Journal articles on the topic 'Tunisia – Politics and government – 2011-'
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1
Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 3 (December 20, 2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.
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AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.
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SAIDIN, MOHD IRWAN SYAZLI, and NUR AMIRA ALFITRI. "‘State Feminism' dan Perjuangan Wanita di Tunisia Pasca Arab Spring 2011." International Journal of Islamic Thought 12, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 54–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24035/ijit.18.2020.181.
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Over the last decade, the Arab Spring phenomenon in the Middle East and North Africa has brought significant transformation towards Tunisia’s political landscape. During the 14 days of street protest, Tunisian women have played critical roles in assisting their male counterparts in securing the ultime goal of the revolution – regime change. This article argues that after the 2011 revolution, the new Tunisian government has gradually adopted the principal idea of state feminism, which emphasizes on the role of ruling government via affirmative action in supporting the agenda of women’s rights. In so doing, this article examines the connection between state feminism and the plight of women’s struggles in Tunisia after the 2011 revolution and, looks into the impact of top down polices, and government approaches towards improving the status of women. This article concludes that women in the post revolutionary era have experienced a new trajectory in political and social freedom,the country has recorded a spike increase in the number of active female lawmakers, government executives, politicians, electoral candidates and the emergence of human right groups, gender activists and feminist movements. All these ‘women’s actors’ have directly involved in the process of drafting the new Tunisian constitution, which resulted in the acknowlegdement of women’s rights protection via article 46 in 2014 and the Nobel Peace Price Award in 2015.
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Kavanaugh, Andrea, Steven Sheetz, Hamida Skandrani, and Malek Sghaier. "Media use, information reliability and political efficacy in Tunisia, 2011–2019." Information Polity 26, no. 4 (December 6, 2021): 521–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/ip-210329.
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Information access and open communication – through in person and mediated information and communication technology – are critical to an informed citizenry in democratic societies. The 2011 Arab Spring uprising that originated in Tunisia and resulted in the overthrow of long-time Tunisian authoritarian president Ben Ali, established a new transitional government with more democratic institutions and more open press and political expression. In this paper, we explore changes over time (2011–2019) in the use by young, educated Tunisians of different political information sources, the perceived reliability of these sources, their information sharing behavior, and sense of being politically well-informed (i.e., political information efficacy). We report here results from the third of three surveys we administered of an online questionnaire to three different but comparable opportunity samples of young, educated Tunisians. The first two surveys conducted in 2012 and 2015 have been previously reported. We compare results from the most recent survey regarding 2019 elections with findings from the two prior surveys. Our findings confirm increasing perceived reliability of government information sources during the 2014 and 2019 elections, and decreasing reliability of social media. Results also confirm that higher perceptions of information reliability along with information sharing, lead to greater political information efficacy which is an important predictor of further democratic political participation.
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Gobe, Eric, and Lena Salaymeh. "Tunisia's “Revolutionary” Lawyers: From Professional Autonomy to Political Mobilization." Law & Social Inquiry 41, no. 02 (2016): 311–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12154.
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On January 14, 2011, after twenty‐three years in power and one month of popular protest demanding his resignation, President Ben Ali fled Tunisia. Lawyers, wearing their official robes, had marched frequently in the uprising's demonstrations. By engaging with and supporting the uprising, lawyers—both the profession in general and the bar's leadership—gained considerable symbolic influence over the post‐uprising government that replaced Ben Ali's regime. This article outlines the various forms of political lawyering undertaken by Tunisian lawyers and their professional associations from Tunisia's independence to post‐uprising transitions. We demonstrate that economic concerns, professional objectives, and civic professionalism contributed to the collective action of Tunisian lawyers before and after the uprising. Tunisian lawyers moved beyond the realm of their profession to adopt a role as overseers of the post‐uprising government.
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Arfaoui, Khedija, and Jane Tchaïcha. "GOVERNANCE, WOMEN, AND THE NEW TUNISIA." TERRORISM FROM THE VIEW OF MUSLIMS 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0801135a.
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This paper considers the important events and challenges as they per- tain to female governance in the “New Tunisia”, resulting in large part from the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) elections charged with writing a new constitution. The analysis focuses on the role women played in the election process, including women’s participation in the interim government (January 2011-November 9, 2011) and political parties. It continues with an in depth ex- amination of the debates and actions that emergedamong various factions during the first two years following the revolution, which has led to increased concern about the preservation of Tunisian women’s rights. The principal re- search question asks, “To what extend have Tunisian women been able to par- ticipate actively in shaping the new Tunisia and will this trend continue?” The study integrates several investigative approaches: historical narrative of fac- tual events, participant observation (from both researchers), interviews, and careful review of the ongoing actions and activities of women’s groups and societal challenges since October 23, 2011, which in turn, has spunconsiderable debate within Tunisian society about the status of women in the new Tunisia.
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Al-Turk, Halima. "The Arab Springs: A Comparison of the Uprisings in Libya & Syria in 2011." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 1 (October 15, 2016): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur66.
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The Arab Springs is known as “a revolutionary wave of demonstrations, protests, riots, protracted civil wars and other forms of opposition (both violent and non-violent) in the Arab territories” (Elfaith. 2015, 121). Starting in Tunisia on December 18, 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi a street vendor, set himself on fire after being harassed by municipal police officials. Bouazizi’s act of self-immolation sparked international attention, leading Tunisia into a revolution. After being in power for 23 years as Tunisia’s President, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali stepped down and fled to Saudi Arabia (Bunton 2013, 16). Tunisia’s revolution led both the Arab and non-Arab world to witness “spontaneous explosions of protests, [revolutions] and popular political upheaval” in countries such as Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Morocco, Lebanon, Algeria, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Sudan and Mauritania (Ismael and Ismael 2013, 229). The high levels of political corruption, economic hardships and the desire for a free democratic government all inspired the citizens of these countries to take action against their governments.
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Belhadj, Souhaïl. "De la centralisation autoritaire à la naissance du « pouvoir local » : transition politique et recompositions institutionnelles en Tunisie (2011–2014)." Social Science Information 55, no. 4 (August 6, 2016): 479–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018416658154.
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The weakening of local power structures in Tunisia, whether linked to the authoritarian centralization of the country or to the erosion of the mechanisms for coopting local elites, strongly contributed to upset the political equilibrium of fallen President Ben Ali’s regime. The weakened position created conditions favorable to an ongoing negotiation over power-sharing among social groups and their access to resources. The adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 attests to this redefinition of power relations between local elites and the central State inasmuch as it established, for the first time in modern Tunisian history, the principle of an elected, decentralized ‘local power’ with financial and administrative autonomy. The aim of this article is to answer the question of whether the adoption of a new Constitution, brought in on the basis of a historical compromise between the representatives of the country’s different political tendencies, would enable an orderly changeover from authoritarian government to long-term power-sharing arrangements.
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BenGhoul, Marwa. "Political Risk and Foreign Direct Investment in Tunisia." International Journal of Sustainable Economies Management 8, no. 3 (July 2019): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsem.2019070104.
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Political risk factors have been considered as important factors which impact the foreign direct investment (FDI). But, the relationship between the political risk and FDI still not highly covered as expected. In this context, it is crucial to measure the political risk factors impact on the FDI especially for the Arab Spring countries which embraced radical political change after the revolution in 2011. This article aims to investigate the relationship between political risk and the FDI in Tunisia for the case of service sectors. The research is based on aggregate variables that represent six pillars of Governance Indicators. The data was extracted from the Worldwide Governance and the Tunisian Central Bank websites, the data frequency is yearly from 2004 to 2016. The research confirms that the political factors notably the government effectiveness and voice and accountability have significant impact on the FDI and on the FDI in the services sector.
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Berman, Chantal. "When Revolutionary Coalitions Break Down: Polarization, Protest, and the Tunisian Political Crisis of August 2013." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 2 (November 24, 2019): 136–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01102003.
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Revolutionary coalitions often break down in the aftermath of revolution, leading to the collapse of transitional governments. Fragmentation among revolutionary elites has been extensively theorized, but few works consider the origins and consequences of polarization among non-elite protesters in the revolutionary coalition. This paper examines the case of Tunisia to unpack how polarization among former revolutionaries may drive secondary waves of mobilization that imperil governing coalitions, even when elites are cooperating. Unique protest surveys of pro- and anti-government demonstrations during the Tunisian political crisis of 2013 – which catalyzed the resignation of the country’s first elected assembly – show that polarization within this coalition occurred along ideological lines concerning the role of Islam in governance but not along class lines, as some theories of transition would predict. Revolutionaries are re-mobilized in part through divergent narratives concerning which social groups participated most in the revolutionary struggle, and which groups suffered and profited most under the old regime. This paper counters the elite-centrism of predominant “transitology” approaches by highlighting how protest politics may shape institutional transitions.
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Girod, Desha M., Megan A. Stewart, and Meir R. Walters. "Mass protests and the resource curse: The politics of demobilization in rentier autocracies." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 5 (July 27, 2016): 503–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894216651826.
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Why are some dictators more successful at demobilizing protest movements than others? Repression sometimes stamps out protest movements (Bahrain in 2011) but can also cause a backlash (Egypt and Tunisia in 2011), leading to regime change. This article argues that the effectiveness of repression in quelling protests varies depending upon the income sources of authoritarian regimes. Oil-rich autocracies are well equipped to contend with domestic and international criticism, and this gives them a greater capacity to quell protests through force. Because oil-poor dictators lack such ability to deal with criticism, repression is more likely to trigger a backlash of increased protests. The argument is supported by analysis of newly available data on mass protests from the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO 2.0) dataset, which covers all countries (1945–2006). This article implies that publics respond strategically to repression, and tend to demobilize when the government is capable of continually employing repression with impunity.
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Sofi, Mohammad Dawood. "Ḥizb al-Nahḍah: from revolution to government and to a second referendum." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 398–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1050280.
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The year 2011 witnessed watershed events in the countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), resulting in long-awaited political and social transformation, with Tunisia acting as catalyst and modus operandi for the other countries of the region. Although the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ now seems to be gripped in a stalemate in Egypt, where vagueness still prevails, and in Syria and Libya, where the security situation continues to be extremely precarious and unstable, there seems to be a wind of change in the political context in Tunisia, where on 26 October 2014 the population witnessed the second post-revolution elections. The political party Ḥizb al-Nahḍah (Renaissance Party), officially founded in 1981, has been having a considerable impact on the political milieu of the region since its political career has experienced a renewed boost. Furthermore, Salafism has emerged as a legitimate force in the country demanding al-Nahḍah to redefine its role and strategy. While in power al-Nahḍah faced multifarious political, social and economic challenges that compelled it to devise new strategies and policies to suit the changing socio-political climate. In addition to exploring post-revolution transitions and transformations in Tunisia, this paper focuses on Ḥizb al-Nahḍah, the issues and challenges it encountered while in power, and those that lie ahead.
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Hanau Santini, Ruth, and Giulia Cimini. "Intended and Unintended Consequences of Security Assistance in Post-2011 Tunisia." Contemporary Arab Affairs 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2019.121006.
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In Tunisia, the notion and understanding of security, while no longer focused on regime security, remains a top-down, state-security understanding, rather than a societal one. Further, while the 2014 democratic Constitution devised significant checks and balances between the branches of government, even in the security field, external security assistance facilitated the centralization of security decision-making in the hands of the President of the Republic.
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Solovyev, Andrey Aleksandrovich. "Legal basis of the Supreme Council of Magistracy of the Tunisian Republic and its evolution." Юридические исследования, no. 1 (January 2023): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-7136.2023.1.38537.
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The subject of this work is the study of the legal foundations of the activities of the Supreme Council of Magistracy of the Tunisian Republic, which is the highest body of the judicial community of the country. The author dwells on the key normative legal acts regulating the foundations of the legal status of the Supreme Council of Magistracy as a constitutional body, examines its structure, composition and competence. Special attention is paid to the place of the Supreme Council of Magistracy in the political system and the evolution of this body in connection with the crisis of 2010-2011 (the jasmine revolution), reflecting the most difficult compromises between political elites, as well as emerging disputes about competence between different branches of government of the country. During the research, the author used various methods of scientific cognition, both general: analysis, synthesis, logical and structural-functional, and special legal: formal legal, legal modeling method and comparative legal. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the author for the first time in domestic legal science conducted a comparative study of the legal foundations of the activities of the Supreme Council of Magistracy of the Tunisian Republics, and also considered the evolution of this body in the context of a political crisis. The author comes to the conclusion that the evolution of the legal status of the judicial community of Tunisia is directly related to changes in the political system of this country, is very difficult and is currently far from complete.
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Touzani, Mourad, Fahd Jlassi, Adnan Maalaoui, and Rabi Bel Haj Hassine. "Contextual and cultural determinants of entrepreneurship in pre- and post-revolutionary Tunisia." Journal of Small Business and Enterprise Development 22, no. 1 (February 16, 2015): 160–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jsbed-10-2011-0011.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the motivations and inhibitions linked to the entrepreneurial act in Tunisia, a country belonging to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. The findings of such a study help to better understand why new graduates are reluctant to create their own firms in spite of the political efforts made by the government. Design/methodology/approach – A qualitative approach is adopted. It is based on 38 semi-directive in-depth interviews conducted with new graduates in entrepreneurship, some of them being young entrepreneurs, and others who did not go through the entrepreneurial process. On the basis of the data collected, a thematic content analysis has been carried out. Findings – A set of contextual and cultural factors has been highlighted by the analysis. When the context is characterised by poverty, mafia, corruption, or even by a popular revolution or a war in a neighbouring country, these factors may significantly affect new graduates’ decision to create their own firm. Besides, the entrepreneurial decision may be affected by cultural factors: the bureaucratic system, autocracy, and the existence of entrepreneurial milieus such as social class, region, and geographical regions. Research limitations/implications – The inductive qualitative approach adopted in a research study affects the generalisable character of the results. This study is also geographically limited to the great Tunis area (the capital and its suburbs). Originality/value – This study has been carried out in a context of an emergent country from the MENA region. This special setting leads to the valorisation of an understudied set of contextual and cultural motivations and inhibitors of entrepreneurship.
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Herdi Sahrasad. "Pergolakan Mesir: Dari Revolusi ke Transisi Demokrasi." Konfrontasi: Jurnal Kultural, Ekonomi dan Perubahan Sosial 3, no. 2 (January 10, 2020): 42–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/konfrontasi2.v3i2.62.
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The 2011 revolution in Egypt started with marches, demonstrations and civil resistance on January 25. Protesters were inspired by the successful uprising in Tunisia, where demonstrators succeeded in bringing down the govern- ment. People came on to the streets demanding the overthrow of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. They complained of poverty, unemployment, corruption and autocratic governance of the president who had ruled the country for 30 years. Demonstrators included Islamic, liberal, anti-capi- talist, nationalist and feminist elements. The Egyptian protesters' grievances focused on legal and political issues, including police brutality, state-of-emergency laws, lack of free elections and freedom of speech, corruption, and economic issues including high un- employment, food-price inflation and low wages.The protesters' primary demands were the end of the Mubarak regime and emergency law, freedom, justice, a responsive non-military government and a voice in managing Egypt's resources. Strikes by labour unions added to the pressure on government officials.
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Kouya, Hortense Kouya, and Dominique Oba. "The Contribution of the International Organization of Francophonie in Cultural Matter in the Republic of Congo from 1981 to 2016." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 2, no. 4 (October 14, 2021): 347–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v2i4.315.
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Colonization has had a lasting impact on African life. This movement instilled a new culture within these colonies. Among these African countries is the Congo. On the whole, these countries have experienced some disputes near where it was a question of meeting around an international body which is none other than the Francophonie for the countries or states colonized by France. It is in this sense that under the leadership of three African Heads of State,Léopold Sédar Senghor from Senegal, Habib Bourguiba from Tunisia and Hamani Diori from Niger, and of Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, the representatives of 21 states and governments signed in Niamey, on March 20, 1970, the convention establishing the Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation (ACCT). New intergovernmental organization based on the sharing of a common language, French. The Congo being colonized by France adheres to the International Organization of Francophonie on December 7 to 9, 1981, during the general conference held in Libreville, Gabon. And the Congolese government has come to understand that ensuring a better vision on culture and politics can lead the Congo to sustainable development. Hence the need for the Congolese state to cooperate with the International Organization of Francophonie for better visibility for the cultural and political promotion of the country. This is what the subject of our study is: the contribution of the OIF in cultural and political matters in the Republic of Congo from 1981 to 2016.
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Kouya, Hortense Kouya, and Dominique Oba. "The Contribution of the International Organization of Francophonie in Cultural Matter in the Republic of Congo from 1981 to 2016." Randwick International of Social Science Journal 2, no. 4 (October 14, 2021): 347–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.47175/rissj.v2i4.315.
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Colonization has had a lasting impact on African life. This movement instilled a new culture within these colonies. Among these African countries is the Congo. On the whole, these countries have experienced some disputes near where it was a question of meeting around an international body which is none other than the Francophonie for the countries or states colonized by France. It is in this sense that under the leadership of three African Heads of State,Léopold Sédar Senghor from Senegal, Habib Bourguiba from Tunisia and Hamani Diori from Niger, and of Prince Norodom Sihanouk of Cambodia, the representatives of 21 states and governments signed in Niamey, on March 20, 1970, the convention establishing the Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation (ACCT). New intergovernmental organization based on the sharing of a common language, French. The Congo being colonized by France adheres to the International Organization of Francophonie on December 7 to 9, 1981, during the general conference held in Libreville, Gabon. And the Congolese government has come to understand that ensuring a better vision on culture and politics can lead the Congo to sustainable development. Hence the need for the Congolese state to cooperate with the International Organization of Francophonie for better visibility for the cultural and political promotion of the country. This is what the subject of our study is: the contribution of the OIF in cultural and political matters in the Republic of Congo from 1981 to 2016.
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Zran, Jamel, and Moez Ben Messaoud. "Broadcasting Public Service in the Arab World: Rupture and Continuity." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management 5, no. 3 (July 27, 2018): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v5i3.20599.
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A large proportion of the media around the world, especially those related to radio and television, belong to the state. In principle at least, there are three different terms to talk about these types of media: (1). The public media that draws on the treasury to present programming that is in the interest of the general population. They do not support any political party, not even the party in power. (2). National media owned by the state and using the treasury money, are also controlled directly by the state. (3). Government media that is owned by the ruling party and uses the treasury money, are also controlled by the ruling party. These three models coexist already in the Arab world since independence. This phenomenon almost removed the clear distinction that existed in principle between the government media and the public media. After the Arab Spring in 2011, however, this distinction remains important. The public broadcaster model was based on a principle that is still justified for most of the world and that the private media alone can not guarantee the pluralism of broadcasting. The problem, however, is that the government media have also largely failed. In several countries, the arrival of private media has pushed governments to exercise editorial control of the public media. The discussion of media regulation is aimed primarily at ensuring that the media financed by the Public treasury exercise their profession with the full independence of the government of the day to which they are entitled, rather than aiming to restrict the freedom of the media that already enjoy full editorial independence. In the Arab world, there have been some attempts to recover and modernize the ideal model of public media, as for example the case of Tunisia, Morocco and Jordan. This study aim to search if the Arab broadcasting meet the recognized standards and the requirements of the concept of public service?Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-3: 98-112
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Gabsi, Zouhir. "Rap and Mizoued Music: Claiming a Space for Dissent and Protest in Post-Arab Spring Tunisia." Sociological Research Online 25, no. 4 (February 2, 2020): 626–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419898494.
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The Arab Spring in Tunisia has brought with it positive changes, such as freedom of expression and democracy. However, Tunisians have found that these applauded achievements have not improved their living conditions. After Ben Ali was ousted in 2010, the decline of Tunisia’s economy was exacerbated by internal and external factors such as global recession, a dysfunctional liberal economy, internal political infighting, and corruption. To ventilate their frustration and dismay with the government and the overall socio-economic situation in Tunisia, some Tunisians turn to the music of rap and Mizoued in search for a new space where there is solace and escapism. Mizoued music and rap deal with core issues about the living conditions in Tunisia, such as ḥarga (border jumping, clandestine migration). Most rappers and Mzēwdiyye (Mizoued players) represent the houma (neighbourhood), and it is their connection with frustrated youths and struggling Tunisians that influenced these two genres to merge and gain popularity in their shared history of marginalization. The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it analyses the points of convergence and divergence of these two genres in terms of themes and authenticity. Second, it discusses how rap and Mizoued discourses use the notion of ‘space’ in the development of the artists’ trajectories and narratives in three domains: cultural, political, and sociological. Within these domains, Bourdieu’s social concepts of habitus, cultural capital, and field throw light on how ‘taste’, power’, and ‘class’ are exercised in the three domains.
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Soengas-Pérez, Xosé, and Mohamed Assif. "Cyberactivisim in the process of political and social change in Arab Countries." Comunicar 25, no. 53 (October 1, 2017): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3916/c53-2017-05.
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This research analyses the contribution of cyberactivism to the political and social change in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, as well as the opinion of young Arabs on the present context. Meaningful information has been extracted from regular interviews to 30 undergraduates over a five-year period. These students had already participated in the process boosting the Arab Spring in 2011, and they keep practising cyberactivism ever since. The use of a mixed method research allows for carrying out a study where quantitative elements are complemented by qualitative ones. Findings show that Arab countries have not yet shaken off the former structures that supported the regimes preceding 2011, which are those that hamper the consolidation of a modern country. At the moment, there are still two conflicting realities between millenary traditions and values connected to revolutions and symbols of progressivism in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. In a context where the unity of action action is needed, cyberactivism plays an essential role, as it brings together critical citizens in a common and virtual space. These groups are committed to change, they keep in touch with the outside world and beyond censorship, they make protests visible to the international arena, and monitor government actions. Esta investigación analiza la contribución del ciberactivismo al cambio político y social en Túnez, en Egipto y en Libia, y la opinión de los jóvenes árabes sobre la situación actual. Para disponer de información relevante sobre estos hechos se ha entrevistado periódicamente durante los últimos cinco años a 30 universitarios que ya habían participado en el proceso que impulsó las revueltas de 2011 y que siguen siendo ciberactivistas desde entonces. La utilización de una metodología mixta permite realizar un estudio donde los aspectos de carácter cuantitativo se complementan con contenidos cualitativos. Los resultados demuestran que los países árabes todavía no se han desprendido de muchas de las estructuras que sostenían a los regímenes anteriores a 2011, que son las que dificultan la consolidación de un sistema moderno. En este momento en Túnez, en Egipto y en Libia todavía conviven dos realidades que provocan un choque permanente entre las tradiciones milenarias, muy arraigadas en determinados sectores de la sociedad, y los valores asociados a las revoluciones, más progresistas. En un contexto donde es necesaria la unidad de acción, el ciberactivismo juega un papel fundamental porque congrega en un espacio virtual común a la ciudadanía crítica comprometida con el proceso de cambio, permite organizarse, mantener contacto con el exterior al margen de la censura oficial, hacer visibles las protestas en escenarios internacionales y vigilar las acciones del Gobierno.
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Sapronova, M. A. "RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.
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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
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Chaabani, Hassen. "Abir's Enlightenment Revolution is the basic element leading to the end of the corrupt regime resulting from the poisoned Tunisian revolution 2011." International Journal of Modern Anthropology 2, no. 16 (December 9, 2021): 509–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ijma.v2i16.1.
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Ten years after the launch of its 2011 revolution, Tunisia has reached a catastrophic socio-economic situation that confirms that none of major goals of this revolution have been achieved. Here, from an anthropological analysis of major events happened during this decade I reveal and discuss mysteries of this revolution, and I show how and why it got to her final stage. I qualified it as „poisoned‟ because of clandestine interventions from some foreign countries that were able to steer it on a corrupt and dangerous path from the very beginning. In fact, although it was started by young people who have no political and ideological affiliation, many opportunist politicians rode its wave and given a false revolutionary label to their parties. One of these parties, „Ennahdha‟, in a clear relationship with some countries, very likely got secretly considerable funds. The use of these moneys, coupled with dissemination of religious misinformation, during the pre-elections period permitted this party to be the first to come to power. Since then, it began (1) to support secretly those who perform the corrupt instrumentalization of Islam leading to terrorism and obscurantism, (2) not to apply laws that conflict with its interests, and (3) to develop corruption through wide networks spread in most of the national institutions particularly in judicial and security sectors. This has ensured it permanent influence over the major joints of the State even if it does not have the highest representation in the Government. At the end of this despaired decade, a glimmer of hope appeared with the emergence of the wonderful leader ‟Abir Moussi‟ who called for Enlightenment Revolution. Her heroic struggle is the basic element leading to the end of the poisoned revolution 2011 and the resulting corrupt regime, which was mainly fabricated and dominated by Ennahdha, the last dangerous stronghold of the World Brotherhood Sect. I end this study by presenting recommendations aimed at eliminating the corrupt instrumentalization of Islam and preventing its return.
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D. Sheetz, Steven, Andrea Kavanaugh, Hamida Skandrani, and Edward A. Fox. "Uses and Gratifications of Political Information: Student Perceptions of Information from the 2014 Tunisian Elections." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT SCIENCE AND BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION 7, no. 4 (2021): 36–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18775/ijmsba.1849-5664-5419.2014.74.1005.
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People use diverse sources of information to obtain political information. We apply uses and gratifications theory (UGT) to illustrate how the use of different political information sources influences perceptions of information satisfaction related to the Tunisian elections of 2014. An online survey of 175 university students in Tunisia, with a 58% response rate. We use partial least squares structural equation modelling to test our research model of hypotheses relating content, process, and social gratifications to information satisfaction. We find that content, process, and social gratifications constructs combine to explain 41% of the variance in information satisfaction. Content gratification has the strongest influence (p=.505) followed by similar levels of influence of process (p=.163) and social (p=.140) gratifications. Social gratifications are partially mediated by process gratification. Limitations of our study include our online survey method and our sample of university students. However, our respondents experienced the uprising, the election campaigns, and voted in the elections, suggesting their perceptions are valid, if not generalisable to all of Tunisia. Practically our study suggests that individuals searching for political information should 1) determine how they’ll know information is accurate, 2) maximize the number of different activities for information-seeking rather than focusing on the frequency of a few activities, and 3) know that information sharing contributes to information satisfaction. The dominance of content gratifications, i.e., information reliability and accuracy, is important for information providers, such as, government and political leaders. Our study provides evidence that UGT is useful in the novel context of emerging political situations.
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Zahrouni, Rafika. "Tunisian Theater Through the Lens of Revolution: Theatrical Expression as Resistance, Anxiety, Aspiration." Review of Middle East Studies 47, no. 2 (2013): 183–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2151348100058080.
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By comparing pre- and post-2011 Tunisian theatrical scripts and performances, this report analyzes instances of resistance to political oppression. The Tunisian theater provides space for free expression against the way in which the Tunisian government has handled its power, especially with regard to Islamic terrorism, not only before but also after the revolution. The present report also suggests that the pre-revolution plays represent resistance to the Tunisian pre-revolution regime that stifled political, religious, and cultural free expression. Despite the new political plurality that sprang up in 2011 in reaction to the revolution, however, resistance to the post-revolution political system also forms the central focus in the later plays that highlight oppression.
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Ben Rejeb Attia, Mouna, Naima Lassoued, and Anis Attia. "Political costs and earnings management: evidence from Tunisia." Journal of Accounting in Emerging Economies 6, no. 4 (November 7, 2016): 388–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaee-05-2013-0022.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to test the political costs hypothesis in emerging economies characterized by interventionist governments and weak protection of property rights. The paper uses executives’ political connection and state control to measure firms’ political costs. Design/methodology/approach Based on a sample of Tunisian firms, univariate and multivariate analyses are used to test whether firms’ political costs have any impact on earnings management. Findings The empirical analysis indicates that the executives’ political connection is not directly related to earnings management. However, the interaction between executives’ political connection and the state control affects the firm’s sensitivity to political pressure and its earnings management practices. More specifically, this study provides evidence that non-connected firms and state-controlled firms attempt to use accounting policies to decrease their earnings especially during periods of the former government when they had to face high political costs. This finding is robust to comparing means of political cost indicators between different groups. Indeed, private firms with political connection enjoy a significantly lower insurance right, tax and donations and grants compared to other firms. Research limitations/implications This study provides empirical evidence for the specific application of accounting theory in emerging economies. Practical implications Political influence may be an important criterion that will be used by auditors and investors to appreciate and detect specific manipulations of accounting earnings. Similarly, regulators should be aware of the political factors effect on discretionary behavior of managers to provide appropriate rules and standards. Originality/value The study is a pioneer in proving that a firm’s size is not always a suitable measure of its political cost. It extends the accounting literature on the role of political economy in the application of the political costs hypothesis. This hypothesis is confirmed in emerging economies by providing new and significantly measure of firms’ political costs
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Żuber, Marian, and Samuel Sahel Moussa. "Arab Spring as a Background of Civil War in Syria." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 245–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0038.
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Abstract In the paper the reasons of outbreak of conflict in Syria at the background of social and political situation of the Arab world at the beginning of 21st century were presented. The influence of displeasure explosion against governments in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, known as Arab Spring, on the situation in Syria was described. The attention on escalation of tensions between Bashar al-Assad’s government and opposition as a source of civil war in Syria was paid. The foreign players at the arena of Syrian conflict with special concern to United States and Russia activity, as a main contractors in the conflict were shown
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Loukil, Nadia. "Does political instability influence dividend payout policy: evidence from Tunisian Stock Exchange?" EuroMed Journal of Business 15, no. 2 (April 23, 2020): 253–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/emjb-06-2019-0094.
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PurposeThe purpose of this study tests whether political instability influence financial decision-making behavior of Tunisian-listed firms, in particular dividend payout policy.Design/methodology/approachThis paper uses dividend payout decisions announced over the period 2008–2015 by nonfinancial firms listed on the Tunisian Stock Exchange. A logistic regression is applied to analyze the relationship between political instability and dividend payout decision “changes. These latter are: past non-payers” dividend initiation, past payers' dividend termination, dividend payout “increasing and dividend payout” decreasing. Political instability variables used are as follows: number of changes in government head and dummy variables indicating the changes of ruling party and election year.FindingsThis study shows that government head changes are positively related to dividend initiation decisions while changes in ruling party are negatively related to termination dividend decisions except for family controlled ones. These firms are more likely to stop dividend on period of ruling party changes. Moreover, firms become unwilling to increase dividend payment on the period of political instability (changes in ruling party and government head and elections) and become willing to decrease dividend payment only when the government head changes.Practical implicationsThe empirical findings contribute to the current debate on the signaling power of dividend policy in emerging market where raising equity capital is difficult and controlling shareholders prefer reinvest benefit to pay dividends. In addition, this study has important implications for regulators and governments struggling to design policies to improve investors' confidence and boost market activity. Indeed, investors may use corporate payout as a signal for better governance.Originality/valueTo the author' best knowledge, this paper is the first to investigate and to compare the effect of three political instability sources; government head changes, changes in ruling party and elections, on dividend payout decision changes. This paper provides evidence that firms facing political unstable environment seek to achieve two goals when they make dividend policy: reducing financial distress probability and attracting minority owners.
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Ben Rejeb Attia, Mouna. "Firm borrowing capacity, government ownership and real earnings management." International Journal of Public Sector Management 33, no. 2/3 (August 30, 2019): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpsm-01-2019-0029.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine borrowing capacity (BC) of government-owned firms and whether real earnings management (REM) activities moderate the sensitivity of firm BC to government ownership. Design/methodology/approach A simultaneous equation analysis is applied to study 210 Tunisian non-financial firms over the 2001–2014 period. Findings The empirical results provide substantial evidence indicating that government-owned firms have higher BC and significant REM than other firms; the relationship between government ownership and firm BC is partially moderated by REM activities. Practical implications The findings imply that the implicit credit guarantee of government is not necessarily the unique determinant of firm BC and highlight the role of lenders in monitoring discretionary real transactions in government-owned and protected firms. These implications should be taken in to account by public sector policy makers. In particular, the findings predict that the current government accounting reform in Tunisia on the basis of IPSAS will, probably, improve information quality, but it is still insufficient to control real activities in public institutions. Originality/value This study extends a growing research stream on the relationship between BC and government ownership by focusing on the moderating effect of REM on this relationship and by considering the endogeneity issue. The findings provide evidence that government-owned firms use REM practices to improve their BC. Examining these practices in developing countries provides an opportunity to evaluate the efficiency of their public sector reforms and their effect on a firm’s performance and financing decisions.
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Zahlan, A. B. "Science and the Arabs: opportunities and challenges." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 190–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.569180.
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Tunisians and Egyptians sought recently to transform their political culture. Their political economy has rendered it impossible to develop the scientific infrastructure needed to benefit from science. This paper shows that, by comparison with China and India, the Arabs in 1999 had a substantially higher level of university enrolment, per million inhabitants abroad and at home; and were ahead in per capita R&D output. Yet both China and India were able to take off with these resources while the Arab countries were left behind. The research output of the Arab countries increased about 50-fold over the period 1967–2010. Egypt, the GCC and the Maghreb are in the lead, and the leading countries are Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Tunisia. Yet Arab governments provide minimal support to R&D at 0.2% of GNP and few countries have recently increased support to R&D. The paper discusses their research output as well international collaboration.
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Saidin, Mohd Irwan Syazli. "John L. Esposito, Tamara Sonn, And John O. Voll (2016). Islam And Democracy After The Arab Spring. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 306 Pages. ISBN: 978-0-19514798-8." Journal of Al-Tamaddun 17, no. 2 (December 21, 2022): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/jat.vol17no2.23.
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This book discusses the dynamics of the relationship between Islam as a religious and political teaching with democracy in the context of the effects of the Arab Spring and the subsequent events after it. The authors, who are considered to be “titans” in the field of democracy and Islam, started the book by saying “Many western observers were shocked when Arabs began open rebellions against their governments in December 2010” and this seem to point out not only the unpredictability of the uprisings, but also to the inaccuracy behind several of the most accepted assumptions about politics and governance in the Arab world. The chapters of the book discuss the experiences of political transition in general and how democratisation works in particular through the examples of seven different countries, namely Turkey, Iran, Pakistan, Indonesia, Senegal, Tunisia and Egypt.
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De Poli, Barbara. "Arab revolts and 'Civil State': a new term for old conflicts between Islamism and secularism." Approaching Religion 4, no. 2 (December 8, 2014): 95–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.67553.
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The Arab revolts that erupted in late 2010, forcing from power the rulers of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen, and dragging Syria through a ferocious civil war, reactivated the public debate on government in Islamic countries. In all those countries, after removing the authoritarian regimes (or fighting against them), the political arena saw a division into two main camps: Islamic parties and secularists; both claiming to stand for democracy. Within the political discourse of both sides a new concept began to play a pivotal role: that of the ’civil state’ – dawla madaniyya – a term which, however, renders different semantic interpretations according to the political actors involved, meaning both ‘no military or theocratic (but Islamic) State’, and ‘secular State’. We’ll especially analyse the usage of the term ‘dawla madaniyya’ in Tunisia and Egypt since the beginning of the Arab revolts and up until 2014 and, for the same time period, the political practices of Islamist and secularist parties (government experiences, constituent assemblies) focusing on the effectiveness of the dawla madaniyya paradigm for building a democratic state.
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Sallam, Hesham. "The Egyptian Revolution and the Politics of Histories." PS: Political Science & Politics 46, no. 02 (March 28, 2013): 248–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096513000231.
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The Arab “revolutions” and the events surrounding them have posed a variety of theoretical challenges to political scientists. Popular uprisings have resulted in the ouster of long-standing autocrats in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, and are seriously threatening the survival of incumbent authoritarian rulers in a region that once seemed immune to democratic change (Brumberg 2002; Fish 2002; Heydemann 2007; Posusney and Angrist 2005; Salamé 1994; Schlumberger 2007). These unforeseen developments pushed scholars of politics back to the drawing board to revisit dominant theoretical understandings of the drivers of regime change and stability (Albrecht and Bishara 2011; Bellin 2012; Blaydes and Lo 2012; Brownlee and Stacher 2011; Droz-Vincent 2011; Gause 2011; Goldstone 2011; Hoffman and Jamal 2012, Lynch 2011; Masoud 2011; Stacher 2012).
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Bel’Kiry, Leila Najeh. "A Historical Account of Linguistic Imperialism and Educational Policy in Tunisia: From the independence to the ‘Jasmine Revolution’." Indonesian TESOL Journal 3, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.24256/itj.v3i1.1742.
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This article is about foreign languages hegemony in Tunisia. It describes the linguistic situation at the macro and micro levels, the Tunisian and the international linguistic communities, the status of English and French languages throughout the world, and their effects on the Tunisian educational policy. The prevalence of French in Tunisia as the language of science and technology between 1956 and 1987, the way the value of English is promoted in the Tunisian educational system between 1987 and 2011 though Tunisia is a French colonized country, and the tendency to linguistic isolationism since 2011, prove the intrinsic link between language and politics. Political changes at international and local levels shape the local linguistic communities.
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Johansson-Nogués, Elisabeth. "Gendering the Arab Spring? Rights and (in)security of Tunisian, Egyptian and Libyan women." Security Dialogue 44, no. 5-6 (October 2013): 393–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010613499784.
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During the anti-regime uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya, women from all walks of life were as ready as men to take to the streets to protest against the ineptitude and transgressions of their countries’ governments. Their courage was particularly noteworthy given that they suffered not only the violence of the regimes’ attempts to suppress protests by force, as did their male counterparts, but also a systematic targeting by security forces who attempted to break the women’s spirits through attacks on their honour and bodily integrity. The female presence and agency in the Arab Spring encouraged activists in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya to expect an equitable role for women in the political transition processes that followed the fall of the authoritarian regimes in those countries. However, the female input in those political transitions has been scant. Moreover, in all three countries, established women’s rights are increasingly under attack and violence against women is on the rise. This article applies a gendered perspective to explore the upheavals of the Arab Spring and the political transitions in the three countries, and inquires into the insecurities that women have suffered since early 2011.
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Salman, Lana, and Bernadette Baird-Zars. "From the Fragments Up: Municipal Margins of Maneuver in Syria and Tunisia." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 2 (November 24, 2019): 244–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01102006.
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Most studies of the Arab uprisings and their aftermaths focus on national-level political processes, neglecting changes at the municipal level. The few studies of municipalities that do exist tend to treat municipalities either as corruption-prone institutions exploited by local elites, or else as areas in need of intervention to make them function properly. We argue that municipalities are an overlooked site of political change—both spatially and temporally—that began prior to the uprisings but accelerated in their aftermath. Drawing on original empirical material from Tunisia and Syria between 2007 and 2014, we highlight two changing dimensions of municipal governance: how municipalities have sought to expand their power by stretching into new areas; and how, since the uprisings, municipalities have taken up new regulatory and enforcement roles in the wake of central state retreat. To support this analysis, we utilize on-the-ground interviews and fieldwork in Tunisia and off-site interviews and aerial analyses of urban growth in northern Syria. We find that, first, city governments are moving into the spaces where national actors are absent, transforming municipalities into spaces for meaningful political engagement (Tunisia) and the allocation of resources (Syria). Second, municipalities have gained greater autonomy in the arenas of service delivery and planning. This increase in municipal power does not represent a break from pre-uprising practices, but rather a continuation and perhaps acceleration of the politicization and expansion of municipal authority that began pre-2011.
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Kashina, Anna. "Gender Issue in Tunisia: from Politics to Practice." Asia and Africa Today, no. 2 (2022): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750015833-8.
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On the problem of gender equality, Tunisia remains a model for other Arab countries. Although since 2011 the issue of women's place has once again been on the agenda considering the dominance in the political scene of moderate Islamists of the Ennahda movement, heated debates between modernists and Islamists over new constitution and legislation framework brought Tunisia closer to world standards of gender equality. After the Revolution for Dignity and Freedom in Tunisia the feminist movement, which was born in the late 1930s, became more active and began declaring its activities as democratic feminism. Besides that, a new trend established itself as Islamic feminism. The analyses of statistical material revealed that most prominent achievements in concern of gender equality Tunisia gained in educational field with almost parity of male and female enrollment. On the other hand, discrimination in labour market gives cause for concern. As for political participation of women, it is still under desired level, but the dynamics is rather hopeful. The investigation of parliamentarians’ stances towards a proposed in 2017 bill requiring gender inheritance equality, shew that Tunisian society is still not ready to accept absolute gender equality because in some matters like inheritance it tends to hang upon religious norms and traditions. Thus, stereotypes and traditional perception of gender based on Islam remain a stumbling rock on the way to gender balance in society. Another corresponding problem is discrepancy in provisions of family law and undertaken international commitments dealing with narrowing gender gap. So, it’s predictable that while being in the top pf international ratings at the regional level Tunisia’s indicators measuring gender equality are rather moderate on the global scale.
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Howard, Philip N. "The Net Delusion: The Dark Side of Internet Freedom. By Evgeny Morozov. New York: PublicAffairs, 2011. 432p. $27.95." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 4 (December 2011): 895–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004014.
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Since early 2011 there have been significant changes in North Africa and the Middle East. Zine El Abidine Ben Ali had ruled Tunisia for 20 years, and Hosni Mubarak reigned in Egypt for 30 years. Yet their bravest challengers were 20- and 30-year-olds without ideological baggage, violent intentions, or clear leaders. Political change in these countries inspired activists across the region. Some tough authoritarian governments responded with tear gas and rubber bullets, others with policy concessions, welfare spending, and cabinet shuffles. The groups that initiated and sustained protests had few meaningful experiences with public deliberation or voting, and little experience with successful protesting. These young citizens were politically disciplined, pragmatic, and collaborative. Where did they come from? How do young people growing up in modern, entrenched, authoritarian regimes find political inspirations and aspirations? Are digital media important parts of the contemporary recipe for democratization?
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Mandják, Tibor, Samy Belaid, and James A. Narus. "The impact of institutional changes on the Tunisian auto parts aftermarket." IMP Journal 12, no. 1 (March 12, 2018): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/imp-03-2017-0012.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to address the effects of deep environmental changes on business network actors’ behaviors. The consequences of political, institutional, and socio-economic changes on Tunisian automotive spare-parts distribution networks during the past five years are examined. The authors chose the Tunisian automotive spare-parts distribution network for several important reasons. Most importantly, it gave us a unique platform to study the aftermath of deep political, socio-economic, and governance shocks caused by the Jasmin Revolution on a historically stable, simple, and productive business network within the import-dependent Tunisian spare-parts distribution system. Design/methodology/approach A qualitative, exploratory research project was conducted in Tunisia to assess and interpret changes in actors’ behaviors and business relationships within the automobile parts aftermarket due to major social, economic, and political upheavals. Automobile parts jobbers served as principal source of data for investigations. Jobbers were selected as key respondents because of the middle and pivotal position they occupy in Tunisian automobile parts distribution channels. For this reason, they were able to provide insightful and compelling information about business relationships with upstream channel members such as manufacturers and wholesalers as well as with downstream channel members such as retailers, repair shop owners, and repair technicians. Findings The authors found that seismic political, socio-economic, and interpersonal relationship shocks to institutions significantly impacted the behaviors of key actors in those networks, which, in turn, altered the nature and conduct of business within those networks. Profound changes in the companies’ external environment provoked changes in the companies’ proximate relationships and business dealings. In the short-run, these changes brought more conflictual and more short-term and selfish behaviors on the part of network actors in their ongoing business relationships. In long term, the increased volatility and uncertainty will likely bring wanted and unwanted institutional changes which, in turn, will likely create new forms of behaviors, relationships, and business networks. This new situation will cause a distrust between distribution actors and among notorious automotive brand names that are counterfeit and sold as genuine brand. Research limitations/implications As in the case of qualitative methodology, this research has several limitations. One of them is the focus on jobbers. Although the choice of jobbers as a key respondent is justified by their middle role between the importer wholesalers as their suppliers and the repair shops as their clients, the views of these other actors are not directly mirrored in the research. Another limit is that only the most important jobbers were asked who were generally threatened by the counterfeit products and who did not deal with those products. Thus, the view of the new actors is missing from the picture. Practical implications Managers must pay attention to potentially dangerous combinations of elements which, when taken together, may prompt self-serving and destructive behaviors that may threaten the continued prosperity of long-standing business relationships and networks. As in the Tunisian case, the lower the level of compliance combined with the availability of low price, counterfeit or imported goods dramatically increased the level of short-term, malevolent relationship-destroying behaviors. Perhaps the greatest danger to overall network prosperity comes when short-term opportunism replaces the pursuit of long-term mutual benefits. Research has long demonstrated that high-involvement long-term relationships are essential for distribution companies’ growth and sustained performance. Originality/value Given the immediacy of the revolution and the paucity of research on channels in developing North African nations, this work stands to make a timely contribution to the literature. The influence of weak institutions (including governments) is a unique and important contribution. Other unique contribution is the introduction of counterfeit goods into consideration showing their role in the changes of actors’ behavior and in the possible source of conflicts.
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Sayigh, Yezid. "Agencies of Coercion: Armies and Internal Security Forces." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 403–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000572.
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The readiness of army commanders in Egypt and Tunisia to counter the internal security agencies deployed by their own governments against civilian protestors in early 2011 proved decisive in bringing down presidents-for-life Husni Mubarak and Zayn al-ʿAbidin bin ʿAli. This brings into sharp relief questions about how to approach and assess the various coercive agencies of the state. Should we regard them as different branches of a single coercive apparatus, through which the state seeks to exercise a monopoly on the legitimate means of violence? Or should we see them as manifestations of more fragmented political institutions and social forces and consequently as performing distinct, and potentially divergent, functions in constantly evolving relation to each other?
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Sutherlin, John W. "Middle East Turmoil and Human Rights: How will the ‘New’ Regimes Expand Civil Liberties." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 11, no. 1 (2012): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914912x620743.
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AbstractDuring the spring of 2011, there were a number of significant developments in North Africa and the Middle East. Specifically, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Tunisia, and Yemen all experienced levels of civil unrest not seen in more than a generation. Clearly there are cries for democracy and freedom, but what will this mean to groups that have historically been discriminated against or disenfranchised regardless of the type of regime in power? For example, will women fare any better as a result of a new government in Tunisia? Will gays in Cairo find a more tolerant government? Can ethnic or religious minorities in Tripoli endure or flourish? The answers to these questions get to the heart of meaningful transformations in governance structures in MENA states.
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Wilks-Heeg, Stuart. "‘You can't play politics with people's jobs and people's services’: Localism and the politics of local government finance." Local Economy: The Journal of the Local Economy Policy Unit 26, no. 8 (November 29, 2011): 635–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269094211422190.
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Despite growing cross-party support for the principles of localism, the coalition's radical devolution agenda looks set to provoke a level of tension in central–local relations not seen since the 1980s. This article argues that the central cause of this friction, the front-loading of cuts in the local government financial settlement for 2011–2013, must be understood as the centrepiece of theConservatives’ agenda for local government reform. It is argued that, as with the introduction of the poll tax after 1987, the Conservatives have adopted a high-risk political strategy that will require the government to persuade voters that cuts in services arise from the failings of local councils. Evidence from opinion polls in the first half of 2011 suggests that the public is yet to be convinced that the blame lies with local government, but that they remain open to persuasion. However, a regionalized analysis of projected public sector job loss and voting patterns at the 2011 English local elections suggests that voters look set to blame central government in the areas where the cuts will hit hardest. If future local elections repeat this pattern, the limitations of the political strategy behind the localism agenda will become highly apparent.
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Kinney, Drew Holland. "Sharing Saddles: Oligarchs and Officers on Horseback in Egypt and Tunisia." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 2 (January 27, 2021): 512–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqaa093.
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Abstract Research on the military's removal from politics overemphasizes the attitudes and interests of officers. Civilians are portrayed as incapable of confronting refractory men with guns. This essay compares regime transitions in Egypt (2011–2013) and Tunisia (2011–2014) to show that unified civilian elites strengthen and polarized elites undermine civilian control of the armed forces. Research for the cases is based on interviews with Egyptian and Tunisian businesspersons, party members, and civil society activists; the International Consortium of Investigation Journalists's tax-offshoring database; loan disbursements from the IMF and World Bank; and secondary sources in Arabic, French, and English. The cases reveal novel insights about the military's removal from politics in fledgling democracies. Pleasing Egypt's officers did not shield President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood from a coup in July 2013 because Morsi and the Brotherhood threatened the wealth and power of civilian politicians and oligarchs. In Tunisia, Islamist and non-Islamist political and economic elites pushed democratization for fear of another Ben “Ali-style kleptocracy. Even during crisis in 2013, united civilian elites contained opposition calls for army intervention. The study's findings suggest that democratizers are not at the mercy of soldiers, but rather civilian leaders have the power to sideline their armies.
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Cammett, Melani. "Business–Government Relations and Industrial Change: The Politics of Upgrading in Morocco and Tunisia." World Development 35, no. 11 (November 2007): 1889–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2007.01.003.
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KWONG, Kin-ming, and Chiew Ping YEW. "Hong Kong Politics: Diminished Government Credibility and Heightened Political Awareness." East Asian Policy 04, no. 01 (January 2012): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930512000049.
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After two Chief Executive leadership, it is evident that Hong Kong has been ruled by polling, not the government, as seen in the policy U-turns in 2011. The government has failed to build public confidence in its leadership despite achievements such as raising Hong Kong's GDP per capita by 22% under Tsang's administration. A historically high proportion of people since the handover had identified themselves as Hong Kongers rather than Chinese citizens in June 2011.
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Zardo, Federica. "Migration, Mobility and the Challenge of Co-ownership Exploring European Union-Tunisia Post-Revolutionary Agenda." European Foreign Affairs Review 22, Issue 1 (January 1, 2017): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2017005.
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Soon after the jasmine revolution and the fall of Ben Ali’s regime in 2011, the migration and mobility dossier immediately entered the cooperation agenda between the European Union (EU) and Tunisia and dominated bilateral negotiations. The signature of the Joint Declaration for a Mobility Partnership was an important breakthrough in EU-Tunisia cooperation, since after decades of stalemate, the agreement allegedly sealed a new mutual will to cooperate in a sensitive policy area. Despite its pivotal role in the ‘new turn’ in EU-Tunisia relations, and against the EU declared quest for strengthened co-ownership, this contribution argues that the first steps of the EU-Tunisia Privileged Partnership in the realm of migration tend to replicate rooted dynamics rather than breaking with the past. It is contented that the permanence of deep institutional embeddedness in times of volatile transition limited the leeway of the Tunisian government, confirm the asymmetric nature of the relationship and questions the possibility for future cooperation priorities to be truly co-owned.
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Bassil, Noah, and Nourhan Kassem. "The Subtle Dynamics of Power Struggles in Tunisia: Local media since the Arab Uprisings." Media and Communication 9, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 286–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i4.4452.
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This article contributes to the analysis of local media and democratic transformation in Tunisia since the Arab Uprisings. It aims to assess the extent to which pluralism, freedom of expression, and participation—central tenets of democratisation—are evident at the local level. Tunisian local media, unlike the national media, is relatively free of governmental control. Local media is also decentralised. It is this autonomy from the government which makes the analysis of local media fundamentally important for understanding politics in Tunisia. While national media is linked to the most powerful elements in the country, the diversity of voices within the media at the local level provides an opportunity to grasp the grievances, struggles, and agency of people in Tunisia, especially the most marginalised communities. This article will detail the changes in the media landscape, especially for local media, in Tunisia and connect our analysis of local media to better understand the Tunisia that has developed between dictatorship and democracy and the extent that the fledgling Tunisian democracy can withstand its most recent test.
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Un, Kheang. "Cambodia in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 202–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.202.
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Abstract Cambodia's economy in 2011 recovered from the global economic downturn with a rise in garment exports. Hun Sen and the ruling Cambodian People's Party further consolidated power via the exercise of rule by law and patronage politics. Relations with Thailand returned to normal; ties with China strengthened with increased assistance and trade. The Khmer Rouge Tribunal proceeded amid allegations of political interference by the Cambodian government, making the further expansion of indictments unlikely.
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Badran, Yazan. "Understanding Emerging Media: Voice, Agency, and Precarity in the Post-2011 Arab Mediasphere." Media and Communication 9, no. 4 (December 17, 2021): 264–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v9i4.4475.
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The decade following the 2010–2011 Arab uprisings saw a flourishing of emerging media organisations across the region. The most recognisable examples of these new independent media actors include <em>Enab Baladi</em> in Syria, <em>Mada Masr</em> in Egypt, and Inkyfada in Tunisia. However, this phenomenon comprises a much more diverse set of actors from small-scale associative radio stations in Tunisia to numerous exilic Syrian media outlets. Building on previous research as well as recent fieldwork in Tunisia and Turkey, this article is an attempt to make sense of the genesis, development, and relevance of this new class of media actors. We argue that these emerging media organisations can be seen to represent specific interventions into the politics of voice in their various national and local contexts, but ones that share similar logics. To elucidate this argument, we propose a multi-dimensional understanding of these interventions that brings together voices (actors, issues, discourses), modalities of voice (organisational models, values, production value), and the underlying political economy of these emerging media (funding, institutionalisation). However, the article also argues that these interventions, and the logics they share, themselves belie a complex interaction between the political and professional agency and precarity of these media organisations and the individuals, and groups, behind them. We believe that combining these two perspectives is a necessary step for a more nuanced understanding of the nature and practice of these emerging media organisations.
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Giusti, Serena, and Clara Della Valle. "Disruptions in the ENP Cycle: EU Gender Policies in Tunisia from a ‘Decentring Perspective’." European Foreign Affairs Review 26, Issue 3 (October 1, 2021): 397–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2021034.
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The article explores how policy actions generated by the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) are enacted in partner countries as the result of cooperation between their governments and EU headquarters and between local actors and EU delegations (EUDs). By borrowing insights from the literature on EU democracy support and on external perceptions of the EU, the article considers the implementation of EU gender policies in Tunisia through the analytical lens of the ‘policy cycle model’. It adopts a ‘decentring perspective’ privileging local actors’ needs, expectations and viewpoints, which reveals that major disruptions in the implementation of EU gender policies derive more from the organization’s bureaucratic rigidity than from the way policy is conceived. The EU does not properly address these disruptions, because of a mix of procedural constraints and political prioritization, which affect the functioning of the ENP cycle. This risks undermining desired outputs at the local level and questions the so-called EU ‘local turn’ that accelerated especially after 2011. The article concludes that the ‘policy cycle model’ can be a useful analytical tool to examine other ENP policies, especially if combined with a ‘decentring perspective’. ENP, gender policies, Tunisia, EU delegations, female civil society, policy cycle model, decentring perspective
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차재권. "Party-Government Relations in Korean Politics(1948~2011): From Government-Dominant to Party-Dominant System." Journal of Social Science ll, no. 17 (February 2015): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31625/issdoi.2015..17.1.
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