Relevant bibliographies by topics / Tunisia – History – Demonstrations, 2010-

Academic literature on the topic 'Tunisia – History – Demonstrations, 2010-'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Tunisia – History – Demonstrations, 2010-"

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Marcinkowski, Christoph. "Whither 'Arab Spring?" ICR Journal 3, no. 3 (April 15, 2012): 532–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v3i3.537.

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Since December 2010, the ‘Arab Spring’ has featured techniques of civil resistance in sustained campaigns involving strikes, demonstrations, marches and rallies, as well as the use of the new social media to organize, communicate, and raise awareness in the face of state attempts at repression and censorship. In the case of Tunisia, Egypt, and - most dramatically - Libya, the protests have actually led to the departure of long-established regimes, whereas the situation in Syria and Bahrain remains unsettled to date.
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Modrzejewska-Leśniewska, Joanna. ""Arabska" czy "Muzułmańska" Wiosna Ludów? Przemiany polityczno-społeczne w Pakistanie a Arabska Wiosna." Kwartalnik Kolegium Ekonomiczno-Społecznego. Studia i Prace, no. 2 (November 28, 2014): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kkessip.2014.2.1.

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The massive anti ‑regime demonstrations in Arab countries that started in December 2010 in Tunisia were followed by questions about causes and effects of those revolts. Attention of the researchers was understandably concentrated on Arab countries but it seems that other Muslim countries were overlooked – the adjective “Arab” superceded “Muslim” in the name of this widespread movement. This paper aims at proving that the process that culminated in the Arab Spring have not started in Tunisia in December 2010 but in Pakistan in 2007 and 2008.
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Farhan, Adnan Abdulrahman Naef, and P. A. Varghese. "Facebook Utilization and Arab Spring Movement: A Study among Yemeni Youth." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management 5, no. 1 (January 20, 2018): 5–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v5i1.18971.

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The Arab Spring is a popular term used to describe the revolutionary movement of demonstrations and protests, and civil wars in the Arab world that began on December 18, 2010 in Tunisia and spread in the whole Arab countries. Tunisia and Egypt became the center of this revolution, and then it moved to include Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria, Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Morocco, Sudan, Mauritania, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Djibouti, Western Sahara and Palestine. Yemeni youth’s revolution movement began to change the system through mobilization of people and social action. This paper focuses on the importance of Facebook in the revolution and how the Yemeni youth used Facebook to attract more supporters and keep the spirit up. The present paper reports the impact of Facebook in nurturing political revolution in Yemen analyzing the data achieved by survey method.Int. J. Soc. Sc. Manage. Vol. 5, Issue-1: 5-9
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Al-Turk, Halima. "The Arab Springs: A Comparison of the Uprisings in Libya & Syria in 2011." Political Science Undergraduate Review 2, no. 1 (October 15, 2016): 66–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur66.

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The Arab Springs is known as “a revolutionary wave of demonstrations, protests, riots, protracted civil wars and other forms of opposition (both violent and non-violent) in the Arab territories” (Elfaith. 2015, 121). Starting in Tunisia on December 18, 2010, Mohamed Bouazizi a street vendor, set himself on fire after being harassed by municipal police officials. Bouazizi’s act of self-immolation sparked international attention, leading Tunisia into a revolution. After being in power for 23 years as Tunisia’s President, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali stepped down and fled to Saudi Arabia (Bunton 2013, 16). Tunisia’s revolution led both the Arab and non-Arab world to witness “spontaneous explosions of protests, [revolutions] and popular political upheaval” in countries such as Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Morocco, Lebanon, Algeria, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Sudan and Mauritania (Ismael and Ismael 2013, 229). The high levels of political corruption, economic hardships and the desire for a free democratic government all inspired the citizens of these countries to take action against their governments.
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Tignor, Robert L. "Can a New Generation Bring about Regime Change?" International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 3 (July 26, 2011): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000432.

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Peaceful protests and demonstrations have swept through the Arab world, toppling rulers and advancing programs of radical change. Some enthusiasts for these movements have already proclaimed them a revolution. They predict a new Middle Eastern political and economic order. A new generation of young people—men and women, mainly in their twenties and thirties, using their skills in cyberspace communication and fueled by many frustrations—assembled vast numbers in peaceful protests that have thus far claimed many triumphs. They forced the departures of the long-standing dictators of Egypt and Tunisia and have demanded that the monarchs of Jordan, Morocco, and Bahrain reign rather than rule.
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Tančić, Dragan, and Vanda Božić. "Modern migrant crisis and migrant smuggling." Bastina, no. 58 (2022): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina32-41580.

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The paper points out, first of all, the fact that the contemporary migrant crisis represents a projected migration of peoples and that everything that is happening in the world today (the so-called Arab Spring - a wave of demonstrations, protests and rebellions, started in December 2010 in Tunisia and continued in other countries of North Africa and the Middle East, wars in certain countries, millions of homeless people, refugees and migrants, etc.) is not accidental at all. International law and its theoretical principles have never been more developed, on the one hand, but they have never been violated or compromised in practice, applied by naked political force and political power, on the other hand. Namely, all this is an integral part of the realization of the idea of the New World Order, which is by no means new. The destruction of "national sovereignty" and the creation of "limited sovereignty", the de-sovereignation of national states is the harsh reality of the modern world. This is done through the creation of supranational regional organizations (for example, the European Union) and institutions of global financial power (the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, and others).
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Thompson, Laura A. "Blaspheming apostates? The lines between insulting religion and leaving Islam in post-Arab Spring Tunisia." Contemporary French Civilization 47, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.2022.9.

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In the wake of the 2010-2011 Arab Spring uprisings, six Tunisians of Muslim parentage were prosecuted in quick succession for blasphemy in a series of unprecedented trials. This article focuses specifically on the link between blasphemy and apostasy in the prosecutions of Tunisians in the 2011-2013 period. Some defendants accepted the link between blasphemy and apostasy, while others rejected being labeled apostates. Through an analysis of these cases, I conclude that the defendants who embraced the label of apostate were more severely punished by the local judicial system than those who rejected it. I also explore the possibility that those who openly assume an apostate position situated outside the Islamic community are also simply less well connected, and thus ill-advised, as to how to navigate a legal system whose public order and public decency articles allow judges significant latitude.
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Hepworth, Andrea. "From Survivor to Fourth-Generation Memory: Literal and Discursive Sites of Memory in Post-dictatorship Germany and Spain." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 1 (May 16, 2017): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417694429.

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The transition of the memory of twentieth-century conflicts from survivor to cultural memory has become inevitable with the passing of the survivor generation. This article examines the role of different generations in the retrieval and commemoration of the traumatic past in Germany and Spain by focusing on two main areas: firstly, it analyzes the debates surrounding the Holocaust Memorial in Berlin and the ongoing review of form and function of existing memorial sites in the city, as well as ongoing vandalism and trivialization of these sites. Secondly, it examines recent debates and protests in Spain surrounding the 1977 Amnesty Law by prominent artists and the wider public. These range from protests against the indictment of Judge Baltasar Garzón in 2010 for opening an investigation into crimes against humanity committed by the Franco regime to demonstrations in November 2015 demanding an annulment of the 1977 Law, and to the recent Argentinean court case of Franco-era human rights crimes. Considering Pierre Nora’s notion that lieux de mémoire can be ‘material or non-material’, this article suggests that debates and demonstrations can act as a virtual space in which memory is viable. It analyzes the role of the ‘generations of postmemory’, in particular the third and fourth generations, in forestalling silence and forgetting and changing existing rigid discursive patterns.
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Pablo-Romero, María del P., Antonio Sánchez-Braza, and Mohammed Bouznit. "The Different Contribution of Productive Factors to Economic Growth in mena Countries." African and Asian Studies 15, no. 2-3 (November 4, 2016): 127–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341360.

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The aim of this study is to analyse the extent to which different productive factors, and the relationships that exist between them, affect the economic growth of productivity in ten Middle Eastern and North African (mena) countries during the period 1990-2010. A translog production function is estimated by using panel data and the contribution of the factors to growth is calculated. The results show a positive effect of the physical and human capital on productivity and high complementarity relationships between them, both factors being essential in determining economic growth. However, the magnitude of their contribution varies substantially between the ten countries considered. Thus, the capitalisation of the economies and the improvement of the human capital seem to be key policy elements of economic growth in these countries. Nevertheless, a considerable part of the economic growth cannot be explained by these factors, particularly in Syria, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Tunisia.
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Gabsi, Zouhir. "Rap and Mizoued Music: Claiming a Space for Dissent and Protest in Post-Arab Spring Tunisia." Sociological Research Online 25, no. 4 (February 2, 2020): 626–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1360780419898494.

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The Arab Spring in Tunisia has brought with it positive changes, such as freedom of expression and democracy. However, Tunisians have found that these applauded achievements have not improved their living conditions. After Ben Ali was ousted in 2010, the decline of Tunisia’s economy was exacerbated by internal and external factors such as global recession, a dysfunctional liberal economy, internal political infighting, and corruption. To ventilate their frustration and dismay with the government and the overall socio-economic situation in Tunisia, some Tunisians turn to the music of rap and Mizoued in search for a new space where there is solace and escapism. Mizoued music and rap deal with core issues about the living conditions in Tunisia, such as ḥarga (border jumping, clandestine migration). Most rappers and Mzēwdiyye (Mizoued players) represent the houma (neighbourhood), and it is their connection with frustrated youths and struggling Tunisians that influenced these two genres to merge and gain popularity in their shared history of marginalization. The purpose of this article is twofold. First, it analyses the points of convergence and divergence of these two genres in terms of themes and authenticity. Second, it discusses how rap and Mizoued discourses use the notion of ‘space’ in the development of the artists’ trajectories and narratives in three domains: cultural, political, and sociological. Within these domains, Bourdieu’s social concepts of habitus, cultural capital, and field throw light on how ‘taste’, power’, and ‘class’ are exercised in the three domains.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Tunisia – History – Demonstrations, 2010-"

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NETTERSTRØM, Kasper Ly. "Essays on the revolution in Tunisia." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/47307.

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Defence date: 10 July 2017
Examining Board: Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute (supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute; Professor Malika Zeghal, Harvard University; Associate professor Nadia Marzouki, EHESS
The Tunisian Revolution and constitutional process constitute the first successful indigenous democratization process in the Arab World. In this article based thesis the historic event is analysed and discussed in relation to the established theories of democratization. The thesis contains four different articles. The first focuses on why the Tunisian Islamists accepted the country’s new constitution despite the fact that it contained principles that were in opposition to some of their previous Islamist beliefs. The second centres on the role of the Tunisian General Labor Union. It seeks to explain why the union could play such a crucial role in the revolution and constitutional process despite the fact that its leadership had close connections to the previous regime. The third article looks into how the Tunisian religious sphere changed as a result of the revolution. The fourth article tries to answer why the revolution came to be understood as a conflict between 'Islamists' and 'secularists' through an analysis of the conflict between the Islamists and the Tunisian General Labor Union. Finally, in the last chapter the state of comparative politics is discussed in relation to the conclusions of the different articles.
Chapter 4 ‘The Tunisian revolution and governance of religion' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Tunisian revolution and governance of religion' (2017) in the journal ‘Middle East critique’
Chapter 2 ‘The Islamists’ compromise in Tunisia' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Islamists’ compromise in Tunisia' (2015) in the journal ‘Journal of democracy'
Chapter 3 ‘The Tunisian General Labor Union and the advent of democracy' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The Tunisian General Labor Union and the advent of democracy' (2016) in the journal ‘The Middle East journal’
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KÜBLER, Johanne. "Distant proximity : a comparative analysis of migrant netizen engagement before and during the Arab Spring." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46325.

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Defence date: 8 May 2017
Examining Board: Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute; Professor Fiona B. Adamson, SOAS University of London; Professor Alexandra Segerberg, Stockholm University
The spread of the internet and migration are key dimensions associated with globalization and range among the most salient challenges of our times. Looking at the intersection of these two phenomena, this dissertation explores how the internet enables citizens of non-democracies living abroad to partake in the political discourse and online campaigns in their home countries. How does the fact of living in non-authoritarian countries affect the migrant’s position inside their online community? Using concepts from the contentious politics literature, I examine why migrant netizens adopt different roles in online campaigns in the years leading to and during the Arab uprisings at the examples of Tunisia and Morocco. I draw upon multiple empirical strategies including an analysis of web crawls of the Tunisian and Moroccan blogospheres, in-depth interviews with a number of key actors and frame analysis. I find that migrants were among the pioneers of political blogging, are well-integrated in their respective blogosphere and often occupy central positions. Political opportunity structures matter, thus the relative absence of repression allows migrants to act as radical mobilizers in highly repressive regimes like Tunisia. In contrast to that, migrant netizens in slightly more liberal settings like Morocco are less of a driving force than an equal partner in online discussions and campaigns, even if they might provide additional resources and establish contacts with international actors. Finally, the frame analysis reveals that radical migrant bloggers are likely to suffer from a lack of credibility due to their relative immunity to repression, unless they adapt their frames to the concerns of the wider blogger community, thereby enabling the creation of a broad coalition.
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Books on the topic "Tunisia – History – Demonstrations, 2010-"

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Ṭalāʼiʻ Thawrat 17 Dīsimbir 2010: Ḥaqāʼiq wa-khafāyā. Tūnis: [publisher not identified], 2013.

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Marāḥil al-ḥukm fī Tūnis mundhu 1956 ilá mā baʻda thawrat 14 Jānfī 2011: ʻalāqat al-wālī bi-muwāṭinī al-jihah : rasāʼil wa-khawāṭir. Tūnis: [publisher not identified], 2013.

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Bouzid, Mounira. Les provisoires font leur cirque. Tunis: Alyssa Edition & diffusion, 2015.

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author, Cheikhrouhou Tarak joint, ed. 14 janvier l'enquête. 2nd ed. Tunis: Apollonia, 2013.

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al-Sīnāryū al-akhīr lil-thawrah al-Tūnusīyah. Tūnis: ʻUlaysah lil-Nashr, 2017.

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Laḥyānī, ʻUthmān. Tūnis... miḥnat al-dīmuqrāṭīyah. [Algiers]: Manshūrāt ANEP, 2013.

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Tunisia) Muʼtamar al-Duwalī li-ʻUlūm al-Shaghal wa-al-Khidmat al-Ijtimāʻīyah (1. 2017 Tunis. Taḥaddīyāt al-ijtimāʻīyah fī Tūnis baʻda al-thawrah: Al-hawkamah wa-al-tadkhal al-ijtimāʻī : ashghāl al-Muʼtamar al-Duwalī al-Awwal li-ʻUlūm al-Shaghal wa-al-Khidmat al-Ijtimāʻīyah. Tūnis: INTES, 2017.

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Au rythme d'une Révolution: Un regard au-delà des barrières. Tunis: Maison perspectives d'édition de Tunisie, 2014.

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Tunisie, carnets d'incertitude. Tunis: Elyzad, 2013.

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Zaghal, Muṣṭafá. Thawrat 14 Jānfī 2011: Al-thawrah ka-mā ʻāshahā jāmiʻī munāḍil. Tūnis: Markaz al-Nashr al-Jāmiʻī, 2016.

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Book chapters on the topic "Tunisia – History – Demonstrations, 2010-"

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Perelló-Sobrepere, Marc. "Building a New State from Outrage." In Handbook of Research on Citizen Engagement and Public Participation in the Era of New Media, 344–59. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-1081-9.ch019.

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Most of the social movements that we are used to hearing and reading about base their activities in the pursuit of social rights. A great majority of these movements have recently formed due to complex socioeconomic issues. Usually these movements lack a formal organization and hierarchy. Most often they gather through sit-ins and occupations. Sometimes, there are direct confrontations with police. Almost always the current government in office is the target of protest. The case of Catalonia challenges these presumed notions of contemporary activism. This chapter analyses the social participation of the Catalan pro-independence movement. Historical notes are provided which are necessary for understanding the Catalan context. Then a review is presented of the four most important demonstrations in the recent history of Catalonia (2010, 2012, 2013, and 2014), all of which were in favor of independence, and also the participatory processes derived from these events, the non-binding consultation from 2014.
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Leenders, Reinoud. "21. The Onset of the Syrian Uprising and the Origins of Violence." In Politics in the Developing World. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198737438.003.0021.

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This chapter examines the early stages of mass mobilization in Syria that sparked the Arab uprisings. Starting from December 2010 in Tunisia, Arabs from various walks of life took to the streets in protest against decades-long authoritarian rule, repression, and corruption in what came to be known as the Arab uprisings, or Arab Spring. These waves of protest reached Syria in March 2011. While Syria’s protests initially were largely peaceful, they soon gave way to violence, which culminated in an armed insurgency by the end of 2011 and, combined with regime brutality, a civil war. Before explaining how, when, and why the uprisings happened, the chapter provides a short history of growing popular discontent that resulted in the onset of the Syrian uprisings. It then analyses the roots of the uprising’s militarization and the ensuing popular mobilization and concludes with an assessment of the Syrian civil war.
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