Relevant bibliographies by topics / Trump, Donald, 1946- – Political and social views

Academic literature on the topic 'Trump, Donald, 1946- – Political and social views'

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Published: 25 July 2024
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Trump, Donald, 1946- – Political and social views"

1

Grossmann, Matt, and Daniel Thaler. "Mass–Elite Divides in Aversion to Social Change and Support for Donald Trump." American Politics Research 46, no. 5 (May 7, 2018): 753–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18772280.

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Donald Trump won the American presidency in 2016 by overperforming expectations in upper Midwest states, surprising even Republican political elites. We argue that attitudes toward social change were an underappreciated dividing line between supporters of Trump and Hillary Clinton as well as between Republicans at the mass and elite levels. We introduce a concept and measure of aversion to (or acceptance of) social diversification and value change, assess the prevalence of these attitudes in the mass public and among political elites, and demonstrate its effects on support for Trump. Our research uses paired surveys of Michigan’s adult population and community of political elites in the Fall of 2016. Aversion to social change is strongly predictive of support for Trump at the mass level, even among racial minorities. But attitudes are far more accepting of social change among elites than the public and aversion to social change is not a factor explaining elite Trump support. If elites were as averse to social change as the electorate—and if that attitude mattered to their vote choice—they might have been as supportive of Trump. Views of social change were not as strongly related to congressional voting choices.
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Ratliff, Kate A., Liz Redford, John Conway, and Colin Tucker Smith. "Engendering support: Hostile sexism predicts voting for Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 U.S. presidential election." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, no. 4 (December 29, 2017): 578–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217741203.

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This research investigated the role of gender attitudes in the United States 2016 presidential election between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. The results of three studies (combined N = 2,816) showed that, as expected, Trump voters were higher in hostile and benevolent sexism than were Clinton voters. Even after controlling for political ideology and gender (Studies 1, 2, and 3) and minority group attitudes (Study 3), greater hostile sexism predicted more positive attitudes toward Trump, less positive attitudes toward Clinton, and retrospective reports of having voted for Trump over Clinton (Studies 2 and 3). Benevolent sexism did not predict additional variation in voting behavior beyond political ideology and hostile sexism. These results suggest that political behavior is based on more than political ideology; even among those with otherwise progressive views, overtly antagonistic views of women could be a liability to women—and an asset to men—running for office.
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Nicasio Varea, Blanca, Marta Pérez Gabaldón, and Manuel Chavez. "Using Social Media to Motivate Anti-migration Sentiments. Political Implications in the United States and Beyond." Tripodos, no. 49 (December 20, 2020): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p51-69.

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The proliferation of nationalist and nativist movements all over the world has capitalized on the broad impact of social media, especially on Twitter. In the case of the United States, as candidate and then as President, Donald Trump initiated an active use of Twitter to disseminate his views on migration and migrants. This paper analyzes the themes and the political implications of his tweets from Trump’s electoral win to the end of the first year of his presidency. The authors’ assumptions are that Trump’s rhetoric untapped a collective sentiment against migration as well as one which supported views to protect migrant communities. The findings show that some topics were retweeted massively fueling the perceptions that most Americans were against migrant communities and their protectors. We conducted content analysis of the tweets sent by President Trump during his first year in the White House. We used the personal account of Trump in Twitter @realDonaldTrump. Trump has used his personal account as a policy and political media instrument to convey his messages rather than to use the official account that all Presidents have traditionally used @POTUS. Since Trump ran on a nativist platform with strong negative sentiments against migrants and immigration in general, we examined the tweets that relate to these topics.
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Tedesco, John C., and Scott W. Dunn. "Political Advertising in the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election: Ad Hominem Ad Nauseam." American Behavioral Scientist 63, no. 7 (February 14, 2018): 935–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218756919.

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Political advertisements ( N = 136) from the 2016 U.S. presidential election are content analyzed in this study that investigates message strategy used by Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton in their televised ads. The negative nature of the campaign, and the high negative views voters held for Trump and Clinton, seems to have influenced the tone and focus of the ads. Despite Trump’s reputation for ad hominem attacks throughout the primary and general election phases of the presidential campaign, it was Clinton who waged more ad hominem attacks in her advertisements, mostly focused on labeling Trump as unfit for office. Trump and his supportive political action committee groups were more likely to run contrast ads to compare differences between his policies and Clinton’s policies, but Clinton’s campaign failed to use a full range of message strategies to contrast her policies with Trump’s and to bolster her own image through her campaign ads.
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Lutsenko, N. "EVOLUTION OF SPECIAL RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN US AND UK DURING DONALD TRUMP`S ADMINISTRATION." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 149 (2021): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.149.8.

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An article is an attempt to study «special relationships» between the United States and Great Britain. The author mentioned that the presidential elections in the USA and the fact that Donald Trump became a new president reflected on the relationships between the United States and Great Britain. The attention is given to the role of personality in states’ relationships. The article illustrates that Donald Trump`s populism in his speeches played a negative role for making stable relationships with the UK. More specifically, Donald Trump's criticism of London's mayor Sadiq Khan, Scotland Yard evocated a negative social reaction in Great Britain. As shown in the article, the citizens of the United Kingdom were shocked by Donald Trump`s islamophobia and his Facebook post of the far-right organization «Britain first». Indeed, it was the reason for massive protests during Donald Trump's official visit to the United Kingdom in 2018. The reference should be made to the fact that in 2016 the UK citizens decided to leave European Union. Despite the fact that Donald Trump approved this decision he criticized British prime-minister Theresa May for soft Brexit. As shown in the article contrary to the strong criticism of the British government Donald Trump visited Great Britain three times during his presidential term. These official trips were directed on normalization of Anglo-American relationships. Queen Elizabeth twice met Donald Trump and they both mentioned that special relationships are important for their countries. Research has shown that during Boris Johnson’s premiership US-UK relations became stronger. This factor is due to close Trump`s and Johnson's political views. The article illustrates that the United States and Great Britain still have special relationships. Countries have strong intelligence, military and nuclear cooperation. Both the US and the UK are still key economical partners and they are interested in safety relationships.
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Dojčinović, Nikola, and Samir Ljajić. "Trump’s Rhetoric on Social Networks and the Dominance of Computerized Propaganda." Društvene i humanističke studije (Online) 7, no. 1(18) (March 4, 2022): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.51558/2490-3647.2022.7.1.131.

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In the digital age, the Internet is the dominant tool for realizing political strategies. The potential of computerized propaganda was made possible, especially by social networks, through which it is possible to network contacts on a global level. Given that billions of people around the world are active on social networks every day, political strategies must be implemented through them to achieve political interests. The term political manipulation takes on a new dimension in the digital environment, taking technological advantages and ubiquity of internet users on networks. One of the world's most famous politicians who has intensively used digital platforms to propagate political views is Donald Trump. The main goal of this paper was to investigate the dominant patterns of use of social networks for political propaganda, primarily Twitter, from Trump's official Twitter account. The paper pays special attention to Trump's rhetoric, apropos his language and style of expression on social networks, with special reference to the 2016th year during the election campaign. The results of the analysis show that the use of social networks by Donald Trump, his PR management, and Facebook and Twitter analysts, largely contributed to Trump's campaign to become the 45th president of the United States. Dominant patterns of Trump's use of social networks were based on attacks on political opponents, as well as on self-promotion. The analysis found that Trump's rhetoric was based mostly on insults, criticism, inappropriate vocabulary, and lies to achieve dominance over opponents.
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Callister, Adam Henry, Quinn Galbraith, and Spencer Galbraith. "Immigration, Deportation, and Discrimination: Hispanic Political Opinion Since the Election of Donald Trump." Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 41, no. 2 (April 25, 2019): 166–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739986319840717.

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Both the campaign and subsequent election of Donald Trump have brought about marked changes in the overall tone of American political discourse. It is thought that these changes have been particularly disruptive to the public’s view of Hispanic immigration. To evaluate the current state of Hispanic political opinion regarding immigration, this study draws upon data from a survey conducted in January 2018 of 1,080 people of Hispanic descent currently living in the United States or Puerto Rico. Researchers looked at the impact of age, gender, language preference, time lived in the United States, and knowing an undocumented immigrant on participants’ views of immigration. Taking the survey in Spanish and knowing an undocumented immigrant were found to be the most influential factors in determining a favorable view of undocumented immigrants as well as a perceived increase in discrimination toward Hispanics since Trump’s election.
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Mudde, Cas. "The Far-Right Threat in the United States: A European Perspective." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 699, no. 1 (January 2022): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162211070060.

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The rise of Donald Trump has weakened the dominance of the “American exceptionalism” paradigm in analyses of U.S. politics, but the pivot to views of the United States as part of a global trend toward democratic backsliding ignores important, uniquely “American” cultural, historical, and institutional attributes that make the country more at risk for democratic erosion than most other established democracies. This short article puts Trump, and his Republican Party, into the broader comparative perspective of (European) far-right studies. I argue that Trump in many ways fits the “fourth wave” of postwar far-right politics, lay out the unique challenge that the United States is facing in terms of democratic erosion, and draw on the case of Viktor Orbán in Hungary to learn lessons for the United States. The article ends with some suggestions of how democrats (not just Democrats) should address the far-right Republican challenge to U.S. democracy.
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Billingsley, Joseph, Debra Lieberman, and Joshua M. Tybur. "Sexual Disgust Trumps Pathogen Disgust in Predicting Voter Behavior During the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election." Evolutionary Psychology 16, no. 2 (April 1, 2018): 147470491876417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474704918764170.

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Why is disgust sensitivity associated with socially conservative political views? Is it because socially conservative ideologies mitigate the risks of infectious disease, whether by promoting out-group avoidance or by reinforcing norms that sustain antipathogenic practices? Or might it be because socially conservative ideologies promote moral standards that advance a long-term, as opposed to a short-term, sexual strategy? Recent attempts to test these two explanations have yielded differing results and conflicting interpretations. Here, we contribute to the literature by examining the relationship between disgust sensitivity and political orientation, political party affiliation, and an often overlooked outcome—actual voter behavior. We focus on voter behavior and affiliation for the 2016 U.S. presidential election to determine whether pathogen or sexual disgust better predicts socially conservative ideology. Although many prominent aspects of Donald Trump’s campaign—particularly his anti-foreign message—align with the pathogen-avoidance model of conservatism, we found that pathogen-related disgust sensitivity exerted no influence on political ideology, political party affiliation, or voter behavior, after controlling for sexual disgust sensitivity. In contrast, sexual disgust sensitivity was associated with increased odds of voting for Donald Trump versus each other major presidential candidate, as well as with increased odds of affiliating with the Republican versus the Democratic or Libertarian parties. In fact, for every unit increase in sexual disgust sensitivity, the odds of a participant voting for Trump versus Clinton increased by approximately 30%. It seems, then, that sexual disgust trumps pathogen disgust in predicting socially conservative voting behavior.
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10

Enders, Adam M., and Joseph E. Uscinski. "The Role of Anti-Establishment Orientations During the Trump Presidency." Forum 19, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2021-0003.

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Abstract Growing levels of polarization and out-group hostility have become fashionable explanations for the caustic politics of the Trump presidency. However, partisan and ideological identities cannot explain popular attraction to Trump’s anti-elite and populist rhetoric, nor can polarization and sorting account for rising levels of mass identification as political independents. In light of these discrepancies, we offer an explanation for the Trump era unrelated to traditional left-right identities and ideologies: anti-establishment orientations. We argue that much of what is interpreted as an expression of partisan and ideological extremism or polarization is actually the product of a deep-seated antagonism toward the broader political establishment. We first exhibit the individual-level correlates of anti-establishment orientations, finding that people holding strong anti-establishment views exhibit relatively high levels of anti-social personality traits and distrust of others. We then show that anti-establishment orientations are more predictive than left-right orientations of beliefs in conspiracy theories regarding COVID-19, QAnon, and voter fraud. Most importantly, we demonstrate that, while anti-establishment orientations are positively related to support for Donald Trump, they are negatively related to support for Joe Biden and both major parties. In short, the toxicity emblematic of the Trump era—support for outsider candidates, belief in conspiracy theories, corrosive rhetoric, and violence—are derivative of antipathy towards the established political order, rather than a strict adherence to partisan and ideological dogma. We conclude that Trump’s most powerful and unique impact on American electoral politics is his activation, inflammation, and manipulation of preexisting anti-establishment orientations for partisan ends.
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Books on the topic "Trump, Donald, 1946- – Political and social views"

1

Marcotte, Amanda. Troll nation: How the right became Trump-worshipping monsters set on ratf*cking liberals, America, and truth itself. New York: Hot Books, 2018.

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Donald Trump Unamerican. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Incorporated, 2020.

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Seely, Hart. Bard of the Deal: The Poetry of Donald Trump. HarperCollins Publishers, 2015.

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Beahm, George W. Trump Talk: Donald Trump in His Own Words. Adams Media Corporation, 2016.

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Beahm, George W. Trump talk: Donald Trump in his own words. 2016.

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Trump, Donald. Quotations from Chairman Trump. 2016.

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Trump talk. Adams Media, 2016.

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McChesney, Robert W. Trump in the White House: Tragedy and Farce. Monthly Review Press, 2017.

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McChesney, Robert W. Trump in the White House: Tragedy and Farce. Monthly Review Press, 2017.

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Trump unveiled: Exposing the bigoted billionaire. OR Books, 2016.

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Book chapters on the topic "Trump, Donald, 1946- – Political and social views"

1

Bare, Daniel R. "Conclusion." In Black Fundamentalists, 185–88. NYU Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479803262.003.0007.

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Bringing the conversation into the present, this chapter begins with an incendiary incident that occurred in 2016 within the theologically conservative Christian Reformed community. Sparked by comments from a high-profile African American figure, Jemar Tisby, about how his white brethren’s support for Donald Trump made him feel unsafe in his church, the firestorm that ensued revealed certain racially inflected fissures and divisions that persist even in the midst of substantial theological congruity. Against the backdrop of the book’s historical analysis of black fundamentalists, this particular incident offers another occasion to reflect on the importance of social and racial context in shaping religious and political views.
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Gautney, Heather. "The State (2017–2022)." In The New Power Elite, 65–90. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190637446.003.0004.

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Abstract This chapter considers the political rise of Donald Trump, who, more than any other president, exposed the stark realities of modern capitalism and the character of those at its helm. Here, his presidency—and the suffering, corruption, and social division associated with it—is understood as a consequence of political elites’ decades-long commitment to the neoliberal class program. Though Trump was indeed singular, his ascendancy cannot be understood apart from his predecessors’ betrayal of poor and working-class people and the contradiction between their claims to safeguard democracy and the economic realities that most Americans face. The substance of Trump’s policymaking was in line with that of both major parties in terms of their commitment to a hegemonic “free market” and handmaiden state—whether through Democrats’ brand of technocratic governance or the more ideologically charged, autocratic style of the GOP. This chapter analyzes those dynamics and views Trump’s political power as indicative of neoliberalism’s compatibility with authoritarianism and the dominance of charismatic authority in American politics.
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