Journal articles: 'Tsarist Russia; Imperial Russia'

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Kanet, Roger E. "The Rebuilding of “Greater Russia”: From Kievan Rus’ to the Eurasian Union (Note 1)." Advances in Politics and Economics 4, no. 2 (February 28, 2021): p22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/ape.v4n2p22.

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The purpose of the present examination is 1) to summarize briefly the evolution of historical Russia as the amalgam of multiple ethnic and cultural communities into a growing imperial domain; 2) to outline more specifically the policies pursued by the tsarist and communist regimes to integrate minority communities into the Russian majority; 3) to examine the impact on Russia of the collapse of the former USSR; and 4) to trace current efforts by the Russian government to reintegrate the disparate parts of the former USSR, including especially regions of other post-Soviet states with a significant ethnic Russian population, into a new “Greater Russia.” Although it will touch on Soviet integration policies that targeted national minorities who, by 1989, represented half of the population, the focus will be on recent and current policies intended to “Greater Russia.”

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م.د. نجلاء عدنان حسين. "الثورة الروسية عام 1917." journal of the college of basic education 25, no. 104 (October 1, 2019): 1552–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.35950/cbej.v25i104.4730.

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The Russian Revolution of 1917, or the Bolshevik Revolution, was one of the most important historical events in Europe during the First World War. This revolution changed the course of Russian history. Its outbreak led to the formation of the Soviet Union, which was dismantled in the late 20th century. Because of a number of popular unrest and protests against the rule of Russian tsars and the Russian Empire, whose reign was characterized by the slow development of the country because of the existence of a political system subject to autocratic regimes and the control of nobles and landlords in all aspects of life in Russia, made the Russian society in the late century Nineteen rural people in the majority of workers and peasants, with the influence of the clergy and the imperial palace, accompanied by a primitive social structure, a backward economy and an autocratic government. Life in Russia was in the style of the Middle Ages. Russia retreated from the European industrial revolution until 1860, This led the people to wage a revolt against the Russian reactionary tsarist government in 1917. It was one of the most famous leaders of the Russian Revolution, Vladimir Lenin, who was called the " Revolutionaries of this revolution the Bolsheviks name or Almnschwk means the majority.

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Neilson, Keith. "Jews and the Imperial State. Identification Politics in Tsarist Russia." International History Review 34, no. 3 (September 2012): 601–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2012.697308.

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Meyer, James H. "Jews and the Imperial State: Identification Politics in Tsarist Russia." Social History 36, no. 4 (November 2011): 518–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071022.2011.620279.

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Bradley, Joseph. "Pictures at an Exhibition: Science, Patriotism, and Civil Society in Imperial Russia." Slavic Review 67, no. 4 (2008): 934–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27653032.

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Organized by a Moscow learned society, the Polytechnical Exposition of 1872 helped mobilize resources for popularizing science that connected tsarist officialdom, the Moscow municipal government and business community, university scientists, and other private associations. Although the relationship between the autocratic government and society is often portrayed in terms of conflict, partnership was more typically the rule, especially in the effort to build a native science infrastructure. The grand exhibitions of science and industry of the nineteenth century were sites of modernity that displayed visions of progress, created a public culture, and fashioned national identity. Moscow's Polytechnical Exposition juxtaposed the modern and the foreign with the traditional and the Russian in order to demonstrate that Russia could have modern science and technology without abandoning its traditional culture. Paradoxically, to assert its place in European civilization in an age of nationalism and imperialism, Russia had to assert its Russianness—its cultural distinctiveness, patriotism, and imperial pride. With its emphasis on change and progress, as well as on traditional Russian culture, the exposition fostered a Russian public aware of its place in a changing world, of its place in history, of its identity as a nation.

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Chatterjee, Choi. "Imperial Incarcerations: Ekaterina Breshko-Breshkovskaia, Vinayak Savarkar, and the Original Sins of Modernity." Slavic Review 74, no. 4 (2015): 850–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.74.4.850.

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Based on a comparison of the prison experiences of Ekaterina Breshko- Breshkovskaia, member of the Socialist Revolutionary Party of Russia, and Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, revolutionary and Hindu fundamentalist, I ask two central questions: How did Breshkovskaia's story about exile and punishment help establish the tsarist genealogy of the gulag in the western consciousness, while the suffering of political prisoners in British India, as exemplified by Savarkar, were completely occluded? How and why did the specificity of incarceration in the Russian empire eclipse systems of punishment designed by other European empires in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries? In this article, I argue that the penumbra of modernity was darkened not only by the savagery of the Holocaust and the gulag but also by the brutal violence of western imperialism. Placing the Russian prison and exile system in comparative global perspective opens up new avenues of research in a field that has relied excessively on the intellectual binaries of a repressive Russia and a liberal western Europe.

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Jakobson, Lev I., Stefan Toepler, and Irina V. Mersianova. "Foundations in Russia: Evolving Approaches to Philanthropy." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 13 (May 24, 2018): 1844–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218778089.

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This article discusses the contemporary state of philanthropic foundations in Russia. It traces the evolution of Russian philanthropy from the Imperial period through the Soviet times and the upheavals of the 1990s to today. Historically, foundations lacked a legal footing, not only under socialism but also during the Tsarist Empire, and while a new legal framework was introduced in the 1990s, the political and economic turmoil of the decade prevented the emergence of notable foundations until the turn of the millennium. Since then, the Russian foundation sector has steadily been growing, featuring foundations related to large business fortunes and corporations as well as successful fundraising and local community foundations. Particularly, foundations tied to business interests and corporations still face expectations to contribute to social and other public services in the tradition of Soviet-era state enterprises. An important difference between Russian and American and other Western foundations is that Russian foundations typically do not have endowments, but operate on ongoing pass-through funds by the founder.

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FRAME, MURRAY. "COMMERCIAL THEATRE AND PROFESSIONALIZATION IN LATE IMPERIAL RUSSIA." Historical Journal 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 1025–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004905.

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This article investigates the attempt by Russian theatre people to ‘professionalize’ their vocation during the late tsarist period. It argues that theatrical professionalization differed from standard paradigms because fundamentally it was designed to address material impoverishment, rather than to protect existing occupational privileges. Theatre people believed that ‘professional’ status would defend them from the effects of the burgeoning commercial entertainment market. Thus they represented the gradual ‘democratization’ of the professional ideal, its diffusion amongst occupational groups not traditionally classified as ‘professions’. From 1894, a national regulatory association, the Russian Theatre Society, represented theatre people's interests and persuaded the government to subsidize its activities. Yet the boundaries between state involvement and self-regulation were never clearly defined, creating an underlying tension within the Society about the extent of its relations with the state, a problem that was exposed during the 1905 revolution.

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Bradley, Joseph. "Associations and the Development of Civil Society in Tsarist Russia." Social Science History 41, no. 1 (2017): 19–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2016.36.

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This article examines the growth of civil society in imperial Russia by focusing on voluntary associations, especially learned societies, closely watched by tsarist officialdom but neglected by historians. Although scholars often emphasize the peculiarities of Russian development, Russia's societies were part of a broader European phenomenon. A study of associations highlights the relationship between state and society in authoritarian regimes where civil society is most vigorously contested. Because authoritarian regimes close the channels of representative politics and make it difficult for their subjects to act freely in concert, associations demonstrate the potential for the self-organization of society. They cultivate the microspaces of initiative and autonomy not completely under state control where the capacity of citizenship can appear. This study conceptualizes the development of Russian civil society and the way in which the disenfranchised could enter public life by using the examples of six Russian learned societies. Owing to the mission of the learned societies, Russian civil society became inextricably linked to patriotism and the dissemination of scientific knowledge. Associations raised consciousness, accorded an opportunity for special-interest constituencies of men to enter the public arena, framed policy issues, and mobilized a public in the language of representation. Although civil society and the autocratic state are often described as bitter rivals, cooperation, not confrontation, in the project of national prestige and prosperity was more often the rule. However, an increasing public assertiveness challenged autocratic authority, as Russian officialdom was unwilling to relinquish its tutelary supervision of civil society. Thus, associations became a focal point of a contradictory political culture.

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DUNCAN, PETER J. S. "CONTEMPORARY RUSSIAN IDENTITY BETWEEN EAST AND WEST." Historical Journal 48, no. 1 (March 2005): 277–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004303.

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This is a review of recent English-language scholarship on the development of Russian identity since the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The first part examines literature on the economic and political changes in the Russian Federation, revealing how scholars became more sceptical about the possibility of Russia building a Western-type liberal democracy. The second part investigates approaches to the study of Russian national identity. The experience of empire, in both the tsarist and Soviet periods, gave Russians a weak sense of nationhood; ethnic Russians identified with the multi-national Soviet Union. Seeking legitimacy for the new state, President El'tsin sought to create a civic identity focused on the multi-national Russian Federation. The Communist and nationalist opposition continued to promote an imperial identity, focused on restoring the USSR or creating some other formation including the Russian-speaking population in the former Soviet republics. The final section discusses accounts of the two Chechen wars, which scholars see as continuing Russia's imperial policy and harming relations with Russia's Muslim population. President Putin's co-operation with the West against ‘terrorism’ has not led the West to accept Russia as one of its own, due to increasing domestic repression and authoritarianism.

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Smith, S. A. "Citizenship and the Russian Nation during World War I: A Comment." Slavic Review 59, no. 2 (2000): 316–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697053.

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Historians of late imperial Russia have been categorical in asserting that Russian peasants lacked any form of national identity. Scholars as diverse as Orlando Figes, Geoffrey Hosking, John Keep, Bruce Lincoln, Richard Pipes, Robert Service, Ronald Suny, and Allan Wildman have agreed that Russian peasants were too rooted inGemeinschaft,too particularistic in their social identities, to be capable of identifying with the polity and territory of Russia. John Keep expresses the consensus concisely when he writes:At the beginning of the twentieth century the Russian people lagged behind many others in the tsarist realm (Poles, Finns, even Baits and Ukrainians) in the development of a modern national consciousness. The social elite identified with the multinational empire; in the terminology of the day their thinking wasrossiiskiirather thanrusskii.Ordinary folk either opted for a social class orientation or else had none at all, in that their horizons were limited to the local community. This helps to explain why Russia was defeated in World War One, why the Bolsheviks with their Utopian internationalist creed won mass support in 1917 and why the Whites failed to worst the Reds in the ensuing civil war.

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Proshak, Vitaliy V. "Review of Leonard G. Friesen, editor. Minority Report: Mennonite Identities in Imperial Russia and Soviet Ukraine Reconsidered, 1789-1945." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 6, no. 2 (October 22, 2019): 235–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/ewjus546.

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Book review of Leonard G. Friesen, editor. Minority Report: Mennonite Identities in Imperial Russia and Soviet Ukraine Reconsidered, 1789-1945. U of Toronto P, 2018. Tsarist and Soviet Mennonite Studies, edited by Harvey L. Dyck. xii, 340 pp. Tables. Appendix. Index. $75.00, cloth.

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Kirmse, Stefan B. "Law and Empire in Late Tsarist Russia: Muslim Tatars Go to Court." Slavic Review 72, no. 4 (2013): 778–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.72.4.0778.

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This article combines an investigation of legal practice in late tsarist Russia with an analysis of imperial rule. The Judicial Reform of 1864 introduced new legal principles, institutions, and rules of court procedure into the empire. Focusing on legal interaction in the newly established circuit courts in Crimea and Kazan, this article explores the implications of Tatar legal involvement in state courts for both the empire's legal reform process and its policies toward ethnic and religious minorities. It discusses the courts as tools for the integration of these multiethnic regions with the imperial center and shows how legal unification developed in a context of dynamic, and locally specific, plural legal orders. It concludes that minority policies were characterized by the simultaneous pursuit of integration and the promotion of difference. The article draws mainly on court records from Kazan and Simferopol (Crimea), newspaper coverage, and on the reports and memoirs of jurists.

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Kirmse, Stefan B. "New Courts in Late Tsarist Russia: On Imperial Representation and Muslim Participation." Journal of Modern European History 11, no. 2 (May 2013): 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2013_2_243.

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15

Foley, Margaret, and Robert P. Geraci. "Window on the East: National and Imperial Identities in Late Tsarist Russia." Slavic and East European Journal 47, no. 4 (2003): 718. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3220277.

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16

Martin, Virginia. ":Window on the East: National and Imperial Identities in Late Tsarist Russia." American Historical Review 110, no. 5 (December 2005): 1629–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.5.1629.

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Karamucka-Marcinkiewicz, Magdalena. "Russia an empire of the “form” in Cyprian Norwid’s writings." Studia Norwidiana 37 English Version (2020): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sn.2019.37-1en.

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The aim of the article is to analyse Norwid’s historiosophical reflections on Russia, in which the key role is played by metaphors based on the relationship between the “form” and the “content”. This metaphoricity is reflected in the popular motif in the poet’s works, which considered the relationships of the “word” – the “letter” and the “spirit” – the “body”. In the analysed fragments, mainly from the poem Niewola, tsarist, imperialist Russia appears as an empire of the “form”, which in this case is supposed to mean the dominance of formalism and broadly understood enslavement over the spiritual content. In Norwid’s eyes, Russia, similarly to imperial Rome, stands in a clear opposition to the spirit of freedom, nation or humanity. The poet’s vision reflects the popular trends in the 19th-century literature.

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Benecke, Werner. "Die Allgemeine Wehrpflicht in Russland: Zwischen militärischem Anspruch und zivilen Interessen." Journal of Modern European History 5, no. 2 (September 2007): 244–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944_2007_2_244.

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Universal Conscription in Tsarist Russia: Between Military Demands and Civil Interests Universal conscription was introduced in Russia in 1874 and completed the »Great Reforms» which had been started in 1861. After controversial debates war minister Dmitrij Alekseevič Miljutin wanted conscription to have as little effects as possible on civil life in the world's largest country, in order to prevent social unrest. A system of exemptions was applied to recruits considered to be indispensable in civil life. Any education obtained before mustering automatically reduced the duration of military service. In general, the conscription law made no exemptions for recruits of non-Russian or non-Orthodox origin. The principle of moving soldiers far away from their home towns and the ratio of 75% Russians and 25% non-Russians in the composition of military units were intended to respond to the army's multiethnic character. However, Jewish recruits suffered from systematic discrimination. Although Russia's imperial status was primarily based on its military power, universal conscription never included more than 30% of the annual number of potential recruits. Despite Miljutin's reform attempts, the fatal belief in the power of the seemingly inexhaustible human resources overshadowed all necessary reforms until the end of the Tsarist regime.

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Franklin-Rahkonen, Sharon. "A Review of “Jews and the Imperial State: Identification Politics in Tsarist Russia”." History: Reviews of New Books 40, no. 1 (January 2012): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2012.625525.

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Tanny, Jarrod. "Jews and the Imperial State: Identification Politics in Tsarist Russia (review)." Journal of World History 23, no. 1 (2012): 221–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jwh.2012.0015.

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Sunderland, Willard. "The Ministry of Asiatic Russia: The Colonial Office That Never Was But Might Have Been." Slavic Review 69, no. 1 (2010): 120–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0037677900016727.

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The late tsarist state was a colonial empire, Willard Sunderland argues, yet it never established a colonial ministry like the other colonial empires of the era. Sunderland asks why this was the case and proposes that, while there are many explanations for Russia's apparent uniqueness in institutional terms, historians should also consider how the country's institutional development in fact approximated western and broader international models. The late imperial government indeed never ruled through a colonial ministry, but an office of this sort—a Ministry of Asiatic Russia—might have been created if World War I and the revolution had not intervened. Sunderland sees the embryo of this possibility in the Resettlement Administration, which emerged as a leading center of Russian technocratic colonialism by the turn of the 1900s.

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Fisun, A. Ya, and S. Yu Porokhov. "Yakov Vasilyevich Willie - more than half a century in the service of military medicine The Russian Empire and the Medico-surgical Academy (to the 250th anniversary of the birth)." Bulletin of the Russian Military Medical Academy 20, no. 4 (December 15, 2018): 300–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/brmma12408.

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November 20, 2018 would mark the 250th anniversary of the outstanding Leib-medic, baronet, privy councillor, doctor, military medical administrator, doctor of medicine and surgery, the first President of the St. Petersburg Imperial Medical surgical Academy, honorary member of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences (1814) and many domestic and foreign scientific societies Yakov Vasilyevich Willie. He selflessly and selflessly gave military medicine to the Russian army and the Russian Empire, which became his second homeland, 64 years of his life. Was physician to three tsars: Paul I, Alexander I and Nicholas I, was a participant of the great Patriotic war of 1812, where in extreme combat conditions, fully demonstrated their best professional and human qualities. Him personally and under his leadership was saved a huge number of sick and wounded. Many great generals, writers and public figures of tsarist Russia and modernity most highly characterize the invaluable contribution of Willie in the history of military medicine, science, Medical and surgical Academy and the state as a whole, the legacy of which even today are descendants and contemporaries.

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Özgür Tuna, Mustafa. "Gaspirali v. Il'Minskii: Two Identity Projects for the Muslims of the Russian Empire." Nationalities Papers 30, no. 2 (June 2002): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990220140658.

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In 1913, an article in a Russian missionary journal compared two “very typical representatives” of Islamic studies in Russia: İsmail Bey Gaspıralı (1851–1914) and Nikolai Ivanovich Il'minskii (1822–1891). Nothing could better symbolize the two opposing points of view about the past, present and future of the Muslims of Russia in 1913. Il'minskii was a Russian Orthodox missionary whose ideas and efforts had formed the imperial perceptions and policies about the Muslims of the Russian empire in the late Tsarist period, while Gaspıralı was a Muslim educator and publisher whose ideas and efforts had shaped the Muslim society per se in the same period. Il'minskii, beginning in the 1860s, and Gaspıralı, beginning in the 1880s, developed two formally similar but inherently contradictory programs for the Muslims of the Russian empire. Schooling and the creation of a literary language or literary languages constituted the hearts of both of their programs. Besides their own efforts, both Gaspıralı and Il'minskii had a large number of followers that diligently worked to put their programs into practice among the Muslims of Russia. As a result of the inherent contradiction of these programs, a bitter controversy developed between what we may call the Il'minskii and Gaspıralı groups, which particularly intensified after the revolution of 1905. In this article, I will discuss the underlying causes and development of this controversy by focusing on the role of language in the programs of Gaspıralı and Il'minskii. Then, I will conclude my article with an evaluation of the legacies of these two individuals in their own time and beyond.

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Krokosz, Paweł. "Na europejskich frontach wojen Imperium Rosyjskiego w XIX wieku – aspekt militarny w twórczości wybranych rosyjskich malarzy epoki." Res Gestae 9 (February 7, 2020): 28–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/24504475.9.2.

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The article analyses the military themes present in Russian paintings of the 19th century. The battle paintings under discussion underlined the heroism of the tsarist soldiers who participated in the multiple campaigns that Russia fought on land and at sea. They also glorified the governing elites for expanding the territory of the state. At the same time, the most important message conveyed through the canvases, which were commissioned most often by Russia’s rulers, was the might of the Russian Empire.

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Могильнер, Марина. "Jews and the Imperial State: Identification Politics in Tsarist Russia by Eugene M. Avrutin." Ab Imperio 2010, no. 4 (2010): 531–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2010.0098.

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Narskiy, I. V. "ON THE ROLE OF THE SYMBOLIC DIMENSION OF THE HISTORICAL PROCESS: READING A BOOK BY MALTE ROLLEF ON POLISH LANDS UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF ST. PETERSBURG." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(51) (2020): 156–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2020-4-156-162.

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The article combines a review of the Russian translation of Malte Rolf's study on the interaction between the Russian administrative apparatus and the Polish population during the "long 19th century" with a reflection on the importance of investigating the symbolic perception and behaviour of historical actors to interpret ethnic conflicts. The book successfully set and solved the task of using Polish-Russian material to show how the Russian Empire functioned between the Congress of Vienna and the beginning of World War I. Rolf succeeded in convincingly demonstrating that the mutual distrust of tsarist officials and the Polish population did not exclude mutual interest and constructive interaction. The author criticizes the widespread clichés about the permanent conflict between the "reactionary" state and the "progressive" society both in imperial Russia as a whole and – especially – in western provinces. The attention to the symbolic component of the Polish-Russian conflict allowed the author to plastically switch the perspective of research and representation between macro- and micro-historical approaches, to understand the optics of the vision of the own and the foreign, and the logic of the actions and interactions of the parties of the community in conflict. Communication between Tsarist officials, Polish society and the Russian diaspora, as persuasively demonstrated by the German historian, provided a complex learning process for all its participants, in which some stereotypical ideas about each other were reinforced, others were modified, others became outdated and went out of the political, social and symbolic practice.

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MAGOMEDKHANOV, MAGOMEDKHAN M., ROBERT CHENCINER, and SAIDA M. GARUNOVA. "ETHNO-RELIGIOUS AND LEGAL ASPECTS OF THE PRE-SOVIET GOVERNMENT OF THE DAGESTAN REGION." Study of Religion, no. 1 (2019): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22250/2072-8662.2019.1.29-37.

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The article studies ethno-religious / confessional and legal aspects in the pre-Soviet practice of government of the Dagestan region. The Russian Empire was one of the most varied in the world with regard to the ethnic and religious relations. By the end of the 19th century, the Russian Empire covered an area of almost 22.5 million square km., and its 125.7 million population included, in addition to Russians (about 42.0%), two hundred peoples, followers of various religions and beliefs, including Islam (11.1%), Judaism (4, 2%) and Buddhism (0.5%). With the incorporation of Dagestan into Russia, in 1868 the feudal form of government or the Khanate(s) was abolished. The institutions of civil self- government of rural societies were adapted to the general imperial goals of government and subordinated to the tsarist administration. In general, administrative and territorial delimitation at grassroots level corresponded to the traditional divisions of rural societies. The former administrative division into “naibstva” (administrative units, from Arabic نَائِب (nāʾib) assistant, deputy head) was retained...

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Лазарян, Сергей. "Некоторые полицейские меры со стороны властей Российской империи в отношении уроженцев Царства Польского после Ноябрьского 1830 г. и Январского 1863 г. восстаний." Acta Polono-Ruthenica 4, no. XXIV (December 30, 2019): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/apr.4882.

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The Russian authorities used repressive measures against the Poles, who were active partic-ipants in the November 1830 and January 1863 uprisings. These measures included arrest and ex-pulsion to the inner provinces of the Russian Empire under the supervision of the police without the right to return to their homeland; the inclusion in military garrisons stationed in various parts of the empire; the direction to serve in the troops in the Caucasus, where military operations were conducted against the local highlanders and expulsion to hard labour and settlement in Siberia or in the internal provinces of Russia.The severity of repressive measures was determined by the fact that, in the exiled Poles, they saw a source of hatred spreading towards the tsarist government. The authorities feared the influ-ence of their thoughts on the liberal strata of Russian society, especially on young people. With such measures, they tried to suppress the restless minds. The imperial authorities also feared the reaction of Europe, which threatened Russia with “anathema” and intervention.

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Cwiklinski, Sebastian. "Window on the East: National and Imperial Identities in Late Tsarist Russia by Robert P. Geraci." Ab Imperio 2004, no. 3 (2004): 598–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2004.0151.

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Naganawa, Norihiro. "Holidays in Kazan: The Public Sphere and the Politics of Religious Authority among Tatars in 1914." Slavic Review 71, no. 1 (2012): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.71.1.0025.

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This article demonstrates that it was the public sphere shaped by the Kazan city duma and the local press, rather than the tsarist state alone, that strengthened Muslim identity among the urban Tatars. Norihiro Naganawa argues that the invocation of the empire's ruling principle of religious tolerance split the duma along confessional lines and undermined its arbitrating role. He also examines the political discussions among the local Tatar intellectuals over the timing and meaning of Islamic holidays. While the Spiritual Assembly, the long-standing hub of Muslim-state interaction, provided leverage for the mullahs in their efforts to maintain a secure domain for religion, this security dissipated as it became entangled in the competition for authority among increasingly numerous actors speaking for Islam and nation. Naganawa also suggests that late imperial Russia was confronted by the profound theoretical challenge of religious pluralism, to which not tsarism, nor liberal democracy, nor secularism had or have easy answers.

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Kurs, Ott. "The Vepsians: An Administratively Divided Nationality." Nationalities Papers 29, no. 1 (March 2001): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990120036385.

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The administrative division of late imperial Russia made few concessions to minority populations, who often found themselves divided among several provinces. The Bolshevik ascendancy to power changed the situation; Vladimir Lenin's “federal compromise” marked a breakthrough from the tsarist unitary practice to a system of governance which, at least on paper, made allowance for the ethnocultural diversity of the population. The chief designers of the Bolshevik nationality policy believed that a federal arrangement would offer a framework for controlling undesirable national sentiments during the transitional stage when class identities would gradually replace ethnic attachments. However, it turned out that for non-Russian groups the national-territorial autonomous units were not simply empty containers, free of cultural and emotional meaning, in which their political socialization would occur. These units became an integral part of their national identity; ethnicity obtained “legal” territorial roots and the various territorial units began to function as vessels of ethnic consciousness.

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Zhidkova, Oxana Vital'evna, and Elena Anatol'evna Popova. "Holy Union in modern Russian historiography." RUDN Journal of World History 11, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2019-11-3-235-246.

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The article analyzes the research of modern Russian historians on the problems associated with the emergence, activity and signiﬁcance of the Holy Union as an interstate Association of the ﬁrst half of the XIX century. The study, analysis and evaluation of the Holy Union were engaged in scientists and pre-revolutionary and Soviet periods. But their conclusions were largely determined by the political and ideological features of the two periods of the Russian state. The modern Russian historiography of the Holy Union is characterized by the rejection of both the assessments of historians of tsarist Russia praising Imperial decisions and those explaining the activities of the Holy Union from the reactionary positions of historians of the Soviet period. At the present stage of Russian historical science, due to the absence of ideological restrictions and the involvement of a wide range of archival sources, scientists continue to study the Holy Alliance as an integral part of the Vienna system of international relations of the first half of the XIX century, and as an independent Association of European States. At the same time, in the works of Russian scientists, the Holy Union is considered and evaluated the personal and religious factors of this organization.

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BEER, DANIEL. "RUSSIA IN THE AGE OF WAR AND REVOLUTION, 1880–1940." Historical Journal 47, no. 4 (November 29, 2004): 1055–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x04004108.

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The alcoholic empire: vodka and politics in late Imperial Russia. By Patricia Herlihy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. Pp. vi+244. ISBN 0-19-513431-1. £25.00.Nikolai Sukhanov: chronicler of the Russian Revolution. By Israel Getzler. Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2002. Pp. xix+226. ISBN 0-333-97035-7. £45.00.Making war, forging revolution: Russia's continuum of crisis, 1914–1921. By Peter Holquist. Cambridge, MA, and London: Harvard University Press, 2002. Pp. xi+359. ISBN 0-674-00907-X. £29.95.The Russian Civil War: primary sources. Edited by A. B. Murphy. Basingstoke: Macmillan Press, 2000. Pp. xviii+274. ISBN 0-333-77013-7. £45.00.Homosexual desire in revolutionary Russia: the regulation of sexual and gender dissent. By Dan Healey. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001. Pp. xvi+392. ISBN 0-226-32233-5. £25.00.These five volumes under review each address different aspects of Russia's experience of modernization and revolution from the 1880s to the 1930s. Our understanding of the scale and complex nature of the changes wrought during these years has been immeasurably enriched by two important factors: first, the recent opening of the former Soviet archives and the detailed case studies that their contents have facilitated; secondly, a mounting reluctance to see 1917 as a radical break with the past and hence an increasing tendency to reinsert the Revolution into a broader series of dynamic and momentous changes that rocked Russia during the period. The rapid expansion of cultural history in the discipline has prompted many scholars to rethink central features of the revolutionary period and to open up new fields of study. Over the last decade, attention has turned to the dynamism and diversity of late tsarist and early Soviet culture embracing topics as wide-ranging as crime, popular religion, the natural and social sciences, and representations of sex.1 Another recent focus has been the experience of conflict across the years of the Revolution and Civil War and its impact on prospects for democracy in Russia.2 The rise to prominence in the historiography of the term ‘modernity’ is an obvious feature of a more comparative analytical framework that has sought to re-insert Russia's revolutionary experience into a pan-European perspective.

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Wilson, Jennifer. "Dostoevsky's Timely Castration." TSQ: Transgender Studies Quarterly 5, no. 4 (November 1, 2018): 565–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/23289252-7090031.

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Abstract This article is a profile of “the skoptsy,” a Christian sect that emerged in tsarist Russia whose followers, in an effort to divest themselves from the organs of sin, practiced castration as a form of religious piety. The skoptsy believed that before the fall of Adam and Eve, men and women did not have sexual organs; that its—they did not conceive of the original man and woman as being differentiated by their genitalia. The skoptsy were also millenarians, and as such they imagined the world would be transformed following an apocalyptic reckoning. In exploring how the temporal register of the skoptsy was depicted in the novels of Dostoevsky, the author proposes that the apocalyptic religious and political movements that were developing across imperial Russia can deepen contemporary discussions about queer temporality, in that they offer a counterpoint to arguments that the future is the realm of the normative reproducing subject.

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Haberer, Erich. "Jews and the Imperial State: Identification Politics in Tsarist Russia by Eugene M. Avrutin (review)." Shofar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Jewish Studies 31, no. 3 (2013): 166–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sho.2013.0068.

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Meyer, James H. "Speaking Sharia to the State : Muslim Protesters, Tsarist Officials, and the Islamic Discourses of Late Imperial Russia." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 14, no. 3 (2013): 485–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2013.0038.

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Borysiewicz, Mariusz. "Polish Settlement in Manchuria (1898-1950). A Brief Historical Survey." Studia Polonijne 39 (July 30, 2019): 125–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp.2018.6.

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During the late nineteenth century, geopolitical, military, political as well as economic considerations combined to induce the Tsarist government to pursue a policy of mass colonization of the Far East. This process led to the appearance of numerous Slavic enclaves in Northeastern China from the late 1890s onwards. As a consequence, northern Manchuria became the final major meeting point between European settlers and Asian inhabitants of the borderland encompassing Tsarist Russia as well as Imperial China. The European settlement in Manchuria was to leave profound imprints on the region’s changing landscape for the next half-century. At the beginning of the twentieth century, numerous Poles migrated to the Far East in pursuit of better economic conditions. They found work building the Chinese Eastern Railway and remained behind to help operate the line. Others were employed as physicians, engineers, bankers and lawyers. In this way, unlike other Polish diaspora communities, this grup largely comprised wealthy and educated individuals.

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Ullah, Altaf, and Akhtar Rasool Bodla. "RUSSIAN CONQUEST OF CENTRAL ASIA: A CASE STUDY OF KHIVA." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 7, no. 10 (June 14, 2020): 255–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i10.2019.394.

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Mankind is witnessed to the fact that imperialism has been exhibiting in human history in many forms since long. Subjugation was the earliest form of it where in an empire overpowered an alien society, exploited its land, raw material and subjected it to the service of the superior authority. A similar formula of exploiting the land and people of Central Asia has been assumed by the Russian Imperial power during the nineteenth century. The imperial move of Russia towards this region was considered as the ultimate consequence of a continuous process of expansion of the Russian Empire. This expansionist drive of Russia into the region has been attributed to several factors such as political, military, strategic and above all the economic factor is believed to be the dominant one. The conquest provided the Russian Tsars a golden opportunity to hold their control over a vast area of striking geographic and human diversity. The motives behind this conquest were multidimensional, interrelated and complex. During this process of expansion, the state of Khiva was the first priority of the Russian Empire while materializing their future programme and policies. Though the Empire had already attempted to occupy the state, yet it could not get success prior to 1873. The importance of Khiva cannot be ignored while dealing with the question of Russian conquest of Central Asia in general and Khiva in particular.

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Sargeant, Lynn M. "High Anxiety: New Venues, New Audiences, and the Fear of the Popular in Late Imperial Russian Musical Life." 19th-Century Music 35, no. 2 (2011): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncm.2011.35.2.93.

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Abstract Russia's social and economic transformation at the beginning of the twentieth century was accompanied by profound cultural and artistic transformation. In particular, Russian cultural elites struggled to control and contain what they saw as threats to Russia's national culture. At the same time, however, they sought ways to bring the working classes into a closer cultural accord with educated society. Although these efforts continued a long process of intelligentsia efforts to shape Russian society by controlling the development of “the people,” industrialization and urbanization had already begun to fundamentally restructure the relationship between the educated and popular classes. In musical life, the intelligentsia struggled with two somewhat contradictory impulses: first, to simultaneously protect musical and song traditions from the threat of contamination by new urban genres; and second, to develop “rational recreations” that would appeal to the peasantry and the urban working classes. To those ends, they created, among other activities, accessible (obshchedostupnyi) concerts, temperance choirs, and singing classes in a wide variety of locations across the Russian Empire. These musical projects were part of a much larger, somewhat utopian effort by educated society to create an ideal Russia by eliminating its supposed social, cultural, economic, and political backwardness relative to Western Europe. Nevertheless, the consequences for Russian musical life proved significant. Not only did these efforts lay the moral and intellectual foundation for Soviet-era interventionist and utopian cultural policies, but they also in the short term significantly diversified and democratized musical life in the last decades of tsarist rule.

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Tolz, Vera. "European, National, and (Anti-)Imperial: The Formation of Academic Oriental Studies in Late Tsarist and Early Soviet Russia." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 9, no. 1 (2008): 53–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2008.0004.

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Aibatov, M. M. "FEATURES OF THE ENTRY OF THE NORTH CAUCASUS INTO THE UNIFIED STATE AND LEGAL SPACE OF RUSSIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE XIX CENTURY." Law Нerald of Dagestan State University 37, no. 1 (2021): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2224-0241-2021-37-1-14-18.

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The article analyzes some features of the state-legal arrangement of the territories of the North Caucasus region after joining the Russian Empire, the difficulties and excesses made by the tsarist administration in the formation of a new administrative and legal system in the region, the specifics of military-people's management in some areas of the North Caucasus. The author emphasizes that the systemic combination of Russian state restrictions in the military-popular administration with guarantees of non-interference in internal Affairs indicates that the final stabilization was achieved not by suppression, as some researchers believe, but by a political compromise proposed to all mountaineers. Analyzing the interaction of Imperial and customary law in the formation of a single national legal space, the author stresses that in the field of civil rights the Russian authorities in all provinces including in the North Caucasus, avoiding sharp breaking, ignoring the legal traditions of the population, and left out in the effect on the controlled territory of traditional law. In order to ensure political and statelegal stability in the North Caucasus region, the tsarist administration in its activities combined the principle of restriction allowed by the military-people's administration with the principle of non-interference in the traditional way of life of the mountain population, especially in the sphere of civil and family-legal relations.

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Daly, Jonathan W., and David Alan Rich. "The Tsar's Colonels: Professionalism, Strategy, and Subversion in Late Imperial Russia." American Historical Review 105, no. 2 (April 2000): 645. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1571615.

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Graf, Daniel W., and David Alan Rich. "The Tsar's Colonels: Professionalism, Strategy, and Subversion in Late Imperial Russia." Journal of Military History 63, no. 4 (October 1999): 988. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120585.

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Nelson, John. "Opposing Official Nationality." Experiment 25, no. 1 (September 30, 2019): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2211730x-12341333.

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Abstract It was political turmoil in Russia that brought Savva Mamontov and his Abramtsevo circle together with Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov. The composer questioned whether the “Official Nationality” decree of Tsar Nicholas I, with its emphasis on autocracy, Orthodoxy, and nationality—which together asserted despotic rule—truly represented the values of a changing Russian society. In addition, his operas found little favor within the Imperial theater directorate. This changed, however, when the Imperial theater monopoly was abolished, allowing private theaters to operate freely. Mamontov opened his Private Opera in 1885 at Abramtsevo and in 1895 in Moscow. His aim was to demonstrate that a private opera house could compete with the Imperial theaters, in addition to giving Moscow the opportunity to see Russian-themed operas. It was Mamontov’s new approach to stage direction, including the incorporation of fine artists in the creative process, that attracted the composer. Harassment by the Tsar, the bureaucracy of the Imperial theaters, and the western-orientated repertoire committee, had all alienated the composer. Mamontov’s dedication to filling a gap in the Russian music world, as well as his challenge to the Imperial theaters, caught Rimsky-Korsakov’s attention. Through their collaboration they questioned the bureaucracy and publicly registered their protest against Nicholas II. Together, they challenged the foundations of the “Official Nationality” doctrine propounded by the tsars since the rule of Nicholas I, which in a changing Russian society had acquired a new meaning.

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Lalande, J.-Guy. "Smoking under the Tsars: a history of tobacco in Imperial Russia." Canadian Slavonic Papers 62, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2020): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00085006.2020.1831193.

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PIANCIOLA, NICCOLÒ. "Illegal Markets and the Formation of a Central Asian Borderland: The Turkestan–Xinjiang opium trade (1881–1917)." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 6 (January 13, 2020): 1828–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000227.

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AbstractThis article utilizes material from archives in Kazakhstan, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan as well as published Chinese sources to explore the opium trade between Tsarist Turkestan and Xinjiang from the early 1880s to 1917. It focuses on two different levels: the borderlands economy and society, and state policies towards illegal (or ‘grey’) markets. The main groups active in the trade were Hui/Dungan and Taranchi migrants from China, who had fled Qing territory after the repression of the great anti-Qing Muslim revolts during the 1860s and 1870s. After settling in Tsarist territory, they grew poppies and exported opium back across the border to China. This article shows how the borderland economy was influenced by the late-Qing anti-opium campaign, and especially by the First World War. During the war, the Tsarist government tried to create a state opium monopoly over the borderland economy, but this attempt was botched first by the great Central Asian revolt of 1916, and later by the 1917 revolution. Departing from the prevailing historiography on borderlands, this article shows how the international border, far from being an obstacle to the trade, was instead the main factor that made borderland opium production and trade possible. It also shows how the borderland population made a strategic use of the border-as-institution, and how local imperial administrators—in different periods and for different reasons—adapted to, fostered, or repressed this most profitable borderland economic activity.

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Ayzenberg, Shimshon. "Antokolskii’s Inquisition." Images 8, no. 1 (December 4, 2014): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18718000-12340029.

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When Mark Antokolskii published his autobiography in a major St. Petersburg monthly, Vestnik Evropy [“The Herald of Europe”] in autumn 1887, it was during unprecedented state anti-Semitism in Tsarist Russia. The autobiography celebrates the liberal culture in St. Petersburg of the 1860s, when he grew into an artist as a student at the Imperial Academy of Art. The translated excerpt below describes how Antokolskii came to make the clay model of the relief, “The Raid of the Inquisition on the Jews during Passover,” as a product of his own search for beauty in art. In the short introduction, I explain that although this specific piece remained unfinished to the end of his life, its artistic concept was the philosophical undercurrent of his artistic creativity and placed his conception of Jewish identity at the very heart of his art.

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Stanziani, Alessandro. "European Statistics, Russian Numbers, and Social Dynamics, 1861–1914." Slavic Review 76, no. 1 (2017): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.3.

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Recent analyses of the economic impact of the abolition of serfdom mark a major return to quantitative approaches in the economic and social history of Russia. Tracy Dennison, Steven Nafziger, and Ekaterina Zhuravskaya, among others, make wide use of data produced by thezemstvo(provincial elected assembly), the Central Statistics Committee (TsSK), the Ministry of Agriculture, and local governors. These figures are particularly crucial with regard to the debate over the impact of the abolition of serfdom and the economic dynamics of tsarist Russia between 1861 and 1914. Indeed, the authors are too quick to consider the data reliable and only concerned about which statistical method should be used. Markevich and Zhuravskaya claim outright: “Historians agree that the quality of the late imperial statistics and governor reports is rather high.” Nafziger makes a similar statement regarding zemstvo statistics, which he declares are fully reliable sources. Dennison and Nafziger add: “Zemstvo publications offer a unique window into rural economic conditions in the post-1861 period, but western scholars have only begun to explore them. We consider these household surveys, other zemstvo publications, research by central government and provincial statistical authorities (including the 1897 census), and various secondary sources to develop some “stylized facts” about rural living standards in Iaroslavl' and Vladimir provinces in the post-1861 period.”

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Velychenko, Stephen. "Empire Loyalism and Minority Nationalism in Great Britain and Imperial Russia, 1707 to 1914: Institutions, Law, and Nationality in Scotland and Ukraine." Comparative Studies in Society and History 39, no. 3 (July 1997): 413–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500020715.

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In 1812 a Russian army inflicted two decisive defeats on the Persian army. The resulting Treaty of Gulistan shifted tsarist borders 250 miles south and secured Russian control over Georgia and the Caspian Sea littoral. The commanding general, Piotr Kotliarevsky, received a second St. George Cross (the equivalent of the Victoria Cross) for this accomplishment—wounded in the battle, surgeons removed forty pieces of bone from his skull to save his life. The Persians were allied to Britain, who, fearing Russian and French designs on India, had sent a mission in 1810 headed by General John Malcolm, to the Shah. Charles Christie, a military advisor on the mission was killed in battle. Whereas Malcolm was an important agent of British policy in Central Asia and India, Christie was one of the first Europeans to travel and map the Afghano–Persian frontier. These achievements are normally logged into Russian and English history, but the men behind them were not native Russians nor Englishmen. Kotliarevsky was born into a lesser Ukrainian noble family in Kharkiv (Kharkov) province, while Malcolm and Christie were Scots. Like thousands of their countrymen, they served and made careers in the empires that ruled their native lands. A Ukrainian was Peter I's principal panegyrist. Scots wrote Rule Britannia and created “John Bull.”

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Szpoper, Dariusz. "„Kondycje mitawskie” i próba ograniczenia samodzierżawia w Imperium Rosyjskim na początku 1730 r." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 39, no. 1 (September 8, 2017): 163–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.39.1.9.

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THE MITAU CONDITIONS AND THE ATTEMPT TO LIMIT AUTOCRACY IN THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE IN THE EARLY 1730Tsarist autocracy is specific to Russia’s absolute power, in which the tsar’s position was superior and fully sovereign. In January of 1730 after the death of the last member of Romanov’s dynasty, Tsar Peter II of Russia, the dignitaries sitting at the Supreme Privy Council decided to vest the Russian’s throne to amember of the female line of this family — the Duchess of Courland, Anna Ivanovna. However, several political conditions were implemented, significantly reducing the scope of the imperial power. Their content was set out within so called “Mitau Conditions”, which after acceptance was to become asui generis constitutional document for the Russian Empire’s subjects. The resistance of conservative nobles gathered in Moscow caused acomplete fiasco of this initiative.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Tsarist Russia; Imperial Russia'

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