Journal articles: 'Tudor women'

1

Papazian, Mary A., and Louise Schleiner. "Tudor and Stuart Women Writers." Sixteenth Century Journal 27, no. 2 (1996): 552. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544193.

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Williams, Carolyn D., Louise Schleiner, Connie McQuillen, Lynne E. Roller, and Pat Gill. "Tudor and Stuart Women Writers." Modern Language Review 93, no. 2 (April 1998): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3735372.

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Baer, C. M. "Tudor and Stuart Women Writers." Modern Language Quarterly 57, no. 4 (January 1, 1996): 648–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-57-4-648.

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Lyle, Teresa A., and Louise Schleiner. "Tudor and Stuart Women Writers." South Atlantic Review 61, no. 2 (1996): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3201422.

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5

Litzenberger, Caroline, and Megan L. Hickerson. "Making Women Martyrs in Tudor England." Sixteenth Century Journal 38, no. 2 (July 1, 2007): 576. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20478450.

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6

Johnson, William C., Susanne Woods, and Margaret P. Hannay. "Teaching Tudor and Stuart Women Writers." Sixteenth Century Journal 33, no. 2 (2002): 545. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4143964.

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7

Crankshaw, D. J. "Making Women Martyrs in Tudor England." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 499 (December 21, 2007): 1399–400. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem348.

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8

Freedman, Joseph S., and Suzanne W. Hull. "Women According to Men: The World of Tudor-Stuart Women." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 1 (1997): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543312.

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Schutte, Valerie. "Royal Tudor Women as Patrons and Curators." Early Modern Women: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2014): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/emw26431283.

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10

Harris, Barbara J. "Women and Politics in Early Tudor England." Historical Journal 33, no. 2 (June 1990): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00013327.

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Political historians working on the early Tudor period have traditionally concentrated on institutions – monarchy, council, parliament, courts, and administrative bodies – that excluded women. The very definition of politics underlying the dominant historiography has thus made it seem both natural and inevitable to write history as if the world of high politics, the world that really counted, were exclusively male.

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Travitsky, Betty S. "Reprinting Tudor History: The Case of Catherine of Aragon*." Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 1 (1997): 164–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039332.

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Juan Luis Vives's Instruction of a, Christen Woman (hereafter ICW), the text Ruth Kelso has described as the most influential conduct book for women of the sixteenth century, was printed and reprinted in English over nine times during the course of the century: in 1529, 1531, 1541, 1547, 1557, and 1567 from the shop of the Erasmian printer Thomas Berthelet, in 1585 by Robert Waldegrave, and in 1592, by John Danter. In addition to the widely recognized significance of the often contradictory views of women expressed in ICW, these English editions are significant as an example of an early modern reconstituting of the historical record. Allusions to Catherine of Aragon within these editions reflect swings in Tudor court politics and trace the privatization of this once seemingly powerful woman as she was removed from court and public life.

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12

Harris, J. "JAMES DAYBELL, Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England." Notes and Queries 54, no. 3 (September 1, 2007): 333–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjm162.

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13

MEARS, NATALIE. "Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England - By James Daybell." History 93, no. 309 (January 21, 2008): 126–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2008.416_31.x.

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14

Downes, Stephanie. "Fashioning Christine de Pizan in Tudor Defences of Women." Parergon 23, no. 1 (2006): 71–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2006.0069.

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15

Kesselring, Krista. "Representations of Women in Tudor Historiography: John Bale and the Rhetoric of Exemplarity." Renaissance and Reformation 34, no. 2 (April 1, 1998): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v34i2.10834.

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The writings of Anne Askew and the Princess Elizabeth have received attention as two of a small number of published works by women in the Tudor period. The lengthy additions and glosses of their editor, John Bale, have garnered much less notice. Bale appropriated these writings for the use of protestant polemic, and presented their authors as exemplary historical agents worthy of emulation by men and women alike. By situating these two women in his apocalyptic rewriting of the past, he created for women a place in the new protestant history of the realm. The struggle of the True and the False Churches provided for Bale a fluid situation in which women might be required to assume behaviours typically labeled masculine; he used these writings, and the sanction of historical precedent, to advocate an active, public role for educated women.

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16

King, John N. "The Godly Woman in Elizabethan Iconography." Renaissance Quarterly 38, no. 1 (1985): 41–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2861331.

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Emblematic figures of godly and faithful women proliferate throughout the literature of the English Renaissance and Reformation. Characteristically they hold books in their hands symbolic of divine revelation, or they appear in books as representations of divine inspiration. While such representation of a pious feminine ideal was traditional in Christian art, Tudor reformers attempted to appropriate the devout emotionality linked to many female saints and to the Virgin Mary, both as the mother of Christ and as an allegorical figure for Holy Church, providing instead images of Protestant women as embodiments of pious intellectuality and divine wisdom. Long before the cult of the wise royal virgin grew up in celebration of Elizabeth I, Tudor Protestants began to praise learned women for applying knowledge of the scriptures to the cause of church reform.

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17

Doran, Susan. "Wicked Women of Tudor England: Queens, Aristocrats, Commoners. Retha M. Warnicke." Early Modern Women: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2014): 162–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/emw26431291.

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18

Schleiner (author, first book), Louise, Jean R. Brink (editor, second book), and Jean LeDrew Metcalfe (review author). "Tudor and Stuart Women Writers;Privileging Gender in Early Modern England." Renaissance and Reformation 32, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 87–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v32i1.11781.

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19

Kern, Darcy. "Roman Exempla in the Early Tudor Period." English: Journal of the English Association 68, no. 261 (2019): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/english/efz020.

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Abstract Roman exempla, or moralizing anecdotes, appear frequently in the English literature of the early Tudor period. Textual, authorial, and historical exempla offered a language people could use to counsel the king and their fellow Englishmen and women. As a teacher of individual virtue, Roman exempla remained fairly stable throughout the period, though translators themselves became more conscious of their role as counsellors and more visible in their texts through their prefatory material. As a political guide for England, Roman exempla became more problematic over the course of the early Tudor period. Authors increasingly discouraged kings and nobles from heeding popular counsel and encouraged them to rely more on printed Roman exempla and the translators who wrote them.

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20

Schutte, Valerie. "Perceptions of sister queens: A comparison of printed book dedications to Mary and Elizabeth Tudor." Sederi, no. 27 (2017): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.34136/sederi.2017.7.

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Comparisons of Mary and Elizabeth Tudor, sister queens of England, have become popular in the last decade as scholars have realized the impact of Mary on Elizabeth’s queenship. To further that comparison, this essay likens printed book dedications to Mary and Elizabeth before each woman became queen and during their first five (or only five) years as queens. This essay argues that dedications to the Tudor sister queens show that these two women were perceived more commonly than has previously been recognized. By exploring these book dedications, it becomes evident that dedications were central to contemporary perceptions of what authors and translators thought Mary and Elizabeth would be interested in reading and passing along to their subjects along with what dedications thought the sister queens should be reading so as to be persuaded in different directions.

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21

Burke (book editor), Mary E., Jane Donawerth (book editor), Linda L. Dove (book editor), Karen Nelson (book editor), and Sylvia Brown (review author). "Women, Writing, and the Reproduction of Culture in Tudor and Stuart Britain." Renaissance and Reformation 37, no. 2 (January 1, 2001): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v37i2.8702.

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22

Milsom, John. "Songs and society in early Tudor London." Early Music History 16 (October 1997): 235–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026112790000173x.

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Looking back over the past half century of research into the music of early Tudor England, it is clear that interest has been focussed principally upon sites of wealth, privilege and power. Dominating the arena are courts and household chapels, cathedrals and colleges, and the men and women who headed them. Perhaps that focus has been inevitable, since by their very nature wealthy and powerful institutions have the means to leave behind them rich deposits of evidence: not only high-art music, itself often notated in fine books, but also detailed records of expenditure, of the contractual duties carried out by or expected of musicians, and of valuable assets such as books and musical instruments. Moreover, where magnificence is on show there will often be eyewitness accounts to report on what has been seen and heard. All of those forms of evidence survive in quantity from early Tudor England, and it is hard not to be drawn to them.

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23

MEARS, NATALIE. "COURTS, COURTIERS, AND CULTURE IN TUDOR ENGLAND." Historical Journal 46, no. 3 (September 2003): 703–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003212.

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Geoffrey Elton's model of Tudor politics, which emphasized the importance of political institutions and which dominated our understanding of Tudor politics for much of the second half of the twentieth century, has been challenged by a number of historians for over twenty years. They have re-emphasized the importance of social connections and cultural influences and turned attention away from studying the privy council to studying the court. In doing so, they have gone back to re-examine earlier approaches by Sir John Neale and Conyers Read which Elton had challenged. Yet, these new socially and culturally derived approaches, recently labelled ‘New Tudor political history’, remain varied and its practitioners sometimes at odds with each other. Focusing on both established seminal works and recent research, this review considers the different elements of these approaches in relation to Tudor court politics. It assesses the methodological problems they raise and identifies what shortcomings still remain. It demonstrates that Tudor politics are increasingly defined as based on social networks rather than institutional bodies, making issues of access to, and intimacy with, the monarch central. Our understanding has been further enhanced by exploration of political culture and its relationship to political action. However, the review points to the need to integrate more fully the political role of women and the relationship between the court and the wider political community into our understanding of Tudor politics, as well as place England into a European context.

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24

Shrimplin, Valerie, and Channa N. Jayasena. "Was Henry VIII Infertile? Miscarriages and Male Infertility in Tudor England." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 52, no. 2 (2021): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01695.

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Abstract Although fertility has traditionally been viewed as the responsibility of women, recent studies suggest that reduced sperm function is a major cause of the recurrent pregnancy loss that affects 1 to 2 percent of couples. The reproductive and nutritional history of King Henry VIII indicates that 70 percent of the legitimate pregnancies attributed to Henry and his six wives resulted in miscarriage or stillbirth. By comparison, only 10 percent of the recorded pregnancies of the thirty-one noblemen closely associated with Henry had the same outcomes. Henry’s reproductive health likely contributed to the fertility problems for which his wives took the blame. The disregard of male infertility in Henry’s case may offer a clue to the reasons for the under-reporting of male reproductive health, then and now, to the detriment of both men and women.

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25

Monta (author, first book), Susannah Brietz, Megan L. Hickerson (author, second book), and Scott N. Kindred-Barnes (review author). "Martyrdom and Literature in Early Modern England Making Women Martyrs in Tudor England." Renaissance and Reformation 40, no. 2 (January 1, 2004): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v40i2.9022.

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26

ZIEGLER, GEORGIANNA M. "Recent Studies in Women Writers of Tudor England, 1485‐1603 (1990 to mid‐1993)." English Literary Renaissance 24, no. 1 (January 1994): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.1994.tb01423.x.

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27

WHITE, MICHELINE. "Recent Studies in Women Writers of Tudor England, 1485–1603 (mid‐1993 – mid‐1999)." English Literary Renaissance 30, no. 3 (September 2000): 457–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.2000.tb01179.x.

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28

Philo, John-Mark. "Tudor Humanists, London Printers, and the Status of Women: The Struggle over Livy in theQuerelle des Femmes." Renaissance Quarterly 69, no. 1 (2016): 40–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/686326.

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AbstractThis essay discusses a novel contribution to the Renaissance debate over women. In 1551, William Thomas translated a brief but significant moment from Livy’sHistory of Romeconcerning the repeal of the Lex Oppia, a sumptuary law targeting women in particular. Thomas thereby adapted one of the most arresting examples of women’s engagement in Roman politics. The episode shows the women of Rome taking to the streets to demand the law’s repeal, forcing senators and tribunes alike to acknowledge their protest. By contextualizing Thomas’s translation amid Quattrocento debates over female apparel and contemporary, female-centric works printed by Thomas Berthelet, Thomas’s translation emerges as a clear though hitherto-unacknowledged intervention in the Englishquerelle des femmes.

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29

Barr, Beth Allison. "“he is bothyn modyr, broþyr, & syster vn-to me”." Church History and Religious Culture 94, no. 3 (2014): 297–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09403001.

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Examining recent claims that the early modern Bible served as an empowering force for women, this article draws evidence from English sermons designed for quotidinal lay instruction—such as the late medieval sermons of Festial, the sixteenth-century Tudor Homilies, and the seventeenth-century sermons of William Gouge and Benjamin Keach. As didactic religious texts written and delivered by men but also heard and read by women, sermons reveal how preachers rhetorically shaped the contours of women’s agency. Late medieval sermons include women specifically in scripture and authorize women through biblical role models as actively participating within the church. Conversely, early modern sermons were less likely to add women into scripture and more likely to use scripture to limit women by their domestic identities. Thus, through their approaches to biblical texts, medieval preachers present women as more visible and active agents whereas early modern preachers present women as less visible and more limited in their roles—thereby presenting a more complex story of how the Bible affected women across the Reformation.

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30

Youngs, Deborah. "“A Besy Woman … and Full of Lawe”: Female Litigants in Early Tudor Star Chamber." Journal of British Studies 58, no. 4 (October 2019): 735–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.90.

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AbstractThis article considers the opportunities available to, and the constraints to be negotiated by, female litigants at the court of Star Chamber during the reigns of the early Tudor kings. Star Chamber was a prerogative court and grew in popularity following the transformation and clarification of its judicial functions under Thomas Wolsey in the early sixteenth century. While it has suffered losses to its records, around five thousand cases still survive from the early Tudor period, including nearly one thousand cases involving female litigants. Unlike those in other Westminster courts, such as Common Pleas, Chancery, or the Court of Requests, Star Chamber cases have yet to be fully examined for what they can tell us about women's access to justice and their experience of legal process. This article begins by surveying the number of cases involving female litigants, showing that far more women came to the court as plaintiffs than as defendants. The numbers were significant—in line with Chancery—but still show women as a minority. Drawing on a wide range of examples, the paper explores the major factors determining, and limiting, women's active roles as litigants, taking into consideration cultural expectations, legal practice (including the operation of coverture), and, where detected, individual decision-making.

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31

Woodbridge, Linda, and Margaret P. Hannay. "Silent but for the Word: Tudor Women as Patrons, Translators, and Writers of Religious Works." South Atlantic Review 52, no. 1 (January 1987): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3200007.

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32

Simmons, Joyce Monroe, and Margaret P. Hannay. "Silent but for the Word: Tudor Women as Patrons, Translators, and Writers of Religious Works." Tulsa Studies in Women's Literature 5, no. 2 (1986): 313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/464001.

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33

Youngs, Deborah. "'At HIR Owne Discrecion': Women and Will-Making In Late Medieval and Early Tudor Wales*." Welsh History Review / Cylchgrawn Hanes Cymru 29, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 408–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/whr.29.3.3.

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34

Ferguson, Arthur B., and Margaret Patterson Hannay. "Silent But for the Word: Tudor Women as Patrons, Translators, and Writers of Religious Works." American Historical Review 92, no. 1 (February 1987): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862822.

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35

Wall, A. "Women's Letters Across Europe, 1400-1700: Form and Persuasion * Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England." English Historical Review CXXIII, no. 502 (May 30, 2008): 721–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cen101.

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36

Wiesner, Merry E., and Margaret P. Hannay. "Silent but for the Word: Tudor Women as Patrons, Translators, and Writers of Religious Works." Sixteenth Century Journal 18, no. 2 (1987): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2541210.

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37

Marshall, P. "Six Renaissance Men and Women: Innovation, Biography and Cultural Creativity in Tudor England, c. 1450-1560." English Historical Review CXXIV, no. 510 (September 17, 2009): 1160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cep229.

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38

Low, Anthony. "Review: Silent but for the Word: Tudor Women as Patrons, Translators, and Writers of Religious Works." Christianity & Literature 36, no. 2 (March 1987): 36–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/014833318703600210.

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39

Schneider, Gary. "Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England. James Daybell. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006. Pp. xiv+328." Modern Philology 107, no. 4 (May 2010): E97—E100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/651440.

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40

Munby, Julian. "Men in the Saddle and Women on Wheels: The Transport Revolution in the Tudor and Stuart Courts." Court Historian 24, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14629712.2019.1675318.

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41

Covington, Sarah. "Megan L. Hickerson. Making Women Martyrs in Tudor England. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005. Pp. 239. $80.00 (cloth)." Journal of British Studies 45, no. 3 (July 2006): 637–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/507210.

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42

Machila, Consolata Mandi, Jane Karonjo, Domnic Mogere, and Peterson Kariuku. "Socio-demographic factors influencing practice and awareness of exclusive breastfeeding benefits among women of reproductive age attending maternal and child health clinic in tudor sub county hospital." International Journal Of Community Medicine And Public Health 8, no. 3 (February 24, 2021): 1129. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2394-6040.ijcmph20210792.

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Background: Knowledge of exclusive breastfeeding (EBF) among women is essential when promoting optimal breastfeeding practices. Breastfeeding is recommended for the first six months of life and continuation of breastfeeding and adequate complementary foods for up to two years of age or beyond.Methods: A descriptive cross-sectional study design was used. This study utilized a mixed method approach (qualitative and quantitative).Results: Four socio-demographic factors were found to be influencing the practice of exclusive breastfeeding. Those include child gender, level of education, marital status and parity. Two socio-demographic factors were found to influence awareness of the benefits of EBF. Those are Level of education and Occupation.Conclusions: The government should improve on the level of education of women in the area. Increase in number of educated women.

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43

Cochrane, Laura. "From the Archives: Women's History in Baker Library's Business Manuscripts Collection." Business History Review 74, no. 3 (2000): 465–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116435.

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“[O]ur ladies know nothing of the sober certainties which relate to money and they cannot be taught,” wrote Frederic Tudor in 1820, in a sweeping indictment of women's financial abilities that was common for the period. Despite such stereotypes, many women in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries participated in commerce, both as merchants and as manufacturers. Because they mainly oversaw small and shortlived concerns, however, their enterprises did not fit into traditional understandings of successful business, either in their own time or later, when the field of business history developed in the twentieth century. As a consequence, when Harvard Business School's Baker Library began amassing business manuscripts, curators generally concentrated on collecting the records of large firms and well-known industrialists. Their big-business bias not only affected what was collected, but also how manuscripts were processed. Search aids and cataloging records did not distinguish materials made by or about women because gender was not a compelling issue for early twentieth-century historians.

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44

Schrock, Chad. "The Pragmatics of Prophecy in John Knox's The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women." Renaissance and Reformation 30, no. 2 (January 1, 2006): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v30i2.9576.

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Bien que le The First Blast of the Trumpet Against the Monstrous Regiment of Women de John Knox ait été écrit pour nuire au règne catholique de Mary Tudor, cet ouvrage a plutôt provoqué l'hostilité de son successeur au trône, Élisabeth. Si l'image prophétique que projett e Knox volontairement a survécu à ce manque de prévoyance, c'est uniquement en raison de ses pratiques en matière prophétiques et des modèles vétérotestamentaires qu'il a choisis d'imiter. Dans The First Blast, sa prophétie est principalement de nature interprétative plutôt que prédictive, alors que les prophètes d'après lesquels il a façonné son image ont surtout vécu durant le déclin d'Israël et que leurs durs avertissements étaient voués à l'échec. D'après l'image que Knox s'est construite, le prophète divinement inspiré peut dans tous les cas ne pas se soucier des conséquences de cette sorte.

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45

Warnicke, Retha M. "Suzanne W. Hull. Women According to Men: The World of Tudor-Stuart Women. Walnut Creek, CA, London and New Delhi: AltaMira Press, 1996. 239 pp. $35 cloth; $16.95 paper." Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 1 (1997): 346–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039394.

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46

Arnold, Margaret. "Louise Schleiner. Tudor and Stuart Women Writers. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994. xxi + 295 pp. $35.00 cloth; $15.95 paper." Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 2 (1997): 655–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039245.

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47

Watson, Zoe A., Mary P. Miles, Carmen Byker Shanks, and Elizabeth Rink. "Sleep, physical activity, waist circumference and diet as factors that influence health for reproductive age women in northern Greenland." Global Health Promotion 27, no. 1 (May 29, 2018): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1757975918764380.

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Background: This study explored community and individual factors that influence the health of reproductive age women in a settlement in northern Greenland. This is important because Greenland has a declining population, a high abortion rate and because of projected environmental shifts due to climate change. Methods: This study collected mixed methods data to explore diet, physical activity, sleep and waist circumference for reproductive age women in Kullorsuaq, Greenland. The daily steps and sleeping hours of 13 reproductive age women were measured using activity monitoring bracelets. Waist circumference measurements and in-depth interviews about daily eating and physical activity were conducted with 15 participants and ethnographic participant observations were recorded using field notes. Results: Waist circumference measurements were above recommended cutoffs established by the World Health Organization. Physical activity measured by daily steps was within the ‘active’ range using the cutoff points established by Tudor and Locke. Physical activity is social and is important for communal relationships. Sleeping hours were within normal ranges based on US guidelines; however, the quality of this sleep, its variability across seasons and cultural expectations of what healthy sleep means must be further explored. Diets of women included a mixture of locally harvested meats and imported packaged foods. Study participants experienced less satiety and reported getting hungrier faster when eating packaged foods. This research took place in Spring 2016 and women reported that their sleep, physical activity and diet fluctuate seasonally. Conclusion: The reported findings suggest further investigation of sleep, diet and physical activity combined with the measurement of reproductive hormones to determine linkages between lifestyle factors and reproductive health outcomes is needed.

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48

DABBY, BENJAMIN. "HANNAH LAWRANCE AND THE CLAIMS OF WOMEN'S HISTORY IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND." Historical Journal 53, no. 3 (August 17, 2010): 699–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000257.

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ABSTRACTThe historian, Hannah Lawrance (1795–1875), played an important role in nineteenth-century public debate about women's education. Like Catharine Macaulay and Mary Wollstonecraft, she argued that virtue had no sex and she promoted the broad education of women in order to increase their opportunities for employment. But unlike her bluestocking predecessors, she derived her argument from a scholarly reappraisal of women's history. Whereas the Strickland sisters' Tory Romantic histories celebrated the Tudor and Stuart eras in particular, Lawrance's ‘olden time’ celebrated the medieval period. This is when she located England's civilizational progress, driven by the education of queens and the wider state of women's education, allowing her to evade the potential conflict of a feminine creature in a manly role. Using the condition of women to measure the peaks and troughs of civilization was a familiar approach to historical writing, but Lawrance's radical argument was that women were often responsible for England's progress, rather than passive bystanders. Her emphasis on women's contribution to public life complemented the Whig-nationalist narrative and secured her a high reputation across a range of political periodicals. Above all, it appealed to other liberal reformers such as Thomas Hood, Charles Wentworth Dilke, and Robert Vaughan, who shared Lawrance's commitment to social reform and helped to secure a wide audience for her historical perspective.

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49

Oliva, Marilyn. "Female Monastic Life in Early Tudor England: With an Edition of Richard Fox's Translation of the Benedictine Rule for Women, 1517 (review)." Catholic Historical Review 90, no. 1 (2004): 121–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2004.0033.

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50

Fletcher, Anthony. "Men's Dilemma: The Future of Patriarchy in England 1560–1660." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (December 1994): 61–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3679215.

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PATRIARCHY was very old when Queen Elizabeth ascended the English throne. Historians have sought its origins in die Old Testament record of the creation of Jewish monotiieism and in the social conditions of Hebrew society. They have explored die contributions of classical Greece and early Christian thinking to its development and evolution. By the time that the Tudor dynasty ruled in England, the institutionalised male dominance over women and children in die family and die extension of diat subordination to women in society in general, die scriptural patriarchy with which I am concerned, had become so deeply embedded diat it has appeared immutable. Something so permanent, something that was so given, has seemed not to deserve scrutiny by die historians of early modern England. It was socialist and radical feminists who took up die notion of patriarchy in die 1960s because they needed a concept which would help diem to theorise male dominance. From dieir contemporary perspective also, patriarchy appeared immovable and monumental. There was a tendency among them at first to study it as such: feminist historians approached die past wim die premise diat there has always been an undifferentiated and consistent male commitment to domination and control over women in every sphere of life. The conflation of patriarchy with misogyny, I suggest, produced an unhistorical patriarchy as die staple of women's history. It is only fairly recendy diat historical studies of gender have broken free from diese shackles, diat historians have begun to penetrate die discourses and strategies dirough which men have—or have not— coerced, or oppressed or subordinated women through die ages.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Tudor women'

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