in its political, military, and economic arenas. This was also the case in the field of archaeology, where the history of excavations in Tunisia had been characterized by competition among foreign archaeologists seeking to enrich their national museums as a reflection of European imperialism. This dynamic would soon change thanks to Muhammad Khaznadar, the elder son of the grand vizier Mustafa Khaznadar. Through a unique trajectory that led him to study with the French historian Ernest Desjardin in Paris from 1863 to 1865, Muhammad Khaznadar developed a passion for antiquities that he would later apply by being the first Tunisian to excavate Carthage. The young dignitary rapidly gathered an important collection of antiquities that he displayed at the World’s Fair in Paris and acquired an international reputation as a modern man. Soon, he secured a “monopoly over antiquities,” which prevented the export of archaeological artifacts from Tunisia. Based on unpublished archives, this inquiry focuses on the rise of Muhammad Khaznadar as a collector and his role in the major cultural reforms that led Tunisians to claim the material remains of their pre-Islamic heritage.
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Ben Hassine, Adel. "Internet en Tunisie (Internet in Tunisia)." Bulletin de l'Association de géographes français 78, no. 1 (2001): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bagf.2001.2194.
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Heibach, Jens, and Tereza Jermanová. "Coalition Maintenance during Democratization: Comparative Insights from Tunisia and Yemen." Middle East Law and Governance 15, no. 3 (April 4, 2023): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-20231398.
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Abstract In light of the oft-cited benefits of power sharing, this paper compares two cases of coalition governments that emerged from domestically initiated transition processes in the Arab world: the Tunisian Troika (2011–2014) and the Yemeni Coalition Government (1993–1994). While the former facilitated Tunisia’s democratization, the latter’s disintegration contributed to the 1994 war and Yemen’s authoritarian backsliding. It asks why coalition cooperation endured in Tunisia but not in Yemen, exploring intra-elite relations, the power dynamics at play, as well as elites’ motivations in launching and maintaining cooperation. The paper reveals that both coalitions’ internal functioning was hampered by adverse power configurations and ideological differences. In Yemen, intra-elite relations were further impaired by mutual distrust. Crucially, a history of sustained partnership along with normative commitment to the idea of power sharing, existent in Tunisia and not in Yemen, explains why cooperation within the Troika remained solid amid unfavorable circumstances.
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Arfaoui, Khedija, and Jane Tchaïcha. "GOVERNANCE, WOMEN, AND THE NEW TUNISIA." TERRORISM FROM THE VIEW OF MUSLIMS 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0801135a.
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This paper considers the important events and challenges as they per- tain to female governance in the “New Tunisia”, resulting in large part from the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) elections charged with writing a new constitution. The analysis focuses on the role women played in the election process, including women’s participation in the interim government (January 2011-November 9, 2011) and political parties. It continues with an in depth ex- amination of the debates and actions that emergedamong various factions during the first two years following the revolution, which has led to increased concern about the preservation of Tunisian women’s rights. The principal re- search question asks, “To what extend have Tunisian women been able to par- ticipate actively in shaping the new Tunisia and will this trend continue?” The study integrates several investigative approaches: historical narrative of fac- tual events, participant observation (from both researchers), interviews, and careful review of the ongoing actions and activities of women’s groups and societal challenges since October 23, 2011, which in turn, has spunconsiderable debate within Tunisian society about the status of women in the new Tunisia.
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Parikh, Shreya. "Within and Outside the Black-Maghrebi Binary." Meridians 23, no. 2 (October 1, 2024): 490–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-11266436.
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Abstract What does it mean to be both Black and Tunisian, Black and Maghrebi, when the two identities are defined as different from each other, and in opposition with each other, in both North Africa and its diaspora? This article is an annotated conversation with Dr. Maha Abdelhamid, a Tunisian Black activist and scholar who has been crucial to the creation of the Black movement in Tunisia and Tunisian diaspora. This conversation examines the construction and negotiation of Tunisian-Black and Maghrebi-Black identities through Abdelhamid’s experiences of living in and working against racism in both Tunisia and France. It details Abdelhamid’s trajectory in becoming conscious of her Black and African identities, her complex relationship with her Arab identity, her role in building the Black movement in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution, and her arrival in France and experiences of exclusion in both Maghrebi diasporic as well as Black feminist civil society organizations. The interview points to the possible essentialization of Maghrebi and Black as separate identities not only in socio-political discourses that racialize and marginalize these groups, but also among groups challenging Islamophobia or anti-Blackness, leaving those with overlapping identities and racializing experiences outside their scope.
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Gobe, Eric, and Lena Salaymeh. "Tunisia's “Revolutionary” Lawyers: From Professional Autonomy to Political Mobilization." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 02 (2016): 311–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12154.
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On January 14, 2011, after twenty‐three years in power and one month of popular protest demanding his resignation, President Ben Ali fled Tunisia. Lawyers, wearing their official robes, had marched frequently in the uprising's demonstrations. By engaging with and supporting the uprising, lawyers—both the profession in general and the bar's leadership—gained considerable symbolic influence over the post‐uprising government that replaced Ben Ali's regime. This article outlines the various forms of political lawyering undertaken by Tunisian lawyers and their professional associations from Tunisia's independence to post‐uprising transitions. We demonstrate that economic concerns, professional objectives, and civic professionalism contributed to the collective action of Tunisian lawyers before and after the uprising. Tunisian lawyers moved beyond the realm of their profession to adopt a role as overseers of the post‐uprising government.
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Webb, Edward. "The ‘Church’ of Bourguiba: Nationalizing Islam in Tunisia." Sociology of Islam 1, no. 1-2 (2013): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00101002.
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An inquiry in historical sociology using textual interpretation of educational curricular documents to analyze the role assigned to Islam in the official ideology of Tunisia under its first post-independence president, Habib Bourguiba. Adapting a typology of religions in politics proposed by Bruce Lincoln, the article argues that the rationalized, controlled version of Islam promoted in Tunisia’s schools as part of a top-down revolution has its genealogy in similar efforts in Turkey and earlier in revolutionary and Third Republic France, and should be labeled ‘Jacobin.’ It concludes that the present polarization of Tunisian politics may be attributed in part to the partial success of Bourguiba’s project of republican identity formation, promoting different relationships to Islam among different classes of citizens.
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Biddlestone, Jessica. "The Olive Grove of Rome." French Politics, Culture & Society 38, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2020.380306.
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In 1892, the French resident general in Tunisia launched the first state-sponsored colonization effort in the Tunisian protectorate. Based on Paul Bourde’s study of ancient Roman agriculture, the colonization plan explicitly sought to remake Roman prosperity in central Tunisia by fostering the cultivation of olives. Examining Bourde’s study of the ancient past and his work as director of agriculture in Tunisia, this article explores the connections between the study of the Roman Empire and the development of colonialism in North Africa. In tracing this history, this article highlights how the study and use of Roman ruins in French Tunisia inspired an appreciation for the role that technology and material development played in supporting the spread of Roman civilization and culture.
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Bouattour, Ali, Fatma Khrouf, Adel Rhim, and Youmna M’ghirbi. "First Detection of the Asian Tiger Mosquito, Aedes (Stegomyia) albopictus (Diptera: Culicidae), in Tunisia." Journal of Medical Entomology 56, no. 4 (April 10, 2019): 1112–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jme/tjz026.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractAedes albopictus (Skuse) is a widespread invasive mosquito vector species with a distribution including tropical and temperate climates; its range is still expanding. Aedes albopictus populations were recently detected in Morocco and Algeria, the countries neighboring Tunisia, but never in Tunisia. In 2018, we initiated an intensive field study using BG-Sentinel Traps, ovitraps, larval surveys, and citizens’ reports to determine whether Ae. albopictus populations exist in Tunisia. In October 2018, we collected adults and larval stages of Ae. albopictus in Carthage, Amilcar, and La Marsa, less than 20 km, northeast of Tunis, the Tunisian capital. These Ae. albopictus larvae were primarily collected from Phoenician funeral urns at the archeological site of Carthage. This is, to our knowledge, the first detection of Ae. albopictus in Tunisia.
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Nouira, Asma. "The Tunisian ‘Exception’ and the Role of the EU: Perspectives from Tunisia." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Special Issue (May 1, 2020): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020011.
Full textAbstract:
The Tunisian transition has been and is mostly led to a substantial amount by civil society actors. As such, Tunisia constitutes a particular case for evaluating the role of the EU which presents itself as a supporter of civil society. How, indeed, are its presence and practices perceived by those actors? Based on more than thirty interviews, the authors find that Tunisian stakeholders see an EU presence in the transition process, even though it is not perceived as decisive to date. Rather, some of the EU practices raise questions about its presence, specifically when they are more responsive to the European security paradigm while being unresponsive to Tunisian socio-economic needs. Tunisia, democratic transition, citizenship, constitution, human rights
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CHAABOUNI, Karim. "Assessing Tunisian Exports towards the European Union: Intensity, Complementarity and Gravity Estimation." Asian Journal of Economic Modelling 10, no. 1 (April 26, 2022): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.55493/5009.v10i1.4476.
Full textAbstract:
The Tunisian economy faces various challenges. Within a local and international environment full of constraints, several defies call to missing requirements like economic growth, employment, balance of payments’ equilibrium, etc… Despite these concerns, Tunisian economy remains open to the Rest of the World. Openness is consolidated since decades by Tunisian membership in the World Trade Organization (WTO), as well as by the country’s regional integration with various partners. In this field, the major involvement in world markets is confirmed by the Association Agreement (AA) concluded between Tunisia and the European Union (EU) in 1995, which launched and established a Free Trade Area (FTA) covering industrial products. Indeed the Tunisian trade remains strongly linked to EU and such links are expected to be reinforced since Tunisia and the EU have currently negotiated over the expansion of the FTA to agriculture and services within a project of Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement (DCFTA). The purpose of this paper is to focus on Tunisian exports towards the EU by assessing both the intensity and the complementarity of the trade side “from Tunisia to the EU”. Besides, by considering the Gravitational model, the aim of this paper is to identify the determinants of orienting Tunisian exports towards the EU. The findings highlight the concentration of Tunisian exports towards few EU countries despite a middle trade compatibility with all EU countries. Gravity estimation results, in line with previous works, point out the key roles of language and geographical proximity.