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1

Ikhenoba, Williams. "Woodrow Wilson's 1887 Essay on Administration and the Challenges Before 21st Century Scholars." AKSU Journal of Administration and Corporate Governance 2, no. 1 (April 15, 2022): 43–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.61090/aksujacog.2022.004.

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Woodrow Wilson in his epoch making essay, “The Study of Administration” in 1887 said: “it is getting to be harder to ran a constitution (government) than to frame one” (politics). Wilson’s argument on the job of government being harder than politics has remained as relevant in today’s world as at when it was first propounded. Regrettably, the variables that continue to make the task of running the government harder are yet to be clearly identified and articulated with solutions provided. This article x-rayed contemporary factors that makes the task of running the government (public administration) difficult and provides an impetus for a deliberate, intentional, constructive and systematic approach to solve the problems. Using the historical and qualitative research approach, the paper offered useful findings and conclusions and recommended that the time for scholars in the field to arise to the present challenge and come up with new empirical solutions to the problems encountered in running the government is NOW. The challenges should be clearly articulated and pragmatic solutions offered just as the father of the discipline, Wilson did in 1887.
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2

LIJPHART, AREND. "Democracy in the 21st century: can we be optimistic?" European Review 9, no. 2 (May 2001): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798701000163.

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The prospects for the spread of democracy around the world in the 21st century appear to be bright, but there are also important reasons for pessimism. One is that politicians and constitution-writers in the democracies are not aware of, or choose to ignore, compelling social science evidence concerning the superiority of parliamentary systems of government and proportional representation (in contrast to presidential government and majoritarian electoral systems). The older democracies are not in danger of failing, but they are losing much of their democratic vitality, as seen in the decline of people's interest in politics, decreasing voter participation, and the serious weakening of political parties. For these problems, too, parliamentarism and proportional representation are at least partial remedies, but stronger measures (such as compulsory voting) also deserve to be considered seriously
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Żuber, Marian, and Samuel Sahel Moussa. "Arab Spring as a Background of Civil War in Syria." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0038.

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Abstract In the paper the reasons of outbreak of conflict in Syria at the background of social and political situation of the Arab world at the beginning of 21st century were presented. The influence of displeasure explosion against governments in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, known as Arab Spring, on the situation in Syria was described. The attention on escalation of tensions between Bashar al-Assad’s government and opposition as a source of civil war in Syria was paid. The foreign players at the arena of Syrian conflict with special concern to United States and Russia activity, as a main contractors in the conflict were shown
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Mahmoudi, Hamid, Keith Walker, Abdolrahim Navehebrahim, Hamidreza Arasteh, and Hossein Abbasian. "The Missing Pieces in the Puzzle of Iranian Undergraduate General Education: Quantitative Findings." Comparative and International Education 49, no. 1 (December 14, 2020): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/cie-eci.v49i1.13431.

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The general education (GE) literature suggests that there is a mismatch of courses offered to students in Iranian higher education institutions such that the needs of 21st-century students are unmet by these curricula. This article points to the missing pieces in terms of learning and content gaps in many of the undergraduate GE programs designed under the influence of policy, values, and politics which originate from both religious and government interests. The article explores undergraduate students’ general 21st-century skill requirements and examines the extant curricula for possible gaps. The gap analysis points to the need for up-to-date general skills such as thinking skills, decision-making, research, awareness of international issues, lifelong learning, problem-solving, critical thinking, and it offers that these remedies might be a precious investment in Iran’s higher education for the future of that society.
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5

Montiel, G. L. "The new Mexican political system: reconfiguration of capacities and power." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 1 (August 23, 2020): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-1-10-27.

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There exist different elements that contribute to the idea of the political system as such in the context of the Mexican experience, but also that serve as referents that characterize the recent past. For that reason, we present a scheme of analysis – with political trends that are being built and that differentiate the new Mexican political system compared to that of the 20th century. Based on a model of the political system as the methodology of the analysis, we will track the trends of the changing Mexican politics during the 21st century. The destruction of the institutions of the old political system is associated with a long process of political struggle, which has provided for the creation of new institutions, but in very specific political spaces. The article traces the changes in the political system of Mexico in the 21st century in its various spheres and manifestations: public authority, party system, electoral complex, civil society, the process of democratization. We consider the evolution of the three branches of government and analyze their current balance.
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Zhambaeva, Uliana, Bair Zhambaev, Kairat Osmonaliev, and Bakyt Kakeshov. "Promoting socio-religious rights of Tibetan Buddhists in China in the 21st century: Legislators and political realities." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University Series Physics, no. 56 (May 30, 2024): 1808–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.54919/physics/56.2024.180su8.

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Relevance. The study of the formation of relations between the Chinese political elite and Tibetan Buddhism in this period is critical for understanding the main aspects of political, interfaith and intercultural interaction in the region both in the 21st century and today. Purpose. The study aims to analyse how the social and religious rights of Tibetan Buddhist followers are ensured in modern China, taking into account the existing laws and political situation in the 21st century. Methodology. The study employs historical, comparative, and systematic methods to analyze legislative documents, official policies, and scholarly literature in order to examine the socio-religious rights of Tibetan Buddhists in China in the 21st century, considering both legal frameworks and political realities. Results. The study demonstrates the role and importance of international law in the context of the complex religious policy of the Chinese Communist Party. The author shows the influence of the reforms of the communist government on the process of changing the role of traditional religious institutions in public life. The study revealed the impact of reforms on the nature of interethnic relations in the region. The study examines aspects of the ethnic policy of the Communist Party of China on the subsequent process of formation of civil and religious identity in the region. Conclusions. The study concludes that relations between the Chinese Communist Party and Tibetan Buddhist leaders are complex, focusing on lama reincarnation, while government policies significantly impact Tibetan demographics, ethnicity, and culture. Keywords: international law; freedom of religion; conflict; soteriology; regional autonomy; soft power politics
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7

Rather, Aqib Yousuf. "Is Gender Discrimination Still Alive In the 21st Century." Journal of Women Empowerment and Studies, no. 24 (June 28, 2022): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.55529/jwes.24.11.17.

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Gender equality is a requirement of human rights. Reducing gender disparities and giving women greater agency have been part of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) since their inception in 2000. Millions of women and girls around the world are still subjected to discrimination because of their gender. Women faced social and economic discrimination that prevented them from enjoying the same freedoms as males. In today's world, where women hold positions of power in every industry, it's hard to imagine this happening. Throughout the male-dominated worlds of business and wrestling, influential women have made a difference. Despite this improvement, the majority of Indian families continue to discriminate against women and girls. Creating a sustainable, prosperous, and peaceful world requires a commitment to gender equality and human rights. Equal rights will have a positive impact on society, sustainable economies, mankind, and the world if they are guaranteed. Several initiatives have been launched by the Indian government in support of gender equality. In order to bring women's educational, health, and economic status up to par with men's, a number of programmes, initiatives, and policies have been implemented. The standing of women is elevated by international organisations in order to achieve gender equality. As long as views toward women haven't progressed at the same rate as legislative reform, they will continue to confront discrimination in the workplace, at home, and in politics. Issues of gender are ideological in nature. Stereotypes must be dismantled in order to end gender discrimination. Gender equality can only be achieved through changing men's and women's attitudes and mindsets. The purpose of the study is to investigate whether or not certain aspects of prejudice based on gender are still prevalent in the 21st century.
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8

Theodore, John D. "The Process Of Globalization In Latin America." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 14, no. 1 (December 30, 2014): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v14i1.9044.

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The purpose of this article was to examine and evaluate the historical and developmental process of globalization in Latin America from the 1970s to the second decade of the 21st century and make proposals for the additional developments needed in education, society, labor, management, politics, economics, business, government, and legal areas in order for the region to attain higher developmental levels in regional integration and globalization on a continuous basis. It also examined the advantages and disadvantages of globalization as perceived by its proponents and adversaries in the region.
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9

Sidorenko, Irina N. "The Crisis of Democracy and the Problem of Democratic Peace." Russian Journal of Philosophical Sciences 65, no. 3 (September 16, 2022): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.30727/0235-1188-2022-65-3-39-57.

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The author analyzes three waves of the crisis of democracy during the 20th and early 21st centuries. The first crisis of democracy in the early 20th century is caused by the emergence and development of public politics, which challenged the possibility to govern the masses having conflict potential, it balanced the power of the people and universal suffrage with the control of the media in order to maintain the stability of political system. The second wave of the crisis of democracy (the last third of the 20th century) is associated with the destruction of the conventional world and the weakening of the nation-state; and its markers were: the imbalance between the branches of government, the domination of economics over politics, the predominance of equality over freedom, the problematic implementation of human rights, and, as a consequence, the inability to put into practice the national form of democracy. The third wave of crisis (early the 21st century) is accompanied by the transformation of democracy into post-democracy, in which the power of the people is replaced by the power of global capital, and the illusion of consent is reinforced by the prohibition of alternative points of view and the narrowing of the space of issues allowed for discussion in the name of public security. The crisis of the policy to achieve peace through the transformation of the balance of powers into a balance of interests called into question the principles of democracy. On the contrary, post-democracies justify the use of force to spread democracy around the world, and they take an active part in contemporary military conflicts, which can rightly be defined as hybrid proxy wars. Drawing on J. Habermas’s concept of communicative rationality, the author concludes that to overcome the crisis of democracy it is necessary to accept the very possibility of an alternative to this form of government and allow to discuss these previously marginalized issues as well as to maintain the return of the majority to genuine communication and politics, contribute to its enlightenment.
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10

Fisanov, Vоlоdymyr. "Immigration policy and the problem of renewal of multiculturalism practices in modern Canada." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 50–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.50-59.

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The goal of the article is to analyze certain aspects of Canada’s immigration policy in the context of contemporary realities, considering the concept of multiculturalism. In the paper, there are outlined the main stages of Canadian immigration policy and its impact on the politics of multiculturalism. The author emphasizes that the policy of multiculturalism, proclaimed by the Government of Canada in its modern interpretation in the late 1980s, has transformed in the first decades of the 21st century. It was caused by such factors as the rise of terrorist attacks, illegal migration and the widening of migration from South-East Asia. It was shown that Canadian immigration policy evolved to more open and liberal since the end of World War II, but at the beginning of the 21st century, the situation radically changed. This trend was especially noticeable during the activities of the conservative governments of S. Harper (2006-2015). Conservative government policy was marked by the introduction of restrictive immigration laws and the extension of bureaucratic procedures. In particular, some provisions of the «Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act» of June 19, 2014, were analyzed. It was emphasized that this legal action had been crushed by the Bar Association of Canada, as well as in the Open Letter of 60 well-known scholars and community members to the Prime Minister of Canada. Another trend of last developments in Canadian multicultural society was influenced by American negative attitudes towards Muslims. Today, the Government of Canada must review and substantially add a policy of multiculturalism. However, it should not become a hostage to the political struggle between liberals and conservatives in the contemporary difficult realities. The escalation of feelings of danger and intolerance, based on the dialectical thе «еnemy-friend» opposition, no longer works in a society. But people are looking for effective democratic dialogue in order to normalize relationships in the multicolored society of the early 21st century.
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11

Mina, Hao. "Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 3 (July 15, 2021): p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.

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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government policies towards different gender. The male’s changing attitude towards female in gender role has also exposed the socialization process in Australia. Through close scrutiny, it is found that feminism is still very much relevant in Australia.
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12

Zygadło, Grażyna. "“We’re missing the Latino attorney or astronaut as the hero”: Latinx Presence in Hollywood in the 20th and 21st Centuries." Polish Journal for American Studies, no. 16 (2022) (December 22, 2022): 43–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/pjas.16/2022.04.

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The article examines the Latinx presence throughout the history of American cinema and analyses the reasons for the mis- and underrepresentation of Latinos/as in Hollywood productions focusing on major stereotypes and politics of American government towards this ethnic group influencing their cinematic description. The final part discusses the recent works produced by Latinos/as and telling their stories in the twenty-first century to demonstrate that Latinos/as are the integral part of American society who want to be justly represented and have the possibility to speak in their own name.
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13

Wunti, Musa. "CITIES IN THE 21st CENTURY: A CHALLENGE FOR SUSTAINABLE URBAN SPENDING IN BAUCHI-NIGERIA." Social Science and Law Journal of Policy Review and Development Strategies 10, no. 1 (April 4, 2023): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ssljprds.v10.i1.09.

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This paper is aimed at explaining the relationship between growth of cities in the developing countries and urban governance in the 21st century. The Nigerian experience in fiscal matters has posed numerous challenges to urban finance as well as sustainability of urbanization and its development. The joint account system between states and the local governments has generated numerous contentions as to how the system will operate without creating setback to local governance. While the joint account system affects good governance, the states are using it as weapons against any disloyal elected chairman in some quarters. In order to finance viable projects, local government need resource at all levels to be mobilized and also put into proper use for urban management. Therefore, the paper examined the phenomenon of urban politics in one of the major cities of Nigeria. The study conducted documentary research of city development in the 21st century, with specific reference to Bauchi Metropolis in Nigeria, to give explanation and predict what will be the future of urbanization and sustainable development in developing countries. It assumed that high level of poverty, decay in social infrastructure, legal obstacles and pattern of physical planning are found to be the major predictors of problem bedeviling urban governance.
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14

Peutz, Nathalie. "Heritage in (the) Ruins." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 4 (October 16, 2017): 721–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000678.

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First-time European and American visitors to the United Arab Emirates, where I live, are often surprised by the prevalence of heritage villages, festivals, and sports in hypermodern Abu Dhabi and Dubai. “Heritage” in the Arab Gulf, as elsewhere in the Middle East, is a central and growing industry, attracting the attention of scholars as well as investors and tourists. At the same time, much of the region's—and the world's—invaluable cultural heritage has been and continues to be obliterated by insurgents and governments alike. Spectacular assaults on historical sites, cultural institutions, and symbols of cultural-religious diversity in Afghanistan, Egypt, Iraq, Libya, Mali, Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, and Yemen demonstrate that the “new wars” of the 21st century are being fought on the terrain of cultural heritage as much as they are over other precious resources. And yet, the interconnections between this heritage construction and destruction remain underexplored. In much of the scholarship produced in the burgeoning field of critical heritage studies, the duplexity of these processes is ignored. Instead, most edited volumes and “global” analyses of the field look to the Middle East and other Muslim-majority nations only in so far as they present case studies of heritage destruction—the bombing of the Bamyan Buddhas in Afghanistan and the looting of the National Museum of Iraq being iconic examples.
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Karklins, Rasma. "Book Review: Daunis Auers, Comparative Politics and Government of the Baltic States: Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania in the 21st Century." Political Studies Review 15, no. 2 (February 2017): 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916686364.

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Moore, Sarah. "Towards a Sociology of Institutional Transparency: Openness, Deception and the Problem of Public Trust." Sociology 52, no. 2 (January 19, 2017): 416–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516686530.

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Transparency has become the watchword of 21st-century liberal democracies. It refers to a project of opening up the state by providing online access to public sector data. This article puts forward a sociological critique of the transparency agenda and the purported relationship between institutional openness and public trust. Drawing upon Simmel’s work, the article argues that open government initiatives routinely prize visibility over intelligibility and ignore the communicative basis of trust. The result is a non-reciprocal form of openness that obscures more than it reveals. In making this point the article suggests that transparency embodies the ethos of a now-discredited mode of what Ezrahi calls ‘instrumental politics’, reliant on the idea that the state constitutes a ‘domain of plain public facts’. The article examines how alternative mechanisms for achieving government openness might better respond to the distinctive needs of citizens living in late modern societies.
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Sujono, Imam, and Krisnadi Nasution. "Legal Politics Economic Democracy in Indonesia." Journal of Business Management and Economic Development 1, no. 02 (May 1, 2023): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.59653/jbmed.v1i02.29.

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This research aims to explain process of developing the Indonesian nation in this global era requires a strong economic system so that the general welfare of the people can be realized following the state objectives listed in the Fourth Paragraph of the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution. To realize these state objectives are further regulated in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution (Post Amendment). Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution provides a foundation for building and developing the Indonesian economy. Apart from that, it can also be used as a filter by the government and the people of Indonesia in dealing with the negative impacts of the development of liberalization in the world economy in the 21st century. However, the Indonesian economic system which is based on Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution, at the level of implementation regulated by law, is not in line with the goals of the state and the interpretation of Article 33 of the Constitution itself, in the end, it is often not achieved in building and realizing an Indonesian economy that can realize people's welfare or people's prosperity. This is because the legal politics of the legislators wrongly designed the implementation of legal products in the Indonesian economic system which is based on a family economy called cooperatives which is difficult to materialize and is only for certain interests.
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Greiman, Virginia. "The Winds of Change in World Politics and the Impact on Cyber Stability." International Journal of Cyber Warfare and Terrorism 9, no. 4 (October 2019): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcwt.2019100102.

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One of the greatest geopolitical challenges in the 21st century will be competing for the control of cyberspace, the 5th domain of cyberwarfare after land, sea, air, and space, and the major economic challenge of the time. With the advancement of artificial intelligence, the Internet of Things, autonomous vehicles, and unmanned drones, this challenge becomes even greater. This article explores through empirical evidence the interaction among the three powers that shape cyber intelligence and international security: globalism, regionalism, and nationalism. Recently, world politics has created a sense of urgency concerning the new world order and what that means for cyber security and the domain of cyberspace. With the recent cyberattacks targeting the American political system, the Foreign Ministry of the Czech Republic, the government of Croatia, and the 2017 attacks on the cyber systems operated by the Ukrainian government, there is concern about the stability of global connectedness and the potential for diminution of global boundaries. The concern about global stability raises the question of who controls cyberspace and who is accountable when things go wrong. The aim of the article is to advance a conceptualization for cyber governance frameworks for better control of cyber security by governments, intergovernmental organizations, and the private sector.
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Verbora, Antonio Robert. "The Political Landscape Surrounding Anti-Cruelty Legislation in Canada." Society & Animals 23, no. 1 (February 2, 2015): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341353.

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In 1998, the federal government launched a consultation process, which pointed out that nothing significant had been done to change federal anti-cruelty laws in Canada since 1892. The consultation process concluded that among other concerns, outdated wording of the law has prevented the prosecution of many serious nonhuman animal abusers. Since 1999, there have been a number of failed amendments to the Criminal Code anti-cruelty provisions. The study examines the trajectory of the proposed changes since 1999 to the present, using official transcripts of Canadian parliamentary debates, and seeks to understand the politics of animal cruelty legislation in Canada. Using thematic analysis, this paper explores how resistance to the amendments is articulated and rationalized, as well as the grounds upon which proponents argue in favor of amending the anti-cruelty provisions. The study ultimately sheds light on the failure to bring 19th century Canadian criminal laws into the 21st century.
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Amu, Christian Ugwueze, Nathaniel Chinedum Nwezeaku, Linus Ezewunwa Akujuobi, Benedict Anayo Ozurunba, Sharon Nanyongo Njie, Ikedinachi Ayodele Power Wogu, and Sanjay Misra. "The Politics of Public Debt Management Among Rising Hegemonies and the Role of ICT." International Journal of Electronic Government Research 15, no. 3 (July 2019): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.2019070105.

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While scholars like Wogu and Misra unanimously affirmed the beneficial roles of adopting AI powered ICT systems in various sectors of government and endeavours, most countries in OECD and the Commonwealth - for reasons described as ‘a political reckless attitude' - have shied away from fully adopting and implementing intelligent debt management systems for their country's financial sectors, hence, the looming debt crisis hanging over them. Premised on the Public Choice theory, the study adopts Marilyn's Ex-post facto research design and Creswell's mix-method research approaches to interrogate the arguments proffered for and against the public debt management and the benefits of ICT, with a view to identifying the nexus that exists between the politics of debt management crisis and the role of ICT for 21st-century polities. The article identified a high degree of political rascality amongst political elites and a lackadaisical will towards the full implementation of intelligent debt management systems in the countries with looming debt crisis. Viable recommendations were proffered.
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Elinoff, Eli. "Subjects of politics: Between democracy and dictatorship in Thailand." Anthropological Theory 19, no. 1 (February 27, 2019): 143–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499618782365.

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In May of 2014, the Thai military deposed elected Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra. Since the coup, the chief aim of the military government has been to bring order to the country by silencing politics. In this paper, I trace the drift from democracy to dictatorship as a set of disagreements about democracy and its redistribution of political capacity. Specifically, I show how debates revolving around the political capacities of the poor reflect both the emergence of a new subject of politics and the anxieties produced by shifting arrangements of the political.1 Working from the vantage point of urban railway squatter communities in northeastern Thailand, I show how disagreements between residents, non-governmental organization activists, state development agencies and the military reflect unresolved tensions between multiple orderings of the political and the unreconciled question of who is a legitimate political actor. Residents’ engagements with development projects preceding the coup expose the ways in which their emergent claims to political capacity provoked new governmental strategies to incorporate their voices but manage their political aspirations. Military rule has once again transformed the shape of the political, narrowing the horizons of political possibility for citizens such as those living along the railway tracks. Yet, even amidst such threats, the military government remains fragile precisely because the political is always contingent, composed of heterogeneous disagreements. By making these processes legible through an ethnography of disagreement, I argue that anthropology and ethnography are fundamental for understanding the emerging forms of the political in the 21st century.
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Rehman, Jazab-ur, Muhammad Naeem Akhtar, Qasim Shahzad Gill, and Ghulam Mustafa. "Bridging the Divide: Strategic Measures to Enhance US-Cuba Relations in 21st Century." Research Journal for Societal Issues 6, no. 2 (May 28, 2024): 164–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.56976/rjsi.v6i2.214.

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The US-Cuban relations have been historically bitter due to various factors, including the US's reluctance to engage with Cuba and its communist ideology. During the Cold War, the US faced difficulties due to Cuba's inclination towards the USSR, leading to the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. The US has always had concerns about Cuba and its ideology, which have been reflected in policies and statements. The Obama administration attempted to take positive steps towards Cuba, but the Trade Embargo imposed by the USA in the 1960s still heavily affected the relations. By the 21st century, these issues must be resolved to eradicate security and economic concerns from the region for its prosperity. The Reagan administration reversed direction and focused on controlling Cuban immigration to the US, granting up to 20,000 immigrant visas annually. Cuba has always impacted the security of the United States, as the country has been a significant threat since 1959 when the US and USSR faced nuclear war. The US has attempted to influence many countries in the region, but Cuba has been difficult to crack. Despite imposing embargoes, the US has failed to bring democratic norms to Cuba. As Cubans have a major stake in US politics, the US capitalizes on their influence. The worsening law and order situation in Cuba has led to mass migration to the USA, with the US trying to compensate Cuban immigrants to undermine their government policies. The 21st-century fluctuations in American policy for Cuba continue to pose Cuba as a security threat to the US. This article aims at highlighting issues like Migration, Cuban Ideology, US Embargo, and Terrorism which remain to be at core of the US-Cuban relations. These issues must be addressed in order to put US-Cuban relations back on track.
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Нагиев, Орхан Гадироглу. "Формирование культурно-духовных ценностей в Азербайджане как следствие политики «Мягкой силы»." Revistă de Ştiinţe Socio-Umane = Journal of Social and Human Sciences 50, no. 1 (April 2022): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46727/jshs.2022.v50.i1.p75-86.

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The domestic policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan is based on the use of soft power. On the basis of this policy, the promotion and promotion of spiritual and cultural values is carried out as its special direction. Cultural diplomacy, the main instrument of soft power politics, characterized as a form of cultural struggle, is the basis of the ethics of peaceful coexistence. The only way to avoid controlled conflicts and wars is to expand the influence of cultural and spiritual values as a tool of "soft power" in diplomacy. The Azerbaijani government knows that the most powerful technologies and weapons of the 21st century are helpless before the influence created through cultural diplomacy, and carry out extensive activities to preserve, popularize and promote the national and spiritual values of our people.
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Olszowska, Karolina Wanda. "Turkey forever balances between East and West." Nowa Polityka Wschodnia 37, no. 2 (2023): 239–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw20233711.

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When looking at contemporary Turkish politics, an incorrect notion is often circulated that Turkey has only in recent years, as far back as under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, begun a policy of balancing between East and West. The purpose of this article is to analyze Turkey’s posture – in terms of balancing between spheres of influence – after the end of World War II until Turkey joined NATO and then compare it with Turkey’s stance during the Justice and Development Party government in the context of relations with the United States and Russia. This will help answer the question: to what extent is Ankara’s current balkanizing attitude something surprising? Aren’t specific patterns of the 1945–1952 period similar to those of the 21st century, and the differences are the attitudes of Washington and Moscow rather than Ankara?
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Ahmad, Waqas. "The Evolving Interplay between Islam and Politics: From Islamist to Islamic Democrat." ICR Journal 9, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 154–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v9i4.99.

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Islam is unique in its relationship with politics. It plays a vital role in politics and governance, initially under the Rashidun and subsequently in many Muslim empires. The collapse of the Ottoman caliphate in 1924 and the process of decolonisation which started in the mid-twentieth-century led to the start of many Islamic political movements in newly independent Muslim countries. These movements now sit at a critical juncture, with Muslims around the world being polarised around two political extremes. On the one hand, we have Islamic radical groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda, while on the other hand we have secular parties which do not see any role for Islam in politics and governance in Muslim countries. In response, many traditional Islamist parties are now evolving into Muslim democratic parties. Unlike Islamists, Muslim democrats take a more inclusive approach, preferring to integrate Islamic religious values into political platforms designed to win regular democratic elections. The Ennahda Party of Tunisia is one Muslim party that reflects this evolution. R. Ghannouchi, who outlined Ennahdas transition, has argued that Tunisians today are less concerned about Islamisation or secularisationthan with building a democratic government that is inclusive and meets their aspirations for a better life. This paper is an attempt to investigate this shift and its consequences for Islamism across the Muslim world.
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Kuznetsov, Vasily A. "Electoral Processes and Street Protests in 21st Century Algeria: Features and Traits of Algerian Political Culture." ISTORIYA 13, no. 12-1 (122) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023902-1.

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The following article discusses issues of electoral participation and street protest activity in 21st century Algeria. The work is based on the materials on Algerian election campaigns and results of the author's field research in the country. Describing the current political situation in Algeria, the author points out that the long established alienation between the civil society and government institutions is one of the most significant challenges for the country's development. The roots of this alienation are much deeper than the 2019 events when A. Bouteflika was overthrown due to mass protests and A. Tebboun became the President. Analyzing the electoral campaigns held since 2000 to this day, the author discovers that mutual distrust between the political elites and the society has been a characteristic trait of Algerian internal politics over the whole two decades. In this context, the Hirak movement founded in 2019 may be seen a an instrument of political transformation rather than merely a way to express popular discontent. However, even though this movement was successful enough to change the political leadership in Algeria, it hasn't managed to transform the essence of the system and update the social contract. Looking into the reasons for this failure, the author concludes that they stem from the specific traits of Algerian political culture formed in the colonial and early post-colonial eras.
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McGrane, David Patrick. "The 2007 Provincial Election in Saskatchewan." Canadian Political Science Review 2, no. 1 (March 3, 2008): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/200832.

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The 2007 Saskatchewan provincial election is undoubtedly an important event in the province’s history. The Saskatchewan Party has been elected at a time when the economy is booming and the population is starting to grow. It remains to be seen how the Wall government will ‘manage’ this economic growth and if the Saskatchewan Party is able to put an end the CCF-NDP’s status as the province’s natural governing party. On the other hand, it will be interesting to see if the NDP can quickly rebuild itself and put forth a social democratic ideology that is relevant for 21st century. Finally, it will be intriguing to see if the Liberals will disappear completely from Saskatchewan provincial politics or if they can find a constructive role befitting a party that has existed since Saskatchewan was created and has governed the province several times. In any event, it is clear that a new chapter is being written in Saskatchewan politics and it is much too early to tell what twists and turns are ahead and how the story will end.
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Pratt, Douglas. "Secular New Zealand and Religious Diversity: From Cultural Evolution to Societal Affirmation." Social Inclusion 4, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 52–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i2.463.

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About a century ago New Zealand was a predominantly white Anglo-Saxon Christian nation, flavoured only by diversities of Christianity. A declining indigenous population (Maori) for the most part had been successfully converted as a result of 19th century missionary endeavour. In 2007, in response to increased presence of diverse religions, a national Statement on Religious Diversity was launched. During the last quarter of the 20th century the rise of immigrant communities, with their various cultures and religions, had contributed significantly to the changing demographic profile of religious affiliation. By early in the 21st century this diversity, together with issues of inter-communal and interreligious relations, all in the context of New Zealand being a secular society, needed to be addressed in some authoritative way. Being a secular country, the government keeps well clear of religion and expects religions to keep well clear of politics. This paper will outline relevant historical and demographic factors that set the scene for the Statement, which represents a key attempt at enhancing social inclusion with respect to contemporary religious diversity. The statement will be outlined and discussed, and other indicators of the way in which religious diversity is being received and attended to will be noted.
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Keleş, Ruşen. "Sustainable development, international cooperation and local authorities." Ekistics and The New Habitat 69, no. 415-417 (December 1, 2002): 333–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53910/26531313-e200269415-417359.

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The author is a Professor of Local Government and Urban Studies at the Faculty of Political Science , Ankara University and Eastern Mediterranean University. He served as Director of the Ernst Reuter Center for Urban Studies as well as Director of the Center for Environmental Studies, Ankara University for many years. His numerous publications include The Politics of Rapid Urbanization: Government and Growth in Modern Turkey (New York , Holmes and Meier, 1985), Housing and the Urban Poor in the Middle East: Turkey, Egypt, Jordan and Morocco (Tokyo, IDE, 1986), Urban Management in Turkey (Ankara, Turkish Social Science Association, 1988), Urban Poverty in the Third World: Theoretical Approaches and Policy Options Tokyo (IDE, 1988). Dr Keleş has been a correspondent of Ekistics since 1965. He is a member of the World Society for Ekistics (WSE) and has also served as a member of its Executive Council. The text that follows is a slightly edited and revised version of a paper presented at the WSE Symposion "Defining Success of the City in the 21st Century," Berlin, 24-28 October, 2001.
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Hladchenko, S. "The Evolution of the Status of Women in Tunisia (On the 75th Anniversary of Tunisia’s Declaration of Independence)." Problems of World History, no. 19 (October 27, 2022): 114–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/10.46869/2707-6776-2022-19-7.

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In the article, in the context of the recognition of socio-cultural determinants of gender history and critical analysis of foreign studies by the author, an attempt was made to generalize the evolution of the position of women in Tunisia in the 20th and early 21st centuries. It is the Tunisian version of solving the problem of women’s emancipation that most modern researchers consider as the most successful example for the Islamic world. The views of well-known feminists and representatives of the Islamic world regarding actualization of the problem are presented. The influence of the French authorities on the manifestations of the ideas of Western feminism, as well as the influence of Islamic reformists on the problems of women’s education and women’s participation in social and political life, is shown. In the course of the research, the author substantiates the following conclusions, namely: during the century, the social evolution of Tunisian society was determined by the process of adaptation and change of traditional socio-cultural foundations to new historical conditions. The established secular regime, after the proclamation of the Republic, for a decade was under pressure from the Islamic opposition, which initially existed in a cultural and educational form, and in the last decade of the 20th century took shape as a political one. The history of the last decade of the Republic shows that socio-cultural traditions have become the most important mechanism for the formation of intellectual and political values that contribute to national unity. This process determined both the nature and the stages of the women’s movement, which was formed during the period of the national liberation struggle, being its component. After the declaration of independence, Tunisian women de jure received political and social rights. There was a process of organizational design of the women’s movement, but this movement experienced decades of paternalistic control during the rule of Habib Bourguiba. A qualitatively new stage is associated with the presidency of Ben Ali and his politics: from “managed democracy” to a totalitarian regime, which led to the formation of a female political opposition. As mentioned above, the events of the 2010s opened perspectives in the issues of overcoming gender asymmetry.
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Wilson, Geoff A., and P. Ali Memon. "Indigenous Forest Management in 21st-Century New Zealand: Towards a ‘Postproductivist’ Indigenous Forest–Farmland Interface?" Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 37, no. 8 (August 2005): 1493–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a37144.

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The critique of indigenous forest management in New Zealand in this paper contextualises the discussion in light of recent Eurocentric debates on the transition towards ‘postproductivist’ and ‘multifunctional’ agricultural and forestry regimes. The research findings confirm recent criticisms of Australian writers with regard to the direct transferability of the notion of a transition towards postproductivism developed by European researchers and also lend support to Holmes's (2002) notion of productivist and postproductivist occupance. Long-standing productivist demands continue to be made on New Zealand's indigenous forests, especially from economically marginalised stakeholder groups who depend on the continuation of logging for economic survival. We argue that the tension between the recent adoption of a ‘postproductivist’ conservation policy at government level and the continuing ‘productivist’ attitudes among some stakeholder groups explains why the protection of remaining indigenous forests continues to be contested. The New Zealand findings also provide further evidence for those persons criticising the implied linearity and dualism inherent in the Eurocentric postproductivist transition model. We argue that processes at the New Zealand forest–farmland interface support Wilson's (2001) notion of a territorialisation of productivist and postproductivist territories into a ‘multifunctional’ territory. From a social constructionist perspective, the results highlight the fact that a clear separation into productivist and postproductivist occupance may not be easy to conceptualise as our view of agricultural land as ‘productivist’ territory and unlogged or sustainably managed indigenous forest as ‘postproductivist’ territory is largely based on a Euro–American ‘deep green’ view of unaltered ‘nonhuman’ nature. This supports Mather's (2001) suggestion that postproductivism should be cast as part of a shifting mode of social regulation of forestry with particular stakeholder groups constructing images of nature according to their interests, and where western ideas of nature as a (postproductivist) wilderness embody cultural politics which arguably serve to marginalise the interests of indigenous communities.
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Medushevsky, Nikolay A., Liudmila A. Pechishcheva, and Alisa R. Shishkina. "AFRICAN VECTOR IN INDIA’S FOREIGN POLICY STRATEGY IN THE 21ST CENTURY (POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ASPECTS)." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, no. 3 (2022): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-3-46-59.

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The research article is concerned with the mechanisms of cooperation between India and African countries in the latest historical period. The international support that India has provided to many African countries over the decades underscores the political commitment of the Indian leadership to speak on behalf of the nations of the global South. The government of Narendra Modi focuses on the common historical struggle of Indians and Africans against the colonial powers, as on the importance of developing cooperation in the politics, economy, energy, education, culture and humanitarian issues. The parties are interested in developing new approaches to environmental protection, and closely cooperate within the framework of the UN mechanism for sustainable development, actively participating in the formation and discussion of the climate agenda. Three successful Africa-India summits (in 2008, 2011 and 2015) showed a common interest in expanding the nature and areas of interaction. Moreover, India, experiencing an acute need for primary energy resources and minerals, sees in Africa not only a potential supplier of those resources, but also a capacious market for its products. In pursuit of all the interests mentioned, India, on the way of cooperation with African countries, often encounters the unpreparedness of African colleagues for direct dialogue, as well as opposition from other major players operating in the region. Among them, the UK and China play a key role. The authors come to the conclusion that at present India has a clear and comprehensive strategy for promoting its interests in Africa and considers the continent as a strategic one. At the same time, a large number of the variables associated with a specific process of interaction and regional development remain in the system of cooperation between India and African countries.
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Laforest, Rachel, and Steven Rathgeb Smith. "Nonprofits in a Time of Turbulence: Challenges and Opportunities." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 2 (September 26, 2017): 117–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2017-0021.

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AbstractWe have entered a period of turbulent economic and political change. Internationally, slower growth coupled with youth unemployment and rising inequality have driven a renewed interest in social policy. In the US, the preferred policy approach since the 1990s has been to move away from cash assistance to direct service provision spurring demand for nonprofit services at the local level (Smith 2015, “Managing Human Service Organizations in the 21st Century.” Human Service Organizations: Management, Leadership, & Governance 39 (5):407–411). Recently, however, we have observed a power backlash against trade, immigration and economic insecurity that is reshaping politics and bringing about significant cuts in social service programs and health care at a time when the need is high. Fiscal scarcity will no doubt create an additional burden for nonprofits working with communities in need. In Canada, the federal government is moving in the opposite direction with greater investment in the social policy fields, including healthcare, childcare, housing and poverty reduction initiative. These investments will mean a greater flow of resources to the nonprofit sector, but the government has been clear that in exchange they want to tie funding to results and performance.
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Fatimatuzzahro and Risanda. "REDESIGNING ISLAMIC TRANSFORMATIONAL LEADERSHIP FOR MUSLIM MINORITIES IN THE WEST." Al'Adalah 26, no. 1 (August 31, 2023): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.35719/aladalah.v26i1.320.

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Islam is a comprehensive religion that does not discuss one aspect of knowledge but covers all aspects, including leadership. Islamic leadership must be based on the pillars of Islam, namely the Qur'an and Hadith. Islamic leaders must work towards a vision to create a just society where the rule of law is upheld among all believers and non-believers. In the context of Islam in Western countries, leadership faced many challenges during the early years of the 21st century. These challenges can come from internal organizational challenges, such as social, cultural, and structural challenges. However, challenges arise from external contexts, such as social, cultural, legal, and political. In Islamic economic philosophy, the leadership model that is considered ideal is one based on fair and ethical leadership principles. This qualitative research aims to explain and redesign the transformational leadership theory with Islamic leadership. The study results are four characteristics that can influence transformational Islamic leadership: government pressure, media hostility, international politics, and a legal system. The impact of international politics unites the Muslim population to some extent. Australia's Muslim population hails from many countries, including a significant group born and raised in Australia. As a result, the Muslim population in Australia is a minority in an international context.
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35

Ratnawati, Ratnawati, and Oberlin Silalahi. "Women Regional Heads and Gender-Responsive Policies in Tabanan Regency, Bali, Indonesia." Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies 2, no. 9 (September 15, 2022): 1742–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36418/eduvest.v2i9.574.

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This study examined the contribution of women's government heads to gender-responsive policies at the local level. It was carried out due to the increase in the number of women leaders in various countries as heads of government at the national and local levels in the 21st century, which contributed to the realization of gender-responsive policies. This paper argues that the social capital owned by women regional heads contributes to realizing gender-responsive policies. This study was carried out using the focus group discussions (FGD) methodology, with data collected from 19 key informants through in-depth interviews and documents. The result showed that the success of women regional heads in realizing gender-responsive policies is influenced by their social capital in the form of material capital, access to information with organizations and public officials, and the provision of a network capital that is bonding, bridging, and linking. Furthermore, there are other factors, namely personal capacity related to knowledge and understanding of gender-responsive policies, involvement and experience of women regional heads in organization activities, and support politics of the regional parliament/DPRD. This study provides insight for women willing to advance in the election contestation process by considering their previous experience and involvement in political activities as essential factors in realizing gender-responsive policies.
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36

Ratnawati, Ratnawati, and Oberlin Silalahi. "Women Regional Heads and Gender-Responsive Policies in Tabanan Regency, Bali, Indonesia." Eduvest - Journal of Universal Studies 2, no. 9 (September 15, 2022): 1742–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.59188/eduvest.v2i9.574.

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This study examined the contribution of women's government heads to gender-responsive policies at the local level. It was carried out due to the increase in the number of women leaders in various countries as heads of government at the national and local levels in the 21st century, which contributed to the realization of gender-responsive policies. This paper argues that the social capital owned by women regional heads contributes to realizing gender-responsive policies. This study was carried out using the focus group discussions (FGD) methodology, with data collected from 19 key informants through in-depth interviews and documents. The result showed that the success of women regional heads in realizing gender-responsive policies is influenced by their social capital in the form of material capital, access to information with organizations and public officials, and the provision of a network capital that is bonding, bridging, and linking. Furthermore, there are other factors, namely personal capacity related to knowledge and understanding of gender-responsive policies, involvement and experience of women regional heads in organization activities, and support politics of the regional parliament/DPRD. This study provides insight for women willing to advance in the election contestation process by considering their previous experience and involvement in political activities as essential factors in realizing gender-responsive policies.
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37

NWACHUKU, Azuka. "Politics and Census in Nigeria: Challenges and the Way Forward." International Journal of Public Administration Studies 3, no. 2 (January 30, 2024): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/ijpas.v3i2.13894.

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Population is very vital to the government for nation building of a country especially, Nigeria. Nigeria’s population has been contentious and politicized since colonial times. Census statistics embodies an essential database prerequisite for measuring the physical and social well-being of a nation’s population. Hence, for any country to realize its development potentials, it requires a comprehensive population database support to guide its socio-economic programs, planning and implementation. The fusses in Nigeria census steered the cancellation of the 1962 general population census which was repeated in 1963.The Population of an area is considered a political weapon, a condition desiderata for provision of amenities, infrastructure and in fact, guides wealth allocations and fiscal planning. Regrettably, Nigeria is yet to produce an acceptable and satisfactory demographic data for infrastructural development and nation building. Scholars of Nigerian history appear not to have paid adequate attention to nation building in Nigeria as a result of inaccurate population database. Hence, it is a perception of issues of politics and population census this paper tend to address. Qualitative research methodology was adopted for effective analyses. The paper concluded that inherent contemporary issues have continued to defeat the main aim of population census as an instrument for strategic planning and sustainable development. Lack of accurate census figures has contributed to Nigeria’s policy summersault and under development. It is unfortunate that in this 21st century Nigeria still does not have effective and reliable census data due to the fact that politicization, Falsification of population census result, religion rivalry, ethnicity stimulation and fluctuation of period of conducting census serves as a controlling force against accuracy of population census figures.
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Ukas, Ukas, and Zuhdi Arman. "THE ROLE OF LAW IN ECONOMIC GLOBALIZATION IN INDONESIA." JIM UPB (Jurnal Ilmiah Manajemen Universitas Putera Batam) 9, no. 1 (December 2, 2020): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33884/jimupb.v9i1.2173.

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Legal development has a more comprehensive and basic meaning compared to the promotion and renewal of law in the context of increasing the nation's competitiveness, legal politics in Indonesia directs legal development to encourage economic growth. The research objective is to determine economic growth, especially in the business world and in the industrial world which determines investment capacity, especially law enforcement and protection. The method used is normative juridical. The results of this study see Law as a social engineering tool that was born because the concept of law is taught to direct people to better understand change. Law as an instrument of development control includes development in the economic field. Enforcement of law and justice in particular in the economic development of activities and developing development in accordance with long-term government programs. The role of law in economic globalization in the 21st century is certainly expected aspects of globalization in legal and economic growth, the development of economic law also includes investment law, which of course must run in accordance with long-term development tools.
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Himmah, Dhurotun Nasicha Aliyatul, and Nurul Yaqien. "KEPEMIMPINAN PEREMPUAN DALAM PERSPEKTIF ISLAM." J-MPI (Jurnal Manajemen Pendidikan Islam) 2, no. 2 (December 30, 2017): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/jmpi.v2i2.5483.

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<p><em>Women's leadership has always been a discussion of controversy, especially in explaining, interpreting and determining the law of a woman's leadership. This study aims to: (1) Review the interpretation related to the concept of leadership with the interpretation model of maudhu'i Al-Qur'an letter An-Nisa verse 34 and Al-Mujadalah verse 11 according to some classical and contemporary commentators including Ibn Abbas, Imam Jalaludin, Ibn Kathir, Mustafa Al-Maraghi, Muhammad Hasbi and Quraish Shihab, (2) Assessing the relevance of the concept of female leadership in an Islamic perspective with the concept of leadership in the 21st century. This type of research is literature study using descriptive-analytic method, historical-philosophical approach, carried out with documentation techniques, analysis, interpretation, checking the validity of the data to obtain the results of the study according to purpose. The results of the study show that there are differences between the thoughts of classical mufassir and contemporary mufassir on women's leadership based on An-Nisa verse 34. It is the differences in times, conditions, situations and civilizations that influence it. The 21st Century is no longer a century where women cannot join in politics, government, social affairs, education, and so on. Contemporary mufassir allow women to be leaders as long as they do not violate the sharia and do not ignore the main task of being a wife. Relevance is related to the realization of the Constitution of 1945 article 27 concerning equal rights and obligations of Indonesian citizens, and Article 31 related to the right of education for all citizens of Indonesia relevant to the letter of Al-Mujadalah verse 11. The relevance is related to the realization of Article 27 of the 1945 constitution concerning the equality of Indonesian citizens' rights and obligations, and Article 31 concerning the right of education of all Indonesian citizens relevant to Al-Mujadalah verse 11. Men or women who are leaders, most importantly is the realization of the good leadership for creating baldatun thayyibun warabbun ghafur.</em></p>
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40

Nam Tien, Tran. "THE RISE OF INDIA IN THE NEW BALANCE OF POWER IN ASIA SINCE THE BEGINNING OF 21ST CENTURY: IMPACTS ON INDIA - VIETNAM RELATIONS." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 9, no. 2 (April 8, 2021): 246–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2021.9226.

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Purpose of the study: The study focuses on the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century. It had three major purposes: (a) to discover the new balance of power in Asia (b), to examine the possible predicting scenario about the role of India in Asia’s order; (c) to understand critical influences of the Indian rise that affect on India-Vietnam relations. Methodology: This study describes a qualitative study based upon a combination of three main methods such as historical method, analysis-synthesis method (documentary analysis), and case study method. The data were sourced from secondary data and content analysis in various publications of governments, foreign governments, or international bodies. Moreover, foreign policy journals, books, magazines, newspapers, and public records. Main Findings: The study had some key research findings. The first main finding was that the rise of India would contribute to the common development of Asian countries and affirm the position of Asia on the world map. The second major finding was that India-Vietnam relationships supported India becoming a peaceful superpower dominating East Asia, especially Southeast Asia. Applications of this study: The implications of the study can be supported by the observation of foreign policy substitutability. This study about the rise of India can be used to get the support of the policymaker or government to make the foreign policy adapting to the new era in Asia. Moreover, the study is also a valuable document for students majoring in International Relations, International History, and Politics. Novelty/Originality of this study: There is no or has not been any study that discusses the rise of India in the new balance of power in Asia since the beginning of the 21st century and its impacts on India-Vietnam relations.
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41

Beserra, Me Elijalma Augusto, Roberta Freire d’Aguiar de Almeida, Maria Helena Maia e Souza, and Profa Dra Eva Mônica Sarmento da Silva. "The Practice of Integrated and Articulated Actions within the Scope of the Brazil Sem Misery Plan - PBSM as a Instrument for the Social Inclusion of Small Beekeepers in the Semiarid Pernambuco: The Case of Beekeepers of Quixaba - PE." International Journal of Advanced Engineering Research and Science 9, no. 10 (2022): 365–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.22161/ijaers.910.40.

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Even with all the evolution achieved by humanity, it is still possible to identify in several societies that there are people in extreme poverty. Combating this sad reality is a task not only for governments but for all those who make up this society. In Brazil, the commitment to the fight against extreme poverty formed the agenda of the social democratic governments that commanded national politics during the first two decades of the 21st century. Recognized by international agencies as a successful example of a government program aimed at the socio-economic inclusion of the most needy part of society, the Brasil Sem Miséria Plan - PBSM focused on creating structuring conditions so that individuals, in extreme poverty, could enter the job market, managing to obtain an income capable of granting them social inclusion, dignity, food sovereignty and financial freedom. In this sense, the present study aims to discuss the integrated and articulated practices promoted within the scope of the PBSM with small beekeepers in the semi-arid region of Pernambuco, especially in the municipality of Quixaba - PE. Beekeepers benefited from the program, and how the combination of actions developed by the government, society, and producers managed to change the living conditions of this group, and how these practices can be used as an example for other locations.
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42

Octastefani, Theresia. "The Dynamics of Women and Political Heritage in Yogyakarta: A Critical Reflection in Welcoming the Next Leader." MUWAZAH 10, no. 2 (December 25, 2018): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/muwazah.v10i2.1783.

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Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY) is an area still retains a strong cultural heritage, ranging from customs of Javanese-Islamic culture and Mataram Sultanate system. DIY becomes the only province that has a special authority to institutionalize the administration of government by placing the roles and responsibilities of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Sultanate and Kadipaten Pakualaman in filling the positions of provincial leaders. This process was legitimized by Indonesian Law No. 13 of 2012 about Special Administrative Status for Yogyakarta. But over time, polemics have emerged since Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X issued Sabda Raja and Dawuh Raja who reaped pros-cons and were clashed with the royal tradition’s values from generation to generation. Based on these realities, it becomes interesting to discuss about the dynamics of women and politics of heritage in DIY as a critical reflection in welcoming the next leader. On the one side, the system of the Javanese-Islamic Mataram Sultanate as a cultural heritage must be maintained. But on the other side, the aspect of modernity through the struggle for gender equality also opens the opportunity for Indonesian women are also capable of being and have become capable democratic leaders in the 21st Century.
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Octastefani, Theresia, and Nur Azizah. "The Dynamics of Women and Political Heritage in Yogyakarta: A Critical Reflection in Welcoming the Next Leader." Muwazah 11, no. 2 (December 2, 2019): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.28918/muwazah.v11i2.2241.

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Yogyakarta Special Region (DIY) is an area still retains a strong cultural heritage, ranging from customs of Javanese-Islamic culture and Mataram Sultanate system. DIY becomes the only province that has a special authority to institutionalize the administration of government by placing the roles and responsibilities of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Sultanate and Kadipaten Pakualaman in filling the positions of provincial leaders. This process was legitimized by Indonesian Law No. 13 of 2012 about Special Administrative Status for Yogyakarta. But over time, polemics have emerged since Sri Sultan Hamengku Buwono X issued Sabda Raja and Dawuh Raja who reaped pros-cons and were clashed with the royal tradition’s values from generation to generation. Based on these realities, it becomes interesting to discuss about the dynamics of women and politics of heritage in DIY as a critical reflection in welcoming the next leader. On the one side, the system of the Javanese-Islamic Mataram Sultanate as a cultural heritage must be maintained. But on the other side, the aspect of modernity through the struggle for gender equality also opens the opportunity for Indonesian women are also capable of being and have become capable democratic leaders in the 21st Century.
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44

Gunartha, I. Made, and Dewa Gede Pradnyana Yustiawan. "DEVELOPMENT OF BUSINESS LAW IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF PANCASILA IN THE ERA OF INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION 4.0." POLICY LAW NOTARY AND REGULATORY ISSUES (POLRI) 2, no. 2 (May 10, 2023): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.55047/polri.v2i2.602.

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This article aims to explore the development of business law in the context of Pancasila during the era of the Industrial Revolution 4.0. The research methodology used is normative juridical, which examines the implementation of positive legal provisions in business law. The data used includes primary and secondary sources, obtained from legal products related to business and trade. The rapid globalization brought by the 21st century industrial revolution has resulted in significant changes in various aspects of law, politics, economics, technology, and culture. As the Industrial Revolution 4.0 relies heavily on telematics (telecommunications, media, and information), it is essential to adjust regulations in the field of business law to accommodate these changes. The Indonesian government must engage in legal development, legal harmonization, and legal reconstruction to update legal products in line with the global situation. This includes building a legal system that reflects Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution to adapt to the industrial era 4.0. As the development of business law in the Industrial 4.0 era must be consistent with Pancasila's values and the 1945 Constitution, it is crucial to prioritize these values in legal development.
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Kostiuk, Rouslan. "Features of the activities of the left forces in the English-speaking islands of the Caribbean in the XXI century." Latinskaia Amerika, no. 4 (2023): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0044748x0024992-0.

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This scientific article is devoted to the features and main patterns of activity and the political role of the Labor and center-left parties in the English-speaking Island states of the Caribbean. The author shows that countries of the Caribbean zone have many common features of social and political development, which determines the similarities in the functioning of the Labor parties. The presence of British political traditions makes the centre-left parties the most important participants in the political process with broad popular support. The article also notes the connection between the factor of the strong influence of the Labor parties in the Caribbean states with the participation of most of these countries in the Bolivarian Alliance ALBA. Considering in the article the specific cases of Jamaica, Antigua and Barbuda, St. Kitts and Nevis, Dominica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Barbados, Grenada, Trinidad and Tobago, the author shows that in most English-speaking countries, leftist, Labor parties are in power, responsible for the implementation of domestic and foreign policy; enjoy broad popular and electoral support in their countries; forming governments, they try to implement social reformist initiatives in domestic politics; are at the forefront of the struggle for a republican form of government for their countries. The author comes to the conclusion that the English-speaking states of the Caribbean region in the 21st century are among the strongholds of the left forces in Latin-Caribbean America.
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Saharuddin, Desmadi, Meirison Meirison, Inayatul Chusna, and Ade Sofyan Mulazid. "Capitulation and Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah Impact on Economic Stability of the 18th & 19th Ottoman Turks." QIJIS (Qudus International Journal of Islamic Studies) 7, no. 2 (January 6, 2020): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/qijis.v7i2.4847.

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<p><em></em>Free trade and foreign investment that characterize the 21st Century trade and business model do not benefit all parties, particularly Islamic countries. Only those who have well-established economic system and large capital gain the most benefit. This condition had occurred during the Ottoman Khalifah. Therefore, this article aims to prove that free trade and foreign investment during the Ottoman, in the form of capitulation, brought negative impact on the Ottoman’s economy and politics. Capitulation is an agreement between the Ottoman and Western European countries that regulated economic and legal sectors by giving privilege to the European countries to come and trade in the Ottoman. The Ottoman became a free market place that eliminated the Islamic economic system. The Ottoman saw the agreement as its Siyasah Syar’iyah Al-Maliyah to protect the political sovereignty when facing European countries. Once the agreement benefited the Ottoman, later it caused economic political problems. The domestic industries faced difficulty when competing with foreign trades. The Ottoman government did not have full authority over the law and justice of the Europeans in the Ottoman. The capitulation that was expected by the Ottoman to protect its economy and politics had put the country under the domination of Western Europe. What happened to the Ottoman is proof that the free market is only beneficial to developed countries with active industries. Therefore, this historical fact should be reference for Islamic countries in conducting their foreign economic system.</p>
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47

Gutorow, Władimir. "O niektórych cechach swoistych ewolucji współczesnego rosyjskiego sytemu politycznego." Politeja 12, no. 7 (34/2) (December 31, 2015): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.34_2.02.

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On some peculiarities of evolution of the contemporary Russian political system The article deals with the problem of Russian political system evolution at the turn of the 20th and 21th centuries. The author attempts to answer the following question: if contemporary Russian state system does not fit a classical model of liberal democracy, is it reasonable to talk about hopeless stagnation of political system in Russia, generated by the process of new bureaucratic deformation, or is it possible to outline some tendencies of Russian state system evolution that fit the process of global degradation of democratic institutions in every region all over the world without any exceptions? The answer implies a quite important verification and statement concerning the situation: does the level of political government in Russian „imperial center” meet that contemporary criteria, obeyed in the development of civilized states. At the beginning of the 21st century, after long period of chaotic decentralization, Russia has entered the stage, when the federal center attempts to „establish order” in the country by means of tough administrative decisions. New stage of Russian politics connected with the Ukrainian crisis and the referendum in the Crimea signifies the explicit tendency of political elite to start a new page of national history.
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Rahman, Ph.D. (OSU, USA), Akim M. "Name is Sheikh Hasina (HPM): The Power of Motivation & Ability for Political Maneuvering Thru Psychological Behaviors as Foundations." International Journal of Accounting and Finance Studies 6, no. 2 (December 11, 2023): p56. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ijafs.v6n2p56.

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HPM Sheikh Hasina having served as Prime Minister of Bangladesh for over 19 years. It has secured her to be the longest serving PM in Bangladesh-history. Thus, this study examines whether the power of motivation and ability in political maneuvering through psychological behaviors have served it effectively. It conducted SWOT and PEST analyses of HPM’s power of motivation and ability for political maneuvering that secured the long-term. The SWOT analysis here examined political Strengths (S), Weaknesses (W), Opportunities and Threats (T) that a leadership can review. The PEST analysis here examined the Political (P), Economic (E), Social (S), and Technological (T) issues involved with the power of political maneuvering for getting things done. For psychological behavioral assessment in politics, few prepared speeches were in review, which indicates HPM’s propensity for strategies of cooperation and risk-taking orientation in most cases where conflicting strategy is found rarely. Here the power of motivation and ability has transformed how a government provides effective services in any developing country like Bangladesh. This political-maneuvering skill is named as Akim’s Model, which can ensure success in political arena with a reward of long-term leadership in a country like Bangladesh. HPM has set an example in the 21st century business-driven world.
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Boeva, Luc. "Recensie van: Re-Thinking the State. Critical Perspectives on the Citizen, Politics and Government in the 21st Century / Filip De Rynck, Bram Verschuere & Ellen Waeyenberg (eds.) (2009)." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 69, no. 4 (January 26, 2011): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v69i4.12340.

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Nwafor, Oluchukwu Augustina, John Chidi Ugwuanyi, and Chinwe Uchechukwu Amatu. "Social media and political participation in the midst of COVID-19 pandemic: an empirical review of Anambra 2021 gubernatorial election." Journal of Emerging Technologies 3, no. 1 (April 22, 2023): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/jet.v3i1.394.

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The study investigated the role of social media in Anambra gubernatorial election. Social media platforms such as, Facebook, WhatsApp, YouTube, Instagram and LinkedIn have completely changed our understanding of politics in the 21st century. Though its impacts are still evolving, but social media has rapidly proffered new ways to ‘stimulate the masses engagement in political matters. Specifically, the aim of this study was to, verify the dominant social media platform used by the respondents during the election, to ascertain if the respondent’s preferred political candidate was instigated by social media campaign and to find out if the respondent’s derive gratification for using social media platform during the election. The study was hinged on Technological Determinism and Uses and Gratifications theory. The population of study was 2.5 million registered voters in Anambra state as of 2021 election. Krejcie and Morgan sample size table was used to rack up at sample size of 384. Multi-stage sampling technique was employed and purposive sampling method was used. The results indicate that WhatsApp, followed by Facebook was the respondent’s most used social media platform during Anambra 2021 gubernatorial election, social media sites influenced the respondent’s choice of candidate and majority of the respondents found social media sites very useful. The study recommends that the Nigerian government should provide a network in remote areas so that more citizens will join the online platform and the government should enforce credible monitoring on the increasing rate of fake news and abuse of social media platforms by citizen journalist.
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