Journal articles on the topic 'Trudeau Institute'

Florence Rena Sabin received her MD from the Johns Hopkins University in 1900. She was one of the first women to become a medical intern at Johns Hopkins and worked for the year of her internship (1900–01) under William Osler. At Johns Hopkins from y>1902 to 1925, Sabin studied embryology and histology with mentor Franklin Mall. She became the first woman professor of histology at an American school. Recruited to the Rockefeller Institute (1925), she focused on tuberculosis immunology, tubercle-bacillus biochemistry and haematology. She was the first woman department head at the Rockefeller and, in 1925, the first woman elected to the National Academy of Sciences. Settling in Colorado in 1938, she entered public health, emphasizing tuberculosis control. She received the Trudeau Award in 1945 and the Lasker Award in 1951. Her experience with tuberculosis under Osler's tutelage defined the shape of her work in basic tuberculosis research and in public health.

Abstract Cell intrinsic functional defect in aged naive CD4 T cells is a key cause of an age-associated increase in susceptibility to infectious diseases. However the causes of the CD4 T cell defects and how they develop are largely unknown. We have suggested that many defects develop during the sojourn of the naïve CD4 T cells in the periphery. We report here that aged naïve CD4 T cells have a longer lifespan than young cells even when transferred to young intact hosts. In vitro studies suggest that their increased longevity is regulated by an intrinsic property for survival. Consistent with this, aged naïve CD4 T cells express reduced level of a pro-apoptotic molecule, Bim, and the reduction of Bim in naïve CD4 T cells is sufficient for longer lifespan in vivo. This longer lifespan of aged naïve T cells could contribute to the maintenance of T cell homeostasis in aged mice. On the other hand, shutdown of new T cell emigration from the thymus by thymectomy leads to long-term persistence of remaining naïve T cells in the periphery and accelerates development both of the functional defects and of increased lifespan in naive CD4 T cells. Neither of these is observed when new naïve T cells are derived from aged hematopoietic stem cells. Thus, these results suggest that development of functional defects in aged naive CD4 T cells is associated with long-term persistence of aged naïve T cells due to their increased lifespan in periphery. The authors have no financial conflict of interest. This work was supported by National Institutes of Health Grants AG025805, AG021600 and the Trudeau Institute.

Abstract Interleukin (IL) -17 secreting CD4 T (Th)17 and CD8 T (Tc)17 effector cells are found in the lung following primary challenge with influenza A and blocking antibody to IL-17 increases weight loss and reduces survival. Tc17 effectors can be generated in vitro using naïve CD8 T cells from OT-1 T cell receptor (TcR) transgenic mice. T cell numbers expand 20 fold and a majority secretes IL-17, but little IFN-γ. Tc17 effectors are negative for granzyme B, for perforin message and lack cytolytic activity in vitro, in contrast to Tc1 effectors. Many of the Tc17 effectors become IFN-γ/IL-17 double producers after adoptive transfer and kill targets by a Fas dependent, perforin independent, pathway in an in vivo CTL assay. Adoptively transferred Tc17 cells expand greatly after transfer to naïve recipients following challenge and can protect them against lethal influenza infection. Transfer of Tc17 effector cell enhances the infiltration of neutrophils and monocytes to lung after influenza infection and protects against the development of respiratory distress much more effectively than transfer of equivalent numbers of Tc1 effectors. Additional mechansims of protection are being explored. This work was supported by NIH AI046530 and the Trudeau Institute.

Abstract Memory T cells established following the resolution of influenza and parainfluenza virus infections provide robust protection from a secondary virus challenge. Recently, we demonstrated that the rapid recruitment of circulating memory CD8+ T cells to the lung airways during the early stages of a secondary challenge is crucial for limiting early viral replication. In the course of these studies, we observed that the cytolytic protein granzyme B (gzmB) was highly expressed by virus-specific memory CD8+ T cells recruited to the lung airways. However, the mechanism by which gzmB protein is up-regulated in these cells was unclear. In the current study, we demonstrate that challenge with a disparate virus is sufficient to up-regulate the expression of gzmB protein, suggesting that this process is antigen-independent. To discern the mechanism of gzmB protein expression, we employed a mixed bone marrow chimera model to directly compare wild-type and gene-deficient virus-specific memory CD8+ T cells within the same host. These studies demonstrate that the antigen-independent expression of gzmB protein was dependent on STAT1, and requires signaling through the IFNα/β receptor. Thus, type I interferons act directly on memory CD8+ T cells to increase gzmB protein expression during the early stages of a secondary virus challenge. This work is supported by funds from the NIH and the Trudeau Institute.

Abstract Activated T cells play a central role in controlling respiratory virus infections. However, these T cells also mediate considerable pulmonary immunopathology and lung damage. The level of immunopathology tends to be much less in secondary compared to primary infections, but the underlying reasons for this difference are unclear. To determine if CD4 memory T cells regulate pulmonary immunopathology, we transferred influenza-specific CD4 memory T cells into naïve mice challenged with influenza virus and assessed (i) inflammation, (ii) antigen presentation, and (iii) de novo T cell stimulation in the lung environment. The presence of CD4 memory T cells during influenza infection greatly reduced the expression of pro-inflammatory cytokines and chemokines in the lungs, as well as the ability of alveolar macrophages and pulmonary dendritic cells to stimulate naïve CD4 and CD8 T cell responses directly ex vivo. CD4 memory T cells also inhibited the accumulation of newly primed CD4 and CD8 T cells in the lungs, without reducing virus titers or de novo T cell responses in the periphery. We propose that CD4 memory T cells are capable of limiting pulmonary immunopathology by preventing the influx and retention of newly primed T cells in the lungs during respiratory infections. We are currently assessing whether the effective induction of CD4 memory populations through vaccination protects against excessive pulmonary immunopathology and secondary bacterial pneumonia. Funded by NIH AI057158 NBC-Lipkin and Trudeau Institute.

Abstract Current Influenza A virus (IAV) vaccines show poor efficacy, often 40–60%. A strategy to improve effectiveness of IAV vaccines is to include adjuvants to activate innate immunity. We examined the potential of combined pattern recognition receptor agonists CpG and MPL to increase IAV vaccine induced protection. When administered in a single, low dose intramuscular hemagglutinin (HA) protein vaccine, mice receiving MPL + CpG experienced less morbidity after homologous challenge compared to mice receiving single agonists. In experiments analyzing heterosubtypic protection, vaccines containing MPL delivered intramuscularly (i.m.) showed increased protection against weight loss while the addition of CpG enhanced antibody responses but not survival. To determine if MPL and CpG have combinatory effects at different sites, HA and NP were delivered with MPL i.m. while HA and NP were simultaneously delivered with CpG intranasally (i.n.). Data demonstrate that combination MPL i.m. + CpG i.n. abrogated morbidity, but did not improve survival compared to MPL + CpG i.m. Further, mice given MPL + CpG produced IgG antibodies that were cross-reactive to H1N1 virus, yet magnitude of antibody responses did not correlate with protective efficacy. Finally, comparison of MPL i.m. + CpG i.n. in a prime/boost regimen, followed by heterosubtypic challenge, showed that weight loss was significantly lowered in mice that received prime/boost vaccination compared to mice that received prime only. Higher antibody responses induced by a second dose of vaccine did not correlate with protective capacity, suggesting that antibody levels, while indicators of vaccine immunogenicity, do not directly correlate with ability to protect mice from severe disease. Supported by Trudeau Institute and Clarkson University.

Abstract Influenza A virus (IAV) is a negative strand RNA virus that undergoes antigenic drift and shift, leading to serologically distinct strains that can cause tens of thousands of deaths annually in the US. The wide variety of hemagglutinin (HA) and neuraminidase (NA) proteins necessitates yearly reformulation of the vaccine to protect against novel seasonal and pandemic strains. Current IAV vaccines do not contain adjuvants, however, immune modulators such as pattern recognition receptor (PRR) agonists may enhance antigen presentation to T cells and provide broader protection against IAV strains that differ in HA and NA outer coat proteins. We set out to investigate whether TLR4 (lipopolysaccharide) and TLR3 (poly IC) agonists in combination with HA (H3N2) and nucleoprotein (NP) or NP and matrix (M1) proteins could provide protection against lethal challenge with mismatched IAV strain H1N1. Mice given H3 and NP with LPS + pIC in a prime/boost strategy demonstrated 80% survival after heterosubtypic H1N1 challenge while H3 + NP in PBS showed 20% survival. Similar results were seen using LPS + pIC in combination with NP and M1 protein with 90% survival. High endpoint titers of anti-NP antibodies (that also bound H1N1 virus) correlated with heterosubtypic protection suggesting a role for non-neutralizing antibodies in promoting survival. In addition, LPS and pIC enhanced dendritic cell (DC) function in vitro and increased migratory monocyte DC in the lymph node in vivo, coupled with early upregulation of T cell marker CD69. This strategy may provide increased efficacy over current IAV vaccines by inducing non-neutralizing antibodies and enhanced T cell responses to internal proteins. Supported by Trudeau Institute and Clarkson University.

Com muito gosto lemos a dissertação de Creômenes Tenorio Maciel, intitulada «Pâque du Christ dans la Pâque du peuple, Pâque du peuple dans la Pâque du Christ: une lecture de l’oeuvre de l’inculturation liturgique de Jacques Trudel». Foi aprovada pelo Júri das Licenças Canônicas do Theologicum (Faculté de Théologie et de Sciences Religieuses - Institut Superieur de Liturgie) do Instituto Católico de Paris, neste ano de 2017, tendo como primeiro leitor J. L. Souletie e segundo leitor Philippe Barras. Creômenes é um jovem jesuíta brasileiro que prossegue seus estudos na França, mas busca desenvolver uma teologia cristã a partir da experiência religiosa do povo e tendo em vista a práxis, sobretudo litúrgica, das nossas comunidades de fé.

The article presents an analysis of the monographs of the leading researcher at the Institute of History, Language and Literature of the Ufa Federal Research Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, doctor of sciences M. I. Rodnov, which he published in the 2010s. It has been proved that the reconstruction of the history of the Ufa nobility by the researcher was carried out as part of the longite period of 1861-1917, in which he identifies three stages. The scientific significance of published studies aimed at identifying the factors that caused the inefficiency of the economic activity of nobles in a market economy is shown. Discussion issues were outlined, it was proved that the noble elite, clinging by inertia to the past, was doomed to extinction.

The direction and pace of efforts to co-ordinate the foreign policy making process within the executive branch of middle-size states may depend on subtle but cumulatively important shiefs in domestic and external environments. The experience of the Canadian government from 1976 to 1978 suggests the effects which four types of environmental change can have. The approach of a federal election was accompanied by a reduced emphasis on the formal procedures of the structured cabinet committee System instituted in the early years of the first Trudeau government. An increased threat to national unity, as registered in the November 1976 election of a Parti Québécois majority provincial government, concentrated decisional activity at the very centre of government, and had only indirect effects on the formal foreign policy planning process. Concern with persistent economic dilemmas, registered most clearly in the imposition of an expenditure restraint programme in August 1978, directly increased the use of the budgetary process and prompted moves toward foreign service integration. And the intensification of a decline in tension in relations with the United States, and the accompanying emergence of new global problems, led, in turn, to a transfer of dynamic, creative co-ordinatively-oriented leadership into the Department of External Affairs, a reorganization of the Department, and a strong stress on re-orienting its role toward that of a modem central policy agency.

U 21. stoljeću možemo reći da živimo u »novom normalnom« vremenu, kada pravo – i općenito čovjekov život – promatramo kroz prizmu sveprisutne digitalne tehnologije. Digitalna tehnologija već duže vrijeme uvelike utječe na kompletno društveno funkcioniranje, a samim time i na tradicionalne institute građanskog prava, kao što su pravo vlasništva, nasljeđivanje i sklapanje ugovora. Tehnologija ove institute dovodi u novo, digitalno, okruženje, pri čemu je potrebno uvažavati posebnosti tog okruženja. Načelo dispozitivnosti jedno je od temeljnih načela građanskog prava koje posebno do izražaja dolazi prilikom sklapanja klasičnih ugovora obveznog prava. Nasuprot tome, adhezijski ugovori su ugovori čiji sadržaj diktira jedna strana, dok ih druga strana može samo prihvatiti ili odbiti – take it or leave it. U kontekstu adhezijskih ugovora, jasno je da sloboda ugovaranja može, u određenim slučajevima, biti narušena. U današnje vrijeme, ogroman broj ovakvih ugovora sklapa se putem informatičke mreže. Radi se o ugovorima na koje svaki korisnik web stranice mora pristati da bi je mogao koristiti. Problem nedostatka mogućnosti izbora onoga tko pristaje na unaprijed objavljene uvjete poslovanja jedne strane, kod ovakvih adhezijskih ugovora može doći do izražaja i više nego kod klasičnih adhezijskih ugovora. Naime, zbog nekih obilježja ovakvih ugovora, korisnici web stranice ponekada nisu ni svjesni da su nekim svojim ponašanjem pristali na uvjete poslovanja pružatelja internetskih usluga, kome pripada ta stranica. Samim time, ti korisnici ne znaju ni na što su pristali, sve dok ne nastanu problemi u odnosu između njih i pružatelja usluga. Ovom problemu svakako pridonosi i ponašanje ugovornih strana ovakvih ugovora, pri čemu se pružatelji internetskih usluga ponekada trude većinu odredaba u ugovoru okrenuti u svoju korist te prividno umanjiti važnosti tih ugovora, dok korisnici to ignoriraju i pristaju na sve ponuđeno, ponekada ni ne znajući da su uopće dali svoje pristanak.

Based on the results of empirical studies on the problems of reproduction of specialists carried out in 2017–2021, the Institute of Sociology of FCTAS RAS and the Center for Social Forecasting and Marketing discuss the trends in the processes of reproduction of different groups of specialists in intellectual labor, as well as their employment. The book analyzes the dynamically changing conditions for the professional self-realization of graduates and their adaptation, discusses difficulties with the reproduction of engineering and technical specialists, justifies recommendations for overcoming emerging obstacles, and provides balanced recommendations for ensuring the employment of graduates, including measures to optimize the activities of employment services in cooperation with university centers to promote employment. Two socially significant functions of education are identified: of integrating, which leads new generations to perceive the existing distribution relations as socially fair, and of differentiating, which disperses the younger generation into the cells of the professional structure, while taking into account differences in economic interests.

This article is an introduction to materials from the Archive of the Institute of Russian Literature (Pushkin House) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, a typewritten article “O pervom trude neopytnoy pisatel’nitsy” (On the first work of an inexperienced writer), found in the personal archive of E. P. Privalova and previously never published. The year the text was written, 1975, was established presumably based on the date on the folder in which the other works of the author were kept. The article provides brief background information on the author of the article — researcher of the history of Russian children’s literature, E. P. Privalova; it gives a review of the contents of the folder with archival files — articles about A. L. Schlözer and I. A. Teils, published in different years in the “XVIII vek” (18 th century) collections. The article by E. P. Privalova is dedicated to the study of a novel by M. Gladkova “15-ti dnevnoe puteshestvie, 15-tiletneyu pisannoe, v ugozhdenie roditelyu i posvyashchaemoe 15-ti letnemu drugu. 1810-go goda avgusta mesyatsa” (A 15-day journey, written by a 15-year-old girl, to please her parent and dedicated to her 15-year-old friend. 1810th year of August) (St. Petersburg, 1810). The introduction analyzes the main theses of E. P. Privalova’s article — the alleged authorship of M. Gladkova and literary connections of her text with such works as “Pis’ma russkogo puteshestvennika” (Letters of the Russian Traveler) by N. M. Karamzin and “Puteshestvie iz Peterburga v Moskvu” (Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow) by A. N. Radishchev, published in the last third of the 18th century.

Introducción: El cáncer de próstata (CP) el segundo cáncer diagnosticado en hombres, con mayor incidencia a los 66 años. La obesidad, el tabaquismo, alcoholismo y antecedentes familiares de CP se han encontrado asociados al riesgo de metástasis. El objetivo del presente estudio fue medir la asociación entre factores y el estado metastásico en pacientes con CP en un centro único de referencia en Ecuador. Metodología: El presente estudio analítico, se realizó en el Hospital “Teodoro Maldonado Carbo”, en Guayaquil-Ecuador, en el período enero-diciembre del 2019. El cálculo muestral fue no probabilístico, tipo censo. Se incluyeron casos con CP. Las variables fueron: edad, PSA, escala de Gleason, presencia de metástasis, sintomatología, tabaquismo, obesidad y antecedentes. Se presenta Odds Ratio como medida de asociación con intervalo de confianza del 95% y valor P. Resultados: El estudio incluyó 363 pacientes, con edad promedio de 75.2 ± 9.6 años. El grupo con metástasis fue de 202 casos (55.65%). Metástasis ósea 32.5%, pulmonar 9.6%, ganglionar 8.8% y hepático 4.75%. En la sintomatología la más frecuente fue, disuria (44.4%); el 33.6% con polaquiuria, un 13.2% hematuria y 8.8% tenesmo. El estadio Gleason-9 OR=24.85 (IC 95% 1.47-419.8) P=0.0259. El nivel de PSA >19 ng/ml OR= 6.996 (IC 95% 2.68-18.29) P=0.0001. El tabaquismo OR=2.34 (IC 95% 1.52-3.60) P=0.0001. Fueron factores protectores el valor de PSA <19 ng/ml OR=0.082 (IC 95% 0.043-0.157) P<0.0001, acudir a consulta de Hipertensión arterial OR=0.33 (IC 95% 0.161-0.691) P=0.0032 y el estadío Gleason-6 OR=0.108 (IC 95% 0.0665-9.1736) P<0.0001. Conclusión: Los niveles de PSA >19 ng/ml y el estadio Gleason >9 se asocian a la presencia de metástasis en pacientes con CP. Recibido: Julio 14, 2022 Aceptado: Octubre 27, 2022 Publicado: Diciembre 2, 2022 Editor: Dra. Evelyn Valencia Espinoza. Introducción El cáncer de próstata es el segundo cáncer más diagnosticado en hombres alrededor del mundo, con mayor incidencia promedio a los 66 años [1]. En países desarrollados, el cáncer de próstata se diagnostica a edades más tempranas cuando este se confina a la glándula prostática, debido al uso del antígeno prostático específico (PSA) [2]. El antígeno prostático específico es proteína creada por el epitelio prostático, el cual, es específico de órgano, más no de cáncer, debido a que el mismo puede estar elevado en patologías como prostatitis, hiperplasia prostática benigna, entre otras. Sin embargo, es el mejor biomarcador hasta ahora para el diagnóstico temprano del cáncer de próstata. Según la American Academy of Family Physicians, se ha determinado que 3 de cada 10 hombres con elevado PSA, tienen un alto riesgo de sufrir de cáncer de próstata que va a depender de la edad y el nivel del PSA que se encuentre. Algunos estudios demuestran que las pruebas de rutina de PSA en hombres entre 55 a 66 años disminuyen la mortalidad por cáncer de próstata, de manera significativa. Sin embargo, la baja especificidad para Cáncer de Próstata de la prueba, hace que la interpretación de ella no sea concluyente [3]. La Escala de Gleason es un sistema de graduación que sirve, una vez establecido el diagnóstico de adenocarcinoma de próstata, para medir la agresividad histopatológica de la neoplasia [4]. Está plenamente establecido que la escala de Gleason, de acuerdo a los hallazgos histopatológicos del tumor, nos permite categorizar a los pacientes de una manera más precisa y de esta manera tener una idea clara del pronóstico de dicho paciente. Con estos antecedentes se estableció el objetivo de determinar los factores de riesgo asociados a metástasis en pacientes con cáncer de próstata en un centro de referencia regional en Guayaquil-Ecuador. Materiales y métodos Diseño del estudio El presente estudio es observacional-analítica. La fuente es retrospectiva. Área de estudio El estudio se realizó en el servicio de urología del Hospital de Especialidades “Teodoro Maldonado Carbo”, del Instituto Ecuatoriano de Seguridad Social, en Guayaquil-Ecuador. El período de estudio fue del 1ro de Enero del 2019 hasta el 31 de diciembre del 2019. Universo y muestra El universo fue conformado por todos los pacientes registrados en la institución. El cálculo del tamaño muestral fue no probabilístico, tipo censo, en donde se incluyeron todos los casos incidentes en el período de estudio. Participantes Se incluyeron casos de pacientes adultos diagnosticados con cáncer de próstata en quienes se contó con valoración de PSA y la escala de Gleason. Se excluyeron registros incompletos para el análisis. Variables Las variables fueron edad, PSA, escala de Gleason, presencia de metástasis, sintomatología, métodos diagnósticos. Procedimientos, técnicas e instrumentos. Los datos fueron recogidos de la historia clínica en un formulario diseñado exclusivamente para tal propósito. Los diagnósticos de CP se realizaron por punción aspiración por aguja fina (PAAF) guiada por ecografía. Las placas fueron leídas por Patólogos distintos. Se usó el sistema AS400 para la pesquisa de casos usando los diagnósticos codificados: C61. Evitación de sesgos Para garantizar la confiabilidad de la información los investigadores fueron entrenados sobre la recolección de los datos. Se usó una lista de doble chequeo para incluir los casos. Los datos fueron validados y curados por el investigador principal. Análisis estadístico Recopilada la información en una hoja electrónica Excel, se ingresó en una matriz de datos del software SPSS™ 22.0 (IBM, Chicago, USA). Se utilizó estadística descriptiva en base a frecuencias y porcentajes para las variables cualitativas y para las cuantitativas medidas de tendencia central. Se presenta Odds Ratio como medida de asociación con intervalo de confianza del 95% y valor P. Resultados El estudio incluyó 363 pacientes. Caracterización clínica Fueron 363 pacientes, con edad promedio de 75.2 ± 9.6 años. La edad mínima fue de 49 años, y la máxima de 98 años. Los pacientes con metástasis fueron 202 casos (55.65%). Con respecto al lugar de diseminación metastásica, se encontró mayor predilección a desarrollar metástasis ósea en el 32.5% de los pacientes, seguido de metástasis pulmonar con el 9.6%, metástasis ganglionar con el 8.8% y a nivel hepático 4.75% de los casos. En la sintomatología la más frecuente fue, disuria con el 44.4%; el 33.6% con polaquiuria, un 13.2% hematuria y 8.8% tenesmo. El estudio más frecuente utilizado, fue el eco prostático, con un 42.7%; la tomografía 20.4%), gammagrafía prostática 25.6%, la resonancia magnética con el 11.3%. Factores clínicos El 44.4% de los pacientes padecía alcoholismo, el 27.5% presentaba tabaquismo, el 23.1% eran consumidores de carnes y lácteos; otros hábitos poco frecuentes se relacionaron con el 4.7%; 0.3% no refería ningún hábito de importancia. Dentro de los antecedentes patológicos se evidenció que, 54.5% de los pacientes tenían antecedentes familiares de Cáncer de próstata, 29.2% presentaba obesidad y sobrepeso, en tercer lugar, con 9.9% de los pacientes padecía de hipertensión arterial y entre otros antecedentes asociados tenían un porcentaje del 5.5% (Tabla 1). De la totalidad de los evaluados, el 45.2% tuvieron Gleason 6, mientras que aquellos con valores en la Escala de Gleason de 10, alcanzaban el 1.4%. La medición del riesgo se presenta en la tabla 1. Se constituyeron factores de riesgo para el desarrollo de metástasis el tabaquismo, y el estadío clínico Gleason 7, 8 y 9, los valores de PSA en rangos de 19-49 ng/ml, de 50 a 99 ng/ml y 100-299 ng/ml. Se establecieron como factores de protección estadísticamente significativos al antecedente personal de Hiperplasia prostática benigna, a la condición de hipertensión arterial, al estadio clínico Gleason 6, al valor de PSA <19 ng/ml (Tabla 1). Discusión Al comparar el presente estudio con investigaciones previas se constató que la edad constituye un factor de riesgo no modificable para padecer cáncer prostático, según el Instituto Nacional de Cáncer en Estados Unidos, en su programa estadístico de Vigilancia, Epidemiología y Resultados (SEER) entre los años 2015-2019 se encontró una mayor incidencia de casos en los pacientes que tenían entre 70-74 años de edad [5], así también lo describió el trabajo de Leitzmann et al, en los años correspondientes a 2000-2008 donde la incidencia comienza a aumentar desde los 40-44 años de edad para llegar a su pico máximo de 984.8 pacientes por cada 100.000 hombres con edades entre 70-74 años [6], similarmente en este estudio el mínimo de edad fue 49 años en la población con un máximo de 98 y un media de 75.15 respectivamente. En cuanto a la distribución de regiones anatómicas donde se suele presentar la metástasis en el cáncer prostático; en primer lugar se determinó a los huesos (84%) en segundo lugar a nódulos linfáticos distantes (10.6%) y hepático (10.2%) [7] según un estudio conducido por Gandaglia et al. lo cual en similitud a este estudio el sitio más frecuente fue a nivel óseo con un 32.5% de todos los pacientes, seguido de la metástasis pulmonar con 9.6% y ganglionar 8.8%. A su vez Auz y Brito (2018) encontraron en su investigación realizada en el Hospital Solca Núcleo de Quito-Ecuador que incluyó a 1713 pacientes donde el sitio más frecuente de metástasis fue el óseo en un 82.25%, seguido del ganglionar linfático con 7.05% y luego 2.8% a nivel pulmonar [8]. En lo que corresponde a los hábitos de los pacientes, un 44.4% de pacientes en este estudio consumía de alcohol regularmente, mientras que el 27.5% consumía tabaco y el 23.1% eran consumidores de carnes y lácteos, lo cual se contrasta con el estudio de Auz y Brito (2018) detallado anteriormente donde 31.1% de los pacientes consumían alcohol regularmente y el 28.3% de los pacientes consumían tabaco al momento de diagnóstico, no se midieron datos en relación al consumo de lácteos y carnes rojas [8]. Un factor de riesgo no modificable muy importante fue la presencia de antecedentes familiares de cáncer de próstata en este estudio con un 54.5% de los pacientes lo cual en el trabajo de Auz y Brito (2018) solamente 9% tuvieron antecedentes familiares de cáncer prostático y un 23.2% de otros tipos de cánceres [23]. Según Barber et al. en su estudio se identificó que pacientes con historia familiar de cáncer prostático únicamente, tienen un riesgo aumentado del 68% de padecer lo mismo (95% CI 1.53-1.83) y un 72% de enfermedad letal [9]. Así también lo describió Powell IJ (2011) en su publicación que dice que hombres con relativos de primer grado (Padre, hermano, hijo) tienen un riesgo de desarrollar cáncer prostático que es aproximadamente del doble a la población general [10]. En el presente estudio 29.2% de los pacientes presentaba sobrepeso y 9.9% de los pacientes padecía hipertensión arterial, así mismo en el estudio de Möller et al. se encontró que un IMC alto (26) en comparación a 20-22 a la edad de 21 años fue asociada con riesgo menor de cáncer prostático letal o avanzado y Gleason 7 [11], también se habla sobre que de los componentes del síndrome metabólico incluyendo la hipertensión arterial ninguno tiene relación con el desarrollo de cáncer prostático [10]. Dentro de los síntomas más frecuentes en esta investigación se encontraron la disuria con un 44.4% de todos los pacientes, le siguió la polaquiuria (33.6%) y finalmente la hematuria (13.2%). De manera similar el estudio de Birtle et al. llevado a cabo entre los años 2000-2001 con bases de datos de la Asociación Británica de Cirujano Urológicos determinó que de 33 pacientes con cáncer metastásico de próstata con PSA <10 ng/ml 51% se presentó con síntomas urinarios y/o dolor pélvico, 21% presentó dolor óseo, 18% retención urinaria y 10% caquexia y malasia [12]. En el presente estudio de la totalidad de pacientes, 45.2% de ellos tuvieron puntajes de Gleason de 6 y en menor medida con 1.4% de los pacientes puntajes de Gleason 10, esto se puede comparar con el estudio de Thomsen et al. donde se encontró que altos puntajes en la escala de Gleason se relacionaron a la presencia de metástasis, así en ese estudio los pacientes que presentaron metástasis a distancia según la escala TNM (M1), 41% tenía un puntaje de Gleason 5, mientras que solo el 3% tenía Gleason 1 [13]. El método de imagen más utilizado en este estudio fue el de la ecografía prostática con un 42.7% y en menor medida la resonancia magnética con el 11.3%. En la investigación de Huang et al. se encontró que el uso de la Resonancia Magnética con el sistema PI-RADS v2 fue el sistema más preciso para predecir la metástasis a nódulos linfáticos en la zona pélvica, los pacientes con PI-RADs <5 fueron asociados con un riesgo muy bajo de metástasis ganglionar [14]. La ecografía prostática 3D se demostró un 84% de sensibilidad y 96% de especificidad para identificar extensión tumoral extra capsular macroscópica y fue capaz de identificar a 14/16 diseminaciones a la vesícula seminal según Mitterberger et al. en el año 2008 [15]. Finalmente con respecto a valoraciones de PSA que se presentaron en los pacientes diagnosticados con cáncer de próstata, se pudo evidenciar, que el 100% de los pacientes con PSA mayor de 500 ng/ml tuvo metástasis, así como el grupo de pacientes con 300-499 ng/ml PSA, a diferencia del grupo con menos de 19 ng/ml PSA donde solo el 40.6% tuvo metástasis, lo cual se puede comparar al estudio de Thomsen et al. donde de los pacientes con más de 400 ng/ml, el 64.9% presentó metástasis, le sigue el grupo con valores de 200-399 ng/ml donde el 54% desarrolló metástasis y al final el grupo con menos de 19 ng/ml tuvo solo al 1.45% de pacientes con metástasis, podemos así deducir que el valor de PSA es directamente proporcional al riesgo de metástasis, sin embargo, recomendamos tomar en cuenta más factores de riesgos de manera conjunta para una evaluación integral del paciente [13]. Conclusiones En orden de importancia estadística los factores asociados a metástasis en cáncer prostático son el estadio clínico Gleason 9 y 8, Los niveles de PSA entre 50 a 299 ng/ml, y el tabaquismo. Fueron factores protectivos el antecedente clínico de Hiperplasia Prostática benigna, hipertensión y el nivel de PSA <19 ng/ml. Nota del Editor La Revista Oncología Ecu permanece neutral con respecto a los reclamos jurisdiccionales en mapas publicados y afiliaciones institucionales. Agradecimientos Los autores agradecen a todas las personas de la Institución que colaboraron en el desarrollo de esta investigación. Información administrativa Abreviaturas APP: antecedentes patológicos personales. APF: Antecedentes patológicos familiares. HPB: hiperplasia prostática benigna. Ca: Cáncer. PSA: Antígeno prostático específico. OR: Odds ratio. IC: intervalo de confianza Archivos Adicionales Ninguno declarado por los autores. Fondos Los autores no recibieron ningún tipo de reconocimiento económico por este trabajo de investigación. Disponibilidad de datos y materiales Existe la disponibilidad de datos bajo solicitud al autor de correspondencia. No se reportan otros materiales. Contribuciones de los autores Emily Gabriela Chimbo Acuña: conceptualización, validación, visualización, metodología, administración de proyecto, escritura: revisión y edición. Karen Gabriela Valverde Zambrano: conceptualización, curación de datos, análisis formal, adquisición de fondos, investigación, recursos, software, redacción - borrador original. Iván Altamirano: conceptualización, curación de datos, análisis formal, adquisición de fondos, investigación, recursos, software. Todos los autores leyeron y aprobaron la versión final del manuscrito. Aprobación del comité de ética No aplica a estudios de bases de datos o historias clínicas. Consentimiento para publicación El presente estudio es un análisis de base de datos, no aplica para este tipo de estudio. Referencias Professionals S-O. EAU Guidelines: Prostate Cancer [Internet]. [citado 20 de octubre de 2021]. Disponible en: https://uroweb.org/guideline/prostate-cancer/#note_11 Barry MJ, Nelson JB. Patients Present with More Advanced Prostate Cancer since the USPSTF Screening Recommendations. J Urol. diciembre de 2015;194(6):1534-6. DOI: 1016/j.juro.2015.09.033 PMid: 26384450 Catalona WJ, Richie JP, Ahmann FR, Hudson MA, Scardino PT, Flanigan RC, et al. Comparison of digital rectal examination and serum prostate specific antigen in the early detection of prostate cancer: results of a multicenter clinical trial of 6,630 men. J Urol. mayo de 1994;151(5):1283-90. DOI: 1016/S0022-5347(17)35233-3 PMid: 7512659 Schröder FH, Hugosson J, Roobol MJ, Tammela TL, Ciatto S, Nelen V, Kwiatkowski M, Lujan M, Lilja H, Zappa M, Denis LJ, Recker F, Berenguer A, Määttänen L, Bangma CH, Aus G, Villers A, Rebillard X, van der Kwast T, Blijenberg BG, Moss SM, de Koning HJ, Auvinen A; ERSPC Investigators. Screening and prostate-cancer mortality in a randomized European study. N Engl J Med. 2009 Mar 26;360(13):1320-8. DOI: 10.1056/NEJMoa0810084. Epub 2009 Mar 18. PMID: 19297566. Surveillance, Epidemiology, and End Results Program (SEER) of the National Cancer Institute. Fast Stats: An interactive tool for access to SEER cancer statistics. Bethesda, MD: SEER, National Cancer Institute; nd. Available from: www.seer.cancer.gov/faststats. Leitzmann MF, Rohrmann S. Risk factors for the onset of prostatic cancer: age, location, and behavioral correlates. Clin Epidemiol. 5 de enero de 2012;4:1 DOI: 2147/CLEP.S16747 PMid: 22291478 PMCid: PMC3490374 Gandaglia G, Abdollah F, Schiffmann J, Trudeau V, Shariat SF, Kim SP, et al. Distribution of metastatic sites in patients with prostate cancer: A population-based analysis. Prostate. febrero de 2014;74(2):210-6. DOI: 1002/pros.22742. PMid:24132735 Auz Fierro E, Brito Chasiluisa H. Factores relacionados con la supervivencia de pacientes con cancer de prostata en el hospital solca nucleo de quito durante el periodo 2003 - 2018. [Internet]. [Hospital Solca Nucleo de Quito]: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador; 2018. Disponible en: 22000 Barber L, Gerke T, Markt SC, Peisch SF, Wilson KM, Ahearn T, et al. Family History of Breast or Prostate Cancer and Prostate Cancer Risk. Clinical Cancer Research. 1 de diciembre de 2018;24(23):5910-7. DOI: 1158/1078-0432.CCR-18-0370. PMid: 30082473 PMCid: PMC6279573 Powell IJ. The precise role of ethnicity and family history on aggressive prostate cancer: a review analysis. Arch Esp Urol. 2011 Oct;64(8):711-9. PMID: 22052754; PMCID: PMC3859428. Möller E, Wilson KM, Batista JL, Mucci LA, Bälter K, Giovannucci E. Body size across the life course and prostate cancer in the Health Professionals Follow-up Study: Body size and prostate cancer. Int J Cancer. 15 de febrero de 2016;138(4):853-65. DOI: 1002/ijc.29842 PMid: 26355806 PMCid: PMC5042346 Birtle AJ, Freeman A, Masters JRW, Payne HA, Harland SJ, BAUS Section of Oncology Cancer Registry. Clinical features of patients who present with metastatic prostate carcinoma and serum prostate-specific antigen (PSA) levels < 10 ng/mL: the «PSA negative» patients. Cancer. 1 de diciembre de 2003;98(11):2362-7. DOI: 1002/cncr.11821 PMid: 14635070 Thomsen FB, Westerberg M, Garmo H, Robinson D, Holmberg L, Ulmert HD, et al. Prediction of metastatic prostate cancer by prostate-specific antigen in combination with T stage and Gleason Grade: Nationwide, population-based register study. PLoS One. 2020;15(1):e0228447. DOI: 1371/journal.pone.0228447 PMid: 31995611 PMCid: PMC6988964 Huang C, Song G, Wang H, Lin Z, Wang H, Ji G, et al. Preoperative PI-RADS Version 2 scores helps improve accuracy of clinical nomograms for predicting pelvic lymph node metastasis at radical prostatectomy. Prostate Cancer Prostatic Dis. marzo de 2020;23(1):116-26 DOI: 1038/s41391-019-0164-z PMid: 31383954 Mitterberger M, Pinggera GM, Pallwein L, Gradl J, Frauscher F, Bartsch G, et al. The value of three-dimensional transrectal ultrasonography in staging prostate cancer. BJU Int. julio de 2007;100(1):47-50. DOI: 1111/j.1464-410X.2007.06845.x PMid: 17433033.

Uwydatnienie wymiaru duchowego w dziedzinie zdrowia poprzez zawód pracowników opieki duchowej (przykład prowincji Quebec) Obserwujemy ogromne zmiany w społeczeństwach, które wcześniej uchodziły za chrześcijańskie. Fala zeświecczenia doprowadziła do tego, że szkoły lub szpitale katolickie, prowadzone kiedyś przez zgromadzenia zakonne, znalazły się w rękach świeckiego państwa z odpowiednio świecką ideologią. Prowincja Quebec nie jest wyjątkiem. Właśnie Kościół Katolicki był tą instytucją, która dbała przede wszystkim o wymiar duchowy człowieka w powierzonych sobie ośrodkach. Opiekę duchową nad pacjentami sprawowali księża, udzielając sakramentów świętych, pocieszając i podtrzymując chorych oraz ich rodziny na duchu. Wskutek zredukowania roli Kościoła poprzez „spokojną rewolucję” i oddzielenie Kościoła od państwa kapelani szpitalni w Quebecu w większości zostali zastąpieni przez pracowników opieki duchowej. Kuriozalne jest zarazem to, że państwo tak laickie jak Kanada w swoich ustawach dotyczących opieki medycznej wymaga poszanowania prawa człowieka i zapewnienia mu opieki duchowej. Stąd też funkcjonuje oficjalny zawód opiekuna duchowego, przez co sfera duchowa człowieka zostaje niejako uwydatniona – i to jest rzeczą pozytywną. W tym artykule zostało podkreślone, że podmiotem opieki duchowej jest zawsze człowiek, postrzegany jako jedność cielesno-psychiczno-duchowa. Sfera duchowa jest trudna do zdefiniowania. Analizując różne definicje duchowości, można wyodrębnić kilka wspólnych elementów, takich jak poszukiwanie odpowiedzi na pytania: o tożsamość człowieka („kim jestem?”), o cel i sens życia („po co żyję?”), o sens cierpienia i śmierci („dlaczego mnie to spotkało?”). Wielu odpowiedzi na te pytania znajduje w religii, a więc w relacji z transcendencją/Siłą Wyższą/Bogiem. Niektórzy jednak rozpatrują duchowość w całkowitym oderwaniu od religii. Wówczas głównymi elementami sfery duchowej często są dla nich relacje z bliskimi oraz wartości ogólnoludzkie. Pracownicy opieki duchowej pomagają człowiekowi cierpiącemu w odnalezieniu sensu życia, odkryciu sensu cierpienia oraz przywróceniu równowagi życiowej poprzez zaakceptowanie ograniczeń i nauczenie się życia z nimi. W tej służbie człowiekowi choremu ważna jest obecność przy nim, aktywne słuchanie, dialog, solidarność, współczucie i miłość. Podkreśla się, że pracownikiem opieki duchowej może być każdy, niezależnie od płci, stanu cywilnego lub religijnej przynależności. Niektóre wydziały teologiczne oraz Instytuty religijne, przeżywające obecnie kryzys z powodu niedoboru studentów na kierunek filozofii czy teologii, po zreorganizowaniu się proponują programy kształcenia dla przyszłych pracowników opieki duchowej. Dimension spirituelle en évidence dans le domaine de la santé par la profession des intervenants en soins spirituels (exemple du Québec) Beaucoup de sociétés au monde, auparavant profondément chrétiennes, sont devenues laïques dans les dernières décennies. La société québécoise n’est pas une exception, et les raisons pour cela sont diverses. Nous pouvons observer comment les écoles ou les hôpitaux dirigés par les ordres religieux sont devenus la propriété de l'État. L’Église catholique qui auparavant jouait un rôle important dans la société et prenait soin de l'aspect spirituel des personnes, ne joue presque plus ce rôle. Mais cela ne veut pas dire que les besoins spirituels des personnes et leur soif pour la transcendance soient disparus. Les besoins d'un équilibre global de vie se manifestent lors d’une crise causée par la maladie. C'est surtout dans les moments cruciaux, comme la souffrance, la maladie ou la proximité de la mort que les personnes posent beaucoup de questions sur la spiritualité. Un aspect positif est que la société laïque du Québec a un respect pour les droits des personnes et de leurs besoins spirituels. Pour répondre à ces besoins, une nouvelle profession a vu le jour et elle prend en compte la dimension spirituelle des personnes. Cette dimension doit être au cœur des pratiques de toutes les personnes engagées à donner un support aux malades. La personne dans son ensemble «corps-âme-esprit» doit être au centre pendant tous les soins médicaux. C'est pour cette raison qu'en premier lieu dans cet article, j'ai parlé de la conception de la personne dans laquelle prévalent l’approche globale et intégrative. Ensuite, je me suis concentrée sur la notion de la spiritualité. En démontrant la diversité des définitions de la spiritualité, j'ai souligné les éléments communs, tels que la recherche de réponses aux questions : l'identité d'un être humain („qui suis-je?”), le but et le sens de la vie („pourquoi j'existe?”), le sens de la souffrance et la mort („pourquoi cela m’arrive?”). Le problème du sens et du but de la vie est une question primordiale pour l'homme, même si elle demeure souvent inexprimée. Beaucoup de gens retrouvent les réponses à ces questions dans la religion, dans leurs rapports avec la transcendance / Être Suprême / Dieu. Certaines personnes, cependant, considèrent la spiritualité dans l'isolement complet de la religion. Ensuite, les principaux éléments de la sphère spirituelle sont souvent les relations avec les proches et les valeurs humaines. Les intervenants en soins spirituels aident les personnes souffrantes à retrouver le sens de la vie, de reconstruire un équilibre de vie global et/ou d'apprendre à «vivre avec» leurs limites. Par leur profession ils offrent l'écoute attentive, la possibilité du dialogue, la solidarité, la compassion et l'amour dont les personnes souffrantes ont tant besoin. Il est bien de mentionner que les facultés de théologie et les instituts d'études religieuses se sont réorientés pour proposer des programmes académiques afin de former les intervenants en soins spirituels.

Abstract Background: Fc receptor-homolog 5 (FcRH5) is a type I membrane protein that is expressed exclusively in the B-cell lineage, and at a higher level on myeloma cells than on normal B cells. Cevostamab is a FcRH5xCD3 bispecific antibody (BsAb) that facilitates T cell-directed killing of myeloma cells. Initial data from the dose-escalation phase of the ongoing Phase I study (NCT03275103) of cevostamab monotherapy in patients (pts) with heavily pre-treated RRMM demonstrated promising activity and manageable safety, along with near ubiquitous FcRH5 expression on myeloma cells (Cohen et al. ASH 2020; Sumiyoshi et al. EHA 2021). We present updated safety and efficacy data from a larger cohort of pts, including results comparing Cycle (C) 1 single step-up (SS) and double step-up (DS) dosing for the mitigation of cytokine release syndrome (CRS). Methods: Participants have RRMM for which no established therapy is available or appropriate. Cevostamab (intravenous infusion) is administered in 21-day cycles. In the SS cohorts, the step dose (0.05-3.6mg) is given on C1 Day (D) 1 and the target dose (0.15-198mg) on C1D8. In the DS cohorts, the step doses are given on C1D1 (0.3-1.2mg) and C1D8 (3.6mg), and the target dose (60-160mg) on C1D15. In both regimens, the target dose is given on D1 of subsequent cycles. Cevostamab is continued for a total of 17 cycles, unless progressive disease or unacceptable toxicity occurs. CRS is reported using ASTCT criteria (Lee et al. Biol Blood Marrow Transplant 2019). Results: At data cut-off (18 May 2021), 160 pts had been enrolled (median age: 64 years, range: 33-82 years; male: 58.1%); 21.3% of pts had extramedullary disease. Median number of prior lines of therapy was 6 (range: 2-18). Most pts (85.0%) were triple-class refractory (PI, IMiD, anti-CD38 antibody). 28 pts (17.5%) had received ≥1 prior CAR-T, 13 pts (8.1%) ≥1 prior BsAb, 27 pts (16.9%) ≥1 prior antibody-drug conjugate (ADC), and 54 pts (33.8%) ≥1 prior anti-BCMA targeting agent. Median follow-up in exposed pts was 6.1 months. Almost all had ≥1 adverse event (Table). The most common was CRS (128/160 pts [80.0%]; Grade [Gr] 1: 42.5%; Gr 2: 36.3%; Gr 3: 1.3%). Immune effector cell-associated neurotoxicity syndrome (ICANS) associated with CRS was observed in 21 pts (13.1%) and in 34/211 (16.1%) CRS events (Gr 1: 8.5%; Gr 2: 6.2%; Gr 3: 1.4%). Most CRS events occurred in C1 (87.2%), arose within 24 hours of cevostamab administration (70.5%), and resolved within 48 hours of onset (83.4%). In the pts with CRS, tocilizumab was used for CRS management in 43.8% and steroids in 25.8% (both agents: 18.0%). In SS dose-escalation (68 pts), 3.6mg was chosen as the most effective C1D1 SS dose for limiting CRS in C1, with no target dose-dependent increase in the rate or severity of CRS observed after the C1D8 administration. Likewise, in DS dose-escalation (30 pts), 0.3/3.6mg was identified as the preferred C1D1/C1D8 DS dose for limiting CRS in C1. Notably, the overall rate of CRS was lower in the pts who received the 0.3/3.6mg/target DS regimen than in those who received the 3.6mg/target SS regimen (77.3% [34/44] vs 88.2% [75/85], respectively). The rate of ICANS associated with CRS was also lower in the 0.3/3.6mg/target DS cohort than in the 3.6mg/target SS cohort (4.5% [2/44] vs 21.2% [18/85], respectively). At data cut-off, 158/160 pts were efficacy evaluable. In dose-escalation, responses were observed at the 20-198mg target dose levels, and data suggested a target dose-dependent increase in clinical efficacy. Median time to response was 29 days (range: 20-179 days). Two dose-expansion cohorts were opened: ORR was higher at the 160mg dose level (54.5%, 24/44 pts) than at the 90mg dose level (36.7%, 22/60). At target dose levels &gt;90mg, ORRs in pts with prior exposure to CAR-Ts, BsAbs, ADCs, and anti-BCMA targeting agents were 44.4% (4/9 pts), 33.3% (3/9), 50.0% (7/14), and 36.4% (8/22) respectively. Median follow-up among all responders (n=61) was 8.1 months; estimated median duration of response was 15.6 months (95% CI: 6.4, 21.6). Conclusions: Cevostamab monotherapy continues to show clinically meaningful activity in a large cohort of pts with heavily pre-treated RRMM, with a target dose-dependent increase in ORR, but no increase in CRS rate. Responses appear durable, and are observed in pts with prior exposure to CAR-Ts, BsAbs, and ADCs. Compared with SS dosing, DS dosing at the 0.3/3.6mg level appears to be associated with a trend for an improved C1 safety profile. Figure 1 Figure 1. Disclosures Trudel: Amgen: Honoraria, Research Funding; GlaxoSmithKline: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Roche: Consultancy; Genentech: Research Funding; Pfizer: Honoraria, Research Funding; BMS/Celgene: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Janssen: Honoraria, Research Funding; Sanofi: Honoraria. Cohen: BMS/Celgene: Consultancy; GlaxoSmithKline: Consultancy, Research Funding; Oncopeptides: Consultancy; Novartis: Research Funding; Genentech/Roche: Consultancy; AstraZeneca: Consultancy; Janssen: Consultancy; Takeda: Consultancy. Krishnan: MAGENTA: Consultancy; BMS: Consultancy, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company, Speakers Bureau; JANSSEN: Consultancy, Research Funding; City of Hope Cancer Center: Current Employment; REGENERON: Consultancy; SANOFI: Consultancy; GSK: Consultancy; Amgen: Speakers Bureau. Fonseca: Kite: Consultancy; Juno: Consultancy; Merck: Consultancy; Sanofi: Consultancy; Pharmacyclics: Consultancy; Novartis: Consultancy; OncoTracker: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Aduro: Consultancy; Caris Life Sciences: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Patent: Prognosticaton of myeloma via FISH: Patents & Royalties; AbbVie: Consultancy; GSK: Consultancy; Scientific Advisory Board: Adaptive Biotechnologies: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Bayer: Consultancy; Amgen: Consultancy; Mayo Clinic in Arizona: Current Employment; Celgene: Consultancy; BMS: Consultancy; Takeda: Consultancy; Janssen: Consultancy. Spencer: Roche: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Berdeja: Bluebird bio, BMS, Celgene, CRISPR Therapeutics, Janssen, Kite Pharma, Legend Biotech, SecuraBio, Takeda: Consultancy; Abbvie, Acetylon, Amgen: Research Funding; EMD Sorono, Genentech: Research Funding; Celularity, CRISPR Therapeutics: Research Funding; GSK, Ichnos Sciences, Incyte: Research Funding; Lilly, Novartis: Research Funding; Poseida, Sanofi, Teva: Research Funding. Lesokhin: Serametrix, Inc: Patents & Royalties; Behringer Ingelheim: Honoraria; Genetech: Research Funding; Iteos: Consultancy; Janssen: Honoraria, Research Funding; pfizer: Consultancy, Research Funding; bristol myers squibb: Research Funding; Trillium Therapeutics: Consultancy. Forsberg: University of Colorado: Current Employment; Karyopharm, Sanofi, Genentech: Research Funding. Costa: Karyopharm: Consultancy, Honoraria; BMS: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Pfizer: Consultancy, Honoraria; Sanofi: Consultancy, Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau. Rodriguez-Otero: Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Celgene-BMS: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; GSK: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Pfizer: Consultancy; Sanofi: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Kite: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Amgen: Honoraria; Regeneron: Honoraria; Clínica Universidad de Navarra: Current Employment. Kaedbey: Takeda, Sanofi: Honoraria; Celgene/BMS, Janssen: Honoraria; Royal Victoria Hospital Lakeshore Hospital: Ended employment in the past 24 months; Jewish General Hospital - McGill University: Current Employment. Richter: Janssen, Celgene: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Speakers Bureau; Adaptive biotechnologies: Speakers Bureau; BMS, Karyopharm, Antengene: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Tisch Cancer Institute: Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai: Current Employment. Mateos: Takeda: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Celgene - Bristol Myers Squibb: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Regeneron: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Roche: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Pfizer: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Amgen: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Sanofi: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Adaptive Biotechnologies: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Sea-Gen: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Oncopeptides: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Janssen: Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; AbbVie: Honoraria; Bluebird bio: Honoraria; GSK: Honoraria; Oncopeptides: Honoraria. Thomas: Pharmacyclics: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Genentech: Research Funding; Acerta Pharma: Research Funding; X4 Pharma: Research Funding; Ascentage Pharma: Research Funding; BeiGene: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; BMS: Research Funding. Wong: Genentech: Current Employment; CTMX, UBX, BMRN: Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Li: Genentech/Roche: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Choeurng: Genentech: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company. Vaze: Roche/Genentech: Current Employment, Current holder of individual stocks in a privately-held company, Current holder of stock options in a privately-held company. Samineni: Genentech: Current Employment, Current holder of individual stocks in a privately-held company, Current holder of stock options in a privately-held company. Sumiyoshi: Genentech: Current Employment, Current equity holder in publicly-traded company, Divested equity in a private or publicly-traded company in the past 24 months. Cooper: Genentech: Current Employment; Roche: Current holder of individual stocks in a privately-held company. Harrison: Haemalogix: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Roche/Genentech: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Janssen Cilag: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Celgene/ Juno/ BMS: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Abbvie: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Sanofi: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Takeda: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; GSK: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding, Speakers Bureau; Eusa: Consultancy, Honoraria, Speakers Bureau; Terumo BCT: Consultancy, Honoraria. OffLabel Disclosure: Cevostamab is a FcRH5xCD3 bispecific antibody that facilitates T cell-directed killing of myeloma cells. Cevostamab is an investigational agent.

Mirjana POLIĆ BOBIĆ: Kalifornijski zapisi oca Ferdinanda Konšćaka iz Družbe Isusove, Hrvatska sveučilišna naklada, Zagreb, 2015.U ovoj knjizi autorica je iscrpno i kompetentno, kao ponajbolji prevodilac pisane ostavštine Ferdinanda Konšćaka, analitički i metodološki kvalitetno, uz podrobna objašnjenja i popratna razmišljanja, na tristo stranica predstavila bogatu i vrijednu pisanu ostavštinu kao i relevantne spise o njegovom radu i o njemu. To je do sada najsveobuhvatniji pristup obradi spisa ovoga pripadnika Družbe Isusove u nas, koji uvelike pridonosi spoznaji o veličini i značenju njegovih znanstvenih i istraživačkih dosega, ne samo za geografiju nego za pojedine druge znanosti. Opsežni uvod čine četiri poglavlja autoričine sveobuhvatne rasprave 1. o Konšćakovim zapisima i životu s popisom i opisom rukopisa i izdanja Konšćakovih tekstova o Novom svijetu i o njegovu životu, 2. o tome kako je Konšćak mogao dospjeti u Donju Kaliforniju, 3. o Kaliforniji od mita do utopijskog projekta te 4. o kraljevskim i misionarskim interesima, utopijskim obrascima i svakodnevnici sa zaključnim razmatranjima. Spisateljičina rasprava o navedenim aspektima, opservacije i razmatrani predlošci brojnih prethodnika, suvremenika i kasnijih istraživača i promicatelja Konšćakova rada i djela odaju vrsnu poznavateljicu brojnih predložaka i dokumentacije, neobjavljene i objavljene, dostupne i manje dostupne o našem isusovcu istraživaču. Drugi dio, može se slobodno istaknuti, krucijalni su prijevodi petnaestak autentičnih zapisa, dakle pisama, izvješća, dnevnika, opisa, Ferdinanda Konšćaka iz kojih se neposredno saznaje o njegovim putovanjima, otkrićima, spoznajama, poslanju, sukobljavanjima pa sve do intimnijih razmišljanja u prepisci ili izviješćima kroz koja izbija mnoštvo dokaza o njemu kao o izrazitom isusovačkom humanistu, entuzijastu, misionaru i istraživaču. To su pisma subraći, nadređenima, meksičkom provincijalu, superiorima, vizitatorima, prijateljima, dnevnici i dr., te također dva prijevoda drugih autora Miguela del Barca i oca Francisca Zevallosa koji se tiču Ferdinanda Konšćaka. Djelo prate i zahvala, popis izvora uz prevedene Konšćakove tekstove, literatura, sažetci na španjolskom i engleskom jeziku i kratki opis života i rada autorice. Otac Ferdinand Konšćak, poznat u svjetskoj literaturi i kao Ferdinando Consag (španj.) utemeljitelj Donje Kalifornije (Baja California), rođen je u Varaždinu 2. prosinca 1703., a umro je u misiji Santa Gertrudis u Donjoj Kaliforniji (Meksiko) 10. rujna 1759. Pristupio je isusovačkom redu 1719. u Trenčinu u Slovačkoj. Filozofiju je završio u Grazu, zatim radio na kolegijima u Zagrebu, pa Budimu. Prije završetka studija teologije u Grazu, odobren mu je odlazak u Novi svijet pa je 1729. otišao u Španjolsku, odakle je iz Cadiza 1731. krenuo u jednom od jedrenjaka flote za Indije. Preko Havane, stigao je u Veracruz te u Meksiko gdje je 1731. završio započeti studij teologije. Na poluotok Donje Kalifornije stigao je 1732. u redukciju Loreto gdje je najprije boravio, pa 1733. prešao u San Ignacio, zatim na sam jug poluotoka, pa ponovno u San Ignacio odakle je opsluživao velik dio izoliranih krajeva, dajući posebno velik doprinos osnivanju misija Santa Gertrudis i San Francisco de Borja. Kao isusovački misionar postao je jedan od najslavnijih istraživača meksičkoga poluotoka Kalifornije, koji je dokazao da je Kalifornija poluotok. Naime, poslije ranijih spoznaja (još od 30-ih godina 16. st.) da je Donja Kalifornija poluotok (v. Planciusov zemljovid svijeta 1592., i Meteliusov Kalifornije 1598.), u 17. i početkom 18. stoljeća počeli su se u Europi pojavljivati pogrješni, dosta tvrdokorni stavovi da je riječ o otoku kao i zemljovidi na kojima je tako i prikazivana. Stoga je trebalo ponovno, a iz sasvim pragmatičnih razloga, podastrijeti nove dokaze o poluotoku. Premda se već subrat Francisco E. Kino u četiri svoja putovanja 1697. – 1702. uvjerio da je Kalifornija poluotok, to otkriće nije bilo prihvaćeno pa su se tražili novi dokazi. Konšćakovo istraživanje dokazalo je drugi put poluotočnost Donje Kalifornije. Čak je i kasnije bilo dvojbi o poluotočnosti pa je 1766. tamo poslan otac Wenceslao Linck da provjeri Konšćakovu tvrdnju. Priznati su mu znanstveni doprinosi u matematici, astronomiji, prirodoslovlju, etnologiji, geografiji i geologiji. Bio je graditelj cesta, vodoopskrbnih objekata i obrambenih nasipa te nadzornik svih isusovačkih misija u Meksiku, a njegovo ime nosi otočić Roca Consag (Consag Rocks na sjeveru Kalifornijskog zaljeva 17 milja od grada San Felipe). Miguel del Barco, kojeg je kasnije iščitavao i Alexander von Humboldt, navodio je Konšćaka kao važnog izvora opisa ratničkih običaja, društvenog ustroja tamošnjih indijanskih zajednica, njihovih jezika, vjerovanja, načina odijevanja, prehrambenih navika, obreda uvođenja u zrelo doba života. Uz brojne pohode, poduzeo je i tri veće ekspedicije (1746., 1751. i 1753.) u kojima je sustavno istraživao neznana područja poluotoka. U prvoj do ušća Rio Colorada, razriješio je više od dva stoljeća podržavanu dvojbu o Donjoj Kaliforniji, dokazavši da nije otok nego poluotok. Oko 1748. izradio je precizan zemljovid Donje Kalifornije, a oko 1750. i zemljovid Kalifornijskog zaljeva, ucrtavši u njih brojna naselja, misije, imena zaljeva, rtova, otoka, pojave vode (na njegovu zemljovidu Aguage) itd. kao i imena plemena. Zanimljivi su prikazi reljefa, posebice vulkanskog područja Las Virgenes (en los quales sehàn de scubierto Volcanes d Fuego. Año 1746), zaljeva, rtova, otoka i otočića u Kalifornijskom zaljevu itd. U svim ekspedicijama bilježio je podatke o terenu, prirodnim bogatstvima i starosjediocima. Osnovao je nove misije, gradio akvadukte, nasipe, kanale za odvodnju, sudjelovao pri otvaranju prvih rudnika srebra na poluotoku. Još za života objavljeni su njegovi dnevnici ekspedicijâ, prevedeni na nekoliko jezika, u više izdanja, a njegovi zemljovidi poluotokâ i zaljevâ bili su poznati u to doba i nerijetko precrtavani. U prvom pohodu 1746. Konšćak je s posadama i pratnjom na četiri jedrenjaka, počevši od luke San Carlos (daje opširan opis luke, voda, rtova), najbliže misiji San Ignacio, uz istočnu obalu poluotoka istražio najprije širi prostor zaljeva Santisima Trinidad (lovište bisernica s hridinastim dnom, opasnim za ronioce, San Bernabé i otočić s tuljanima). Nastavili su do područja rta San Juan de Bauptista, niske obale s glinenim nanosima, pojavom vode i priobalnim hridima što opširnije opisuje, zatim do rta San Miguel, koji sa sljedećim rtom zatvara zaljev, s barom, vrelom vode, lovištem bisernica, gdje za nevremena more izbacuje mnoštvo školjaka tvoreći nasip koji već kršteni domoroci nazivaju Pepena. U mjestu San Miguel de la Peña održali su poduku domorocima poganima, od kojih su neke i krstili. Dalje opširno opisuje obalu, vrste dna, odvaljene litice, pojave ilovasta tla uz obalu s kaktusom cardón i čičkom, brojnim pticama, pojavama mramora. U blizini rta San Gabriel de las Almeja ili Salsipuedes (prema imenu susjednog otočja) spominje otočić Tortuguilla (tj. Kornjačica) koji Kalifornijci nazivaju Serro Blanco, obližnja naselja u kojima je bilo ponešto krštenika. Domoroci skupljaju vodu, pa makar i slankastu jer su izvori rijetkost. Dno je opasno, hridinasto, spominje neku žutu pećinu, s opisom obale. Skupine domorodaca dovodile su djecu na krštenje, ali bilo je i onih, na koje su bili upozoreni da spremaju napad na ekspediciju, pa su nastavili prema zaljevu San Rafael gdje su na ušću rijeke Kada Koaman u razgovorima s gostoljubivim domorocima, koji su ih vodili do brzaca vode i zdenca, saznali da njih i ronioce napadaju gorštaci. Posebno je važan opis toplih vrela koja su vidljiva za oseke, a za plime su poplavljena morem, priobalnih dijelova s konkavnim stijenama s izvorima vode, šljunčanim i pješčanim nanosima, drvećem mezquite. Pohod je nastavljen prema rtu San Antonio. Tamošnjem malom zaljevu dali su ime Purgatorio (Čistilište). Zatim su obišli stjenoviti i hridinasti rt Las Animas i stigli u duboku i pogodnu uvalu Los Angeles zaštićenu ulančenim otocima na ulazu s pojavom vode koja teče sa strmih padina. Ovdje su bili izloženi prijetnjama okupljenih domorodaca sa sjevera koji su brodove pratili nekoliko dana. Nastavili su do dijela Los Remedios s uvalom Nostra Señora de los Remedios, s nasuprotnim otokom Angel Santo de la Guarda. Za njega navodi da je dosta izdužen, širi na sjeverozapadu i da se od rta San Rafael proteže sve do otočića San Juan i San Pablo, a i dijelu obale su dali isto ime. Svugdje ima dosta bisernica. Kanal između otoka i obale poluotoka pun je kitova pa ga zovi Kitovim tjesnacem (Canal de Ballenas). Skromne, guste i bljutave vode našli su i na dijelu obale koji su nazvali po danu dolaska, San Pedro e Pablo. Nastavili su do zaljeva San Luis Gonzaga i njegova otoka okruženog rtovima, povoljnog za sidrenje, s više slanih lokava na kopnu i bogat ribom, a na zemljovidu je ovdje označeno ime na kopnu San Stanislao (sv. Stanislav; poljski isusovac iz 16. st.). Tu se nalazi i voda San Estanislao. Stalno su susretali negostoljubive, preplašene domoroce, a u moru posvuda sedefaste školjke. Sljedećem dijelu obale nadjenuli su ime San Sebastian, a zatim dio obale zvan Visitación završava na sjeveru istoimenim visokim rtom. Dalje je obala niska, ravna, blatna i kamenita, s dosta antilopa, divljih koza i ovnova, a naišli su i na ključalo sumporno vrelo s dimom (zacijelo solfatar). Sljedeća zona, nazvana Santa Ysabel, zadnje je nalazište školjaka bisernica, jer ih dalje nije bilo, a u blizini, na dijelu dosta teško pristupačne obale s pješčanim prudovima s dražicom San Fermin našli su pitku vodu. Nastavili su prema uvali San Felipe de Jesús, a prošavši San Buonaventuru, obala je postala niska, pješčana, močvarna (Marismas na zemljovidu) s planinama udaljenima tri do četiri lige, bez uvala i izvora, s plitkim morem (Pantanas), zamuljeno. Stigavši do ušća Crvene rijeke, vode su postale obojene, opore, nezdrave. Unatoč vrlo teškim uvjetima, naišli su na pitku vodu pri ušću, na kojem rukavci rijeke odvajaju tri niska močvarna otoka. Nanos rijeke prostire se miljama, a snaga plimnih valova, kao i same rijeke, dovodila je do havarija pa je jedan od brodova stradao. Istražili su područje oko ušća, ustanovivši da s kalifornijske strane rijeka vijuga i među planinama. Nakon dvadeset pet dana istraživačkog pohoda, Konšćak prvi put spominje zemljovid koji je izrađivao navodeći: „Petnaestorica naših kretala se jedno vrijeme kopnom, pa su nam donijeli vijesti o stanju u močvari koja se nalazi na samom rtu toga podvodnoga područja i mi to ucrtasmo u zemljovid“ na kojem je bila označena sjeverna širina. Ovaj Konšćakov dnevnik otac Miguel de la Barca kasnije je popratio podrobnim objašnjenjima i komentarima. U drugoj ekspediciji Konšćak je putovao kopnom poluotoka prema sjeveru i do Tihog oceana. Taj pohod o kojem piše u pismu prijatelju i posebno opširno u dnevniku, odvijao se 1751. iz misije San Ignacio, zapravo iz La Piedad (kasnije nazvana Santa Gertrudis) prema San Everardu kroz Sierra Madre na drugu stranu poluotoka do Oceana. Pohod se odvijao uz pomoć konja, najprije u bezvodnom kraju s bodljikavim stablima milapa, gdje su domoroci već bili pokršteni. Zatim su stigli do korita Kalmayia, koje je pripadalo oselju Nuestra Señora dela Visitación, zatim do Nuestra Señora dela Desponsación de Pui te potoka Kanjaikamána, Nakon nekoliko dana došli su do Ajavaiamina, tekućice s vodom, potom do Anguma, potoka Ziénage u Mezcalu, nešto sjevernije. U dnevniku spominje otoke u tjesnacu Santa Barbara i otok Cerros (Cedros) ili Santisima Trinidad, koji domoroci zovu Vamalgua ili (G)Uamalgua (tj. kuća magle) te rt Mendocino i otok Cenizas na Oceanu. Došavši do mjesta Kalvalaga pogled im se pružio na mali, ali visok otok „koji pomorci koji putuju za Filipine zovu Guadalupe“. Odatle su se vratili natrag do potoka Ziénage i potoka Kanjaikamána, te se zadržali kod vrela Medakal. Slijedi opis obale nasuprot otoku Cedros, gdje ima u moru mnoštvo kitova, gdje su pronašli ostatke brodoloma nekog broda, a spominje i Zaljev (očito Vizcaíno). Uskoro su stigli u indijanski Laboakal, odakle su se ponovno vratili u La Piedad i San Everardo, odakle su i krenuli. Svugdje opisuje život, vjerovanja, ponašanja i običaje domorodaca. Iz vremena između drugog i trećeg pohoda, posebno je važan opis otkrivenih dijelova Kalifornije i dijelova Meksika. Najprije za Donju Kaliforniju kaže da je siromašna, bezvodna, s nešto ruda i bisernicama, u nju misionari dolaze iz svojih misija u Sinaloi, na koju se kratko osvrće. Misije su geografski razmještene od najjužnije San Lucas do najsjevernije Santa Gertrudis. Plodnog zemljišta ima samo na jugu, i tamo žive u bolestima i međusobnim sukobima vrlo razrijeđeni Perikujci i Vajkurci te Guajkurci. Tri misije Perikujaca, Santa Rosa, Santiago i San José del Cabo, svedene su na Santiago i seoce San José, a vajkurske su misije Nuestra Señora de Pilar na jugu i Nuestra Señora de los Dolores i San Luis Gonzaga nešto sjevernije s oceanske strane. Ishodište misijskog rada i kraljevskih snaga je Loreto, nekad Concho, u području malobrojnog naroda Monkujaca, jezikom različitog od drugih, a okružuje ga prostorno istaknut narod Kočimaca ili Lajmona. Tamo je sedam misija (od juga prema sjeveru: San Javier, San José de Comondú, Purísima Concepción, Santa Rosalia, Nuestra Señora de Guadelupe, San Ignacio i Santa Gertrudis). Opisuje različitost narječja plemena, njihovih običaja te napose način jedenja (s uzicom uz dvostruko žvakanje). Poluotokom se pruža bezvodno sredogorje Sierra Madre, a priobalje je još bezvodnije pa su samo tri misije na obali. Otvoreni su i rudnici (Santa Anna i dr.). Ima nešto srebra, dosta naslaga soli i salitre. Uz poluotok su i otoci, s oceanske strane su važniji Santa Magdalena, La Navidad de Nuestra Señora i Cerros (Uamalgua). S ovoga posljednjeg domoroci su prešli na kopno i dio ih se naselio u San Estanislau. Bave se i lovom na morske dabrove (nutrije). S istočne strane poluotoka ima više pogodnih luka (Concepción, Los Angeles i dr.), zaljeva te otoka, od kojih su za pristajanje pogodna tri: Espíritu Santo (za plime dva otoka, vrelo vode), San José (domoroci tamo love divljač koja u želudcima ima bezoar, kamen koji stvaraju preživači i ima ljekovita svojstva) i onaj posvećen Gospi Karmelskoj na kojem je solana. Navodi da su svi otoci Kalifornijskog zaljeva nenaseljeni, premda je na nekima prije bilo stanovnika, ali su prešli na kopno u misije. Opisuje različitost školjki bisernica i samih bisera prema boji (na jugu su bijeli, sjevernije u raznim bojama) s kojima se trguje, purpurnu školjku, a ističe da su brojne i zmije te morske kornjače s obje strane poluotoka, ali onih s prozirnim oklopom koje daju skupu kornjačevinu ima samo na jugu. Bavi se i različitim biljkama (medesa, agave, tedá, gorka smokva, kaktusi, razni sukulenti, garambulla, pitahaye, cardón, portulak, šćir) od kojih su neke jestive, ljekovite, a za prehranu su važni i zečevi, kunići, šišmiši pa i štakori. Česti su leopardi, rjeđi jaguari, divlje mačke, vukovi, ima kojota, a lisice su brojne, i sve ih domoroci jedu. Otrovnice čegrtuše su posvuda kao i brojne druge, većinom neotrovne zmije. Spominje i guštere i crve koje domoroci sve jedu osim daždevnjaka i nekoga crvenog crva, te pojedine kukce (stjenice, skakavce, razne pauke pa i tarantule i dr.). Od ptica spominje brojne grabljivice, orlove, gavrane te golubove, neke vrste nalik na fazane i prepelice. Srebro se vadi u rudnicima na jugu, bakra ima po kamenju, željeza također u grumenima, sumpora u izobilju, galice, različitih mramora i prozirca nalik na dijamant. Daje opširne opise običaja i životnih navika domorodaca, muškaraca i žena, nošnje, ženidbe, vjerovanja, idola, vračeva, glazbe, plesova, mnogoženstva (naročito kod stasitih i svijetloputih Perikujaca), vještina lova, prehrane, pogrebnih običaja, inicijacije itd. Vrlo pojednostavnjeno daje opise pojedinih stijena, ruda, okamina, konglomerata i breča pokušavajući objasniti njihov postanak. Na kraju u bilješci navodi luke s oceanske strane kad se od otoka Cerros putuje na sjever: San Hipólito i San Damián prije otoka Cenizas, a zatim San Francisco (de Borja, op. p.), Las Vírgenes, San Simón i Judas te San Diego, koji je razmjerno blizu misije San Borja. Treći pohod 1753. godine, čiji izvorni opis (dnevnik) do sada nije poznat, ali se ponešto saznaje iz drugih napisa, ostvaren je kroz unutrašnjost poluotoka na sjever do 30. stupnja sjeverne širine. Ovaj je put prošao u puno gostoljubivijem okruženju domorodaca, kopnom od Santa Gertrudis preko naselja uz zaljev Los Angeles, do naselja u sredogorju nedaleko od zaljeva San Luis Gonzaga. Osim što je brojnim pothvatima osnivao sigurna naselja, vodoopskrbne sustave, smirivao sukobe među plemenima, onemogućavao pljačke s različitih strana, počeo opismenjavati i liječiti domoroce od zaraza i epidemija, otvarajući im tako put u civilizirani način života, za geografe su značajni i njegovi pisani doprinosi. Uz manje opservacije o Havani, Veracruzu, otocima Alacranes u Meksičkom zaljevu, otkrio je svjetskoj geografskoj spoznaji oblik i zemljopisna obilježja istočne obale Donje Kalifornije, duljinu otoka Angel de la Guarda, mjesto za misiju San Francisco de Borja, izvor rijeke Adac. Istražujući terene oko misija San Ignacio, koji je na granici prema sjeveru (frontera del Norte), Santa Gertrudis, te velik dio Kalifornijskog zaljeva (ili Crvenog mora), u njegovim se zapisima ističu misija Guadelupe, oblast Primeria (današnje Sonora i Sinaloa), ušće Crvene rijeke, temeljit opis zaljeva Los Angeles, vrlo pogodne prirodne luke s vrelima vode i više otočića u blizini (južno od Kanala kitova Canal de Ballenas na njegovoj karti) s pogodnim pristupom iz luka Caborce i Tepoce, koji, s obzirom na povoljne vjetrove, omogućuje prolaz kroz „zastrašujuće otoke Salsipuedes“, Laogiú, tj. planine San Rafael i mnoge druge u ovom tekstu navedene. Geografi, ali i svi drugi koje ova problematika zanima, u ovom će zanimljivom štivu zahvaljujući trudu autorice, pronaći poticaje za saznanja o Ferdinandu Konšćaku i njegovim otkrićima i zapisima, a možda i za daljnje pronalaženje drugih, do danas još nepoznatih rukopisa, bilo njegovih ili o njemu. Autorica Polić Bobić je za knjigu o ocu Ferdinandu Konšćaku dobila nagradu Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti za najviša znanstvena i umjetnička dostignuća u Republici Hrvatskoj za 2015. godinu za područje društvenih znanosti Mirjana POLIĆ BOBIĆ, Mijo KORADE: Paragvajska pisma: Ivan Marchesetti i Nikola Plantić, isusovci u Paragvajskoj provinciji Družbe Isusove, Matica hrvatska, Zagreb, 2015. Iz pera vrsne hispanistice, urednice i književne prevoditeljice, redovite profesorice španjolske i hispanoameričke književnosti na Filozofskom fakultetu Sveučilišta u Zagrebu te koautora, crkvenog povjesničara i povjesničara kulture, suradnika Hrvatskog instituta za povijest u Zagrebu i nasl. redovitog profesora na Hrvatskim studijima Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, dostupno je široj javnosti kulturološko ostvarenje koje ima i brojne sastavnice povijesno-zemljopisne naravi, pa je stoga zanimljivo ne samo za povjesničare, hispaniste i druge, nego posebice i za geografe. Prof. Polić Bobić inače se bavi istraživanjem književnosti i kulturne povijesti kolonijalne Amerike te hrvatsko-hispanskim kulturnim vezama, a prof. Mijo Korade hrvatskom latinističkom historiografijom, historiografijom hrvatskoga redovništva, odnosima Crkve i države, poviješću školstva u Hrvata i hrvatskim putnicima i putopiscima. Knjiga se u prvom dijelu bavi Paragvajskom provincijom Družbe Isusove i njezinim misijama u kojima su srednjoeuropski isusovci, među kojima i hrvatski, u okviru opće i kulturne povijesti kolonijalne Amerike dali istaknut doprinos ne samo zemljopisnom širenju misijskih projekata, nego i sveukupnom udjelu Družbe Isusove u kulturi, povijesti, geografiji, književnosti itd. kolonijalnih posjeda. Razmatranim spisima te redovničke pokrajine, u kojoj su o nastanku tzv. redukcija, tj. naseobina u kojima se obavljala evangelizacija indijanskih plemena Guarani i drugih, omogućen je odgovarajući pristup poznavanju onovremenih procesa, uz ostalo i sociogeografskih, u prostoru južnoameričkoga geopolitičkog sraza dvaju katoličkih kolonijalnih imperija, španjolskog i portugalskog. U porječjima Parane, Paragvaja, Urugvaja s njihovim brojnim pritokama, u okviru većeg broja (više od četrdeset) misija na teritoriju današnje Argentine, Paragvaja, Bolivije i Brazila, između 1585. (1604.) i 1767. ostvarivani su suživot i društveno-gospodarsko uređenje potaknuti djelovanjem požrtvovnih isusovaca, među kojima se ističu i oni iz hrvatskoga prostora tadašnje Austrijske provincije Družbe Isusove, Ivan Krstitelj Marchesetti iz Rijeke i Nikola Plantić iz Zagreba, čija su pisma predmet ove knjige. Red kojem su pripadali zacrtao je stvaranje kršćanskog društva, ustrojstveno i gospodarski izvan utega tadašnjih europskih kasnofeudalnih odnosa, bližeg pravednim novozavjetnim učenjima o ravnopravnosti i vrijednosti svih ljudskih bića. Taj „jedinstveni socijalni eksperiment u povijesti čovječanstva“, koji je imao i svoje političko-geografsko naličje, premda je doživio mnoge poticaje, priznanja i podršku mnogih suvremenika, ugašen je, na štetu posebice brazilskih guaranskih misija. Tome su uzrok bila međudržavna i unutarcrkvena nesuglasja, agresivnost odmetnika i pojedinih kolonizatora te posebice objede i optužbe da misionari zlorabe zasnovane redukcije za svoje bogaćenje i širenje nekoga svojeg zamišljenog kraljevstva. Otuda i kasnije neosnovane i izmišljene reinterpretacije o Plantiću kao „paragvajskom kralju“, kao „komunističkom kralju“ i sl. Od 1585. do 1767. Družba je provela dvadesetpet istraživačkih pohoda, ostavivši o tome brojna pismena svjedočanstva. Epilog gotovo dvostoljetnih nastojanja isusovaca, u vrtlogu dinastičkih interesa i prekrajanja i u sukobu portugalskih i španjolskih geopolitičkih prisezanja, bio je, nažalost, porazan, posebice za stotine tisuća domorodaca koji su pristali na pokrštavanje i novi način života ostvaren kroz misionarske redukcije. Pojam redukcija (lat. reducere – natrag dovesti) ovdje označava misijska naselja, tzv. Paragvajske redukcije u koje su iz divljih krajeva i prašuma okupljani Indijanci da žive sigurni u organiziranoj kršćanskoj zajednici. Prostirale su se na području dugačkom više od 1000 km i širokom oko 300 km, površine više od 400 tisuća četvornih kilometara. Prva je bila Loreto (1609.), u pokrajini Guayara. Najsjevernija redukcija, San Ignacio del Norte, bila je na 16. usporednici, a najjužnija, Yapeyu, između 29. i 30. usporednice južne zemljopisne širine. U početku su bile izrazito ugrožene od neprijatelja kraljevske kuće i guvernera, raznih španjolskih upravitelja i veleposjednika, portugalskih trupa i posebice odmetnika, a kasnije su konsolidirane u tzv. Kršćansku Republiku Paragvaj koja je uživala visoku autonomiju unutar Španjolskog Kraljevstva. U vrijeme procvata redukcija, ustrojenih po načelu „zajednički posjed, zajednički rad, zajednički plodovi“ 30-ih i 40-ih godina 18. stoljeća živjelo je u njima i više od 140 000 osoba. Uređenje naseobina i zemljišnih imanja svakako je bitno utjecalo na stvaranje novoga oblika kulturnog krajobraza u divljim predjelima južnoameričkog kontinenta. U drugom dijelu knjige predstavljena su do sada neobjavljena pisma navedene dvojice hrvatskih isusovaca u izvorniku na španjolskom i u hrvatskom prijevodu, pisma iz njihove prepiske i druga pisma u kojima se spominje Ivan Marchesetti (Rijeka, 10. prosinca 1704. – Candelaria, Paragvaj, 5. veljače 1767.). Ivan Marchesetti umro je u Novom svijetu prije protjerivanja Družbe Isusove 1767. godine. U Argentinu je stigao 1734. i ondje, poslije priprema u Córdobi, od 1738. do smrti djelovao kao misionar i upravitelj u sedam misija. U Nuestra Señora de Fe uveo je plantažni uzgoj štitastih uši – košenila za proizvodnju grimiznih boja te priređivanje lijekova i začina te ustrojio samoobranu grada. Uspješno je pokrenuo proizvodnju i trgovinu poljoprivrednim kulturama u redukcijama (maté, duhan, trska, sukno i dr.). Nikola Plantić (Zagreb, 2. prosinca 1720. – Varaždin, 15. lipnja 1777.), koji je bio u Paragvaju, ali nije poslan u misije, nego je kao profesor filozofije i teologije boravio u Cordobi, vratio se u Hrvatsku gdje je i umro. Prije odlaska u Južnu Ameriku 1748. studirao je filozofiju u Zagrebu i Grazu, a teologiju u Trnavi te 1747. zaređen. Bio je i rektor isusovačkoga kolegija u Buenos Airesu te superior u Montevideu. Nakon izgona isusovaca na temelju patenta Karla III., vratio se 1768. u Zagreb. Od 1771. bio je rektor isusovačkoga kolegija u Varaždinu, gdje je ostao i nakon ukinuća reda 1773. Popraćena opsežnim bilješkama, pisma Marchesettija i Plantića subraći pohranjena u argentinskom državnom arhivu, svjedoče o misijama, tegobama, gospodarskom i društvenom ustroju, svakodnevnom životu, dvojbama i borbama misionara, kolonizatora i domorodačkih plemena. Prepisku je pronašao pok. Milan Blažeković te ju je predao 1992. godine drugom autoru knjige dr. Koradeu. Ova pisma, kao izvorna svjedočanstva, važna su potka u izučavanju povijesno-zemljopisnih okolnosti tristogodišnjega kolonijalnog razdoblja i nastanka južnoameričkih društava. Autori su ih popratili znanstvenim studioznim razmatranjima o životu i radu dvojice misionara te njihovu utjecaju na subraću redovnike, druge suvremenike i naraštaje koji su slijedili. Posebno je obrađena i legenda o kralju Nikoli, tj. intriga o Plantiću kao kralju paragvajskih Indijanaca, izmišljena i proširena za potrebe pristalica sramotno rigidne reakcije na jednu humanu, gospodarski uspješnu misionarsku stečevinu i koliko je bilo moguće, ostvarenje pravednog suživota domorodaca i kolonizatora. Svakoga geografa, kao i brojne druge čitatelje, zanimat će ovo štivo kao dokumentacija i svjedočanstvo jednog vremena i geopolitičkih zbivanja unutar kojih je, unatoč brojnim poteškoćama, ostvarena jedna od najhumanijih do sada poznatih ljudskih zajednica. Kada su godine 1750. Španjolska i Portugal provele bestidnu trgovinu s gradovima-misijama zamjenom sedam redukcija na istočnoj obali Urugvaja za bogatu koloniju San Sacramento na ušću rijeke La Plate, u mjesec dana moralo se iseliti 30 tisuća ljudi sa svom pokretnom imovinom iz sedam misijskih župa. Guarani su morali prepustiti sav svoj 150-godišnji trud svojim neprijateljima. Brojni prosvjedi civilnih i crkvenih vlasti u Americi i u Španjolskoj nisu, nažalost, bili od pomoći. Unatoč kasnijem povratu na prijašnje stanje, protjerivanjem isusovačkog reda u Portugalu, ubrzo i u Španjolskoj, te geopolitičkim previranjima u 19. stoljeću, baština prosvjetiteljskih i vjerskih misija ubrzano se gasila. Ipak, ostale su brojne potvrde, uz ostalo i pisma naših redovnika, veličanstvenog postignuća jednoga crkvenog reda, doprinosa općem boljitku svijeta. Isusovci su svojim redukcijama u Paragvaju ispisali zasigurno jednu od najljepših stranica socijalne povijesti kao i povijesnog zemljopisa na karti svijeta. Knjiga je izašla u izdanju Matice hrvatske, kao prva knjiga u sklopu edicije Biblioteka Historia. Glavna urednica je Romana Horvat, a recenzenti su dr. sc. Marino Manin iz Instituta za migracije i narodnosti u Zagrebu i dr. sc. Damir Zorić, etnolog i povjesničar iz Matice hrvatske. Knjiga ima dvjesto četrdeset šest stranica s osamnaest slika (dvanaest u bojama), bibliografijom i kazalom osobnih imena. Kao što je s uspjehom i suosjećanjem za Guaranske redukcije svojevremeno prihvaćen filmski oskarovac Misija na ovu temu, tako i ova knjiga ne ostavlja ravnodušnima sve one koji teže pravednijim i humanijim odnosima među ljudskim zajednicama.

According to media conglomerate CNN, John Lennon and Yoko Ono’s peace crusade began in 1971. CNN’s on-line news group Showbiz on June 22, 1997 frames John and Yoko’s campaign for peace: “Former Beatle John Lennon was honoured posthumously Friday for his contributions to world peace at a star-studded ceremony in London for the 22nd Silver Clef awards. Lennon’s song “Imagine” has been a leading anthem for the peace movement”. This is a rather limited selection that overlooks a number of earlier (and more radical) possibilities in the Lennon-Ono musical arsenal. A 1969 article in Newsweek entitled “The Peace Anthem” records the phenomenal success of “Give Peace a Chance” in mobilizing the protesting masses against the war in Vietnam. Newsweek relates how “Chance” became the chant for anti-war protestors in Washington on November 15, 1969. On that day, 250,000 marchers demonstrated at the American nation’s capitol for a Moratorium to stop the fighting in Vietnam. Led by folk singer Pete Seeger, the crowd was swept up in the endless repetition of the Lennon dictum, “All we are saying is give peace a chance.” When Lennon tuned into the signals from Washington, he dubbed it one of the “biggest moments of my life” (Wiener 97). Dodging the immigration authorities that would not let John and Yoko physically into the United States, John and Yoko’s anti-war signals had been transmitted over the border from the “Bed-in” in Montreal where the song originated, to rally the masses marching on the mall in Washington. The story concluded: “The peace movement had found an anthem” (Newsweek 102). “Give Peace a Chance”—and the Vietnam War against which it raised its voice—have been deleted from CNN’s selective memory. Its brand of political dissent and anti-war activism does not fit the rubric of a 90’s Showbiz column. Yet, this is how the avant-garde performance artist and the hippie rock and roller conceived their peacemaking efforts—as the invasion and intervention of “showbiz” and media hype into the space of mass politics. In their fight for peace, the newly wed John and Yoko staged a series of art and media events in the form of interviews, songs, ads, concerts, demonstrations and happenings. Many of these media-savvy events took place in Canada in 1969. For example, John and Yoko’s The Plastic Ono Band played Varsity Stadium in Toronto in September at the concert known as “Live Peace” which included performances of “Give Peace a Chance” and Yoko’s intense lament “John, John (Let’s Hope for Peace).” With these events, Yoko’s avant-garde strategies of Fluxus and Conceptual art combined forces with John’s energies of rock and roll rebellion to forge a program of media activism and political dissent. Biographer Jon Wiener recalls that John and Yoko’s anti-war campaign represented a new chapter in New Left politics and its relation to mass media. Rather than reject newspapers and TV as “exclusively instruments of corporate domination,” John and Yoko sought “to work within the mass media, to use them, briefly and sporadically, against the system in which they functioned” (89). Umberto Eco pointed to this in his 1967 essay “Towards a Semiological Guerrilla Warfare,” suggesting that “the universe of Technological Communication” (i.e., mass media) be patrolled by “groups of communications guerrillas” who would engage in “future communications guerrilla warfare” to restore a critical dimension involving “the constant correction of perspectives, the checking of codes, and the ever renewed interpretation of mass messages” (143-144). Eco’s formulation provides a possible frame of reference for John and Yoko’s media war and their series of events countering, checking and, to quote Yoko, “criticizing the establishment” and its pro-war propaganda (Giulano 71). The 1969 “Bed-Ins” were media events that used the publicity around John and Yoko’s honeymoon as a lure for the press to report on their anti-war campaign. The first took place in Amsterdam in late March and John and Yoko staged a second honeymoon in Montreal in late May. As non-stop salespeople for their peace product, John and Yoko gave ten hours of press interviews every day invoking the media maxim that repetition induces belief. Blurring art and life, the “Bed-Ins” illustrate the strategies of happenings and Fluxus performance at the heart of Yoko’s aesthetic. At the Amsterdam press conference, Yoko framed their work as an avant-garde performance piece electrified by mass communications media. “Everything we do is a happening. All of our events are directly connected with society. We would like to communicate with the world. This event is called the ““Bed Peace”, and it’s not p-i-e-c-e, it’s p-e-a-c-e. Let’s just stay in bed and grow hair instead of being violent” (Giulano 46). The word plays of “Bed Peace” and “Hair Peace” pasted above their nuptial bed appealed to both Yoko and John’s punster sensibilities, their express aim being to play the world’s clowns for peace and mobilize the subversive power of laughter. The “Bed-Ins” must be situated against the background of the sit-ins on American college campuses at that time of anti-Vietnam war protests. Indeed, John referred to the event as “the bed sit-in” showing that this connection was in his mind. The direct links to the student revolt were further underscored in the telephone exchange between John and Yoko in Montreal and the rioters in People’s Park in Berkeley when Lennon played peace guru, encouraging the demonstrators to avoid violence at all costs (Wiener 92-93). Around the same time, John and Yoko also began their playfully named “Nuts for Peace” campaign by sending acorns to fifty heads of state and asking them to plant them as a symbolic gesture for peace. Another John and Yoko media blitz took over billboards as the sites to wage communications guerrilla warfare. When asked at a press conference to explain the “War is Over Poster Campaign”, the peace PR man stated: “It’s part of our advertising campaign for peace” (Giulano 83). This particular aspect of the media war recalls the international dissemination of the poster “War is Over! If You Want It. Happy Christmas from John and Yoko” in twelve urban centres. Since the mid-sixties, Beatle John had been delivering promotional peace and good will messages on vinyl to his fans at Christmas. In 1969, he and his new partner in art prepared a visual Christmas card using public space to blur the boundaries between art, activism, and advertising. The glaring headline stated the fantasy as if already fulfilled (War is Over!). This was followed by the empowering call to mass action reminding the viewer of what was needed to attain the goal (If You Want It). To kick off the campaign, the international peace politicos gave a “Christmas for Peace” charity concert in London for the United Nations Children’s Fund. When asked about the costs of the poster, Lennon sidestepped the issue, saying he didn’t want to think about it, but joking, “I’ll have to write a song or two to earn me money back” (Giulano 83). The critics attacked this statement as evasive and not willing to own up to how the promoters were direct beneficiaries of the marketing of peace. Rather than focusing on how this campaign would afford free publicity to John and Yoko and promote further demand for their products, Lennon focused on extensive outlays of capital. This recalls another rather hostile exchange at a November 1969 press conference having the look of an all-out media war on the occasion of Lennon returning his M.B.E. Medal of Honour to the Queen. Lennon’s letter read in part: “Your Majesty, I am returning this M.B.E. in protest against Britain’s involvement in the Nigeria-Biafra thing, against our support of America in Vietnam, and against ‘Cold Turkey’ slipping down the charts” (Wiener 106). Numerous critics sought to deflate Lennon’s claim that this was an act of political protest in the fight for peace, characterising it as a mere self-serving publicity stunt for his latest single. John: “Well, we use advertising.” Reporter: “You’re an advertisement.” John: “Will you shut up a minute!” (Giulano 109) In the heat of exchange, Lennon breaks his cool at the reporter who underscores that there is no way to differentiate between the use of advertising to promote peace and to promote John and Yoko. This concurs with Graeme Turner’s argument in Fame Games that “the celebrity’s ultimate power is to sell the commodity that is themselves” (Turner 12). At the point that would convert this speaking subject into a walking advertisement, the hippie peacenik snaps and reveals a violent temper not befitting someone who would follow Gandhi’s way of non-violence. Engaging with the mass media, John and Yoko’s media war packaged and promoted their peace product as art and advertising, as information and entertainment, as a discourse of political dissent and of self-promotion. With a slogan like “War is Over! If You Want It,” these two media warriors supplied youth culture at the end of the 60’s with the peace product and process that was lacking. Their consuming images and anthems anticipated the “collusional critique” of eighties art and its appropriation of media images that function as “both critical manifesto and the very commodity it critiques” (Sussman 15). In this case, John and Yoko’s media war provided a critique of the official war program while capitalizing upon the very commodity against which war had been declared. For if John seriously wanted to “make peace big business for everybody” (Newsweek 102), this could be achieved only in a parasitic relationship with a war economy making John and Yoko both peace prophets and profiteers. But even if one acknowledges the profit motive in the peace campaign—and this assumes that John was not misappropriated as a “peace capitalist” by the establishment press—there was something else fluxing up the media machine and the war program. John and Yoko understood how their star power and international celebrity gave them a privileged and almost unlimited access to a mass media that wanted to soak up their Pop star aura to satisfy its own instrumentalist agenda. The press and the public wanted John and Yoko, and these two media stars fed this desire and then some. They complied with the pop star demand, but spiked it with the dangerous supplements of political dissent and subversive humour. They fed this desire with a feedback loop and interventionist strategy, with an anti-war army surplus provided at no extra charge. The year 1969 concluded with another savvy media event that lent John and Yoko’s media war more political credibility and gave the American establishment something they had not bargained for: a photo-op and peace dialogue with Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau of Canada. Once again, John and Yoko’s media war had added an extra twist and an extra shout that the war programmers would have preferred not to hear, the message “War is Over (If You Want It!)” and “War is Over” whether they wanted it or not. Imagine that. Works Cited “The Peace Anthem,” Newsweek, December 1, 1969. Eco, Umberto. Travels in Hyperreality, San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1987. Giulano, Geoffrey and Brenda. The Lost Lennon Interviews, Holbrook, MA: Adams Media Corporation, 1996. Sussman, Elizabeth. On the Passage of a Few People Through a Brief Moment of Time: The Situationist International 1957-1972, Boston: M.I.T. Press and Institute of Contemporary Art, 1989. Turner, Graeme, Frances Bonner and David Marshall. Fame Games: The Production of Celebrity in Australia, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000). Wiener, Jon. Come Together: John Lennon in His Time (New York: Random House, 1984). Links http://www.cnn.com/SHOWBIZ/9706/21/lennon.award Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style Kaplan, Louis. "“War is Over! If You Want It”" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 6.1 (2003). Dn Month Year < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0302/06-warisover.php>. APA Style Kaplan, L., (2003, Feb 26). “War is Over! If You Want It”. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 6,(1). Retrieved Month Dn, Year, from http://www.media-culture.org.au/0302/06-warisover.html

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On a longtemps vu l’histoire et l’anthropologie comme deux disciplines très distinctes n’ayant pas grand-chose en partage. Jusqu’au début du XXe siècle, l’histoire fut essentiellement celle des « civilisés », des Européens et donc des colonisateurs. Si les colonisés n’étaient pas complètement absents du tableau, ils étaient, au mieux, des participants mineurs. L’anthropologie, pour sa part, s’est instituée en ayant pour objet la compréhension des populations lointaines, les « petites sociétés », autochtones et colonisées, ces populations vues comme hors du temps et de l’histoire. Cette situation était le produit d’une division traditionnelle (Harkin 2010 : 114) – et coloniale (Naepels 2010 : 878) – du travail entre histoire et anthropologie. Celle-ci se prolongeait dans le choix des méthodes : les historiens travaillaient en archives alors que les anthropologues s’intéressaient aux témoignages oraux et donc, s’adonnaient à l’enquête de terrain. Les deux disciplines divergeaient également quant à la temporalité : « Pour l’histoire, (…) le temps est une sorte de matière première. Les actes s’inscrivent dans le temps, modifient les choses tout autant qu’ils les répètent. (…) Pour l’anthropologue, s’il n’y prend garde, le temps passe en arrière-plan, au profit d’une saisie des phénomènes en synchronie » (Bensa 2010 : 42). Ces distinctions ne sont plus aujourd’hui essentielles, en particulier pour « l’anthropologie historique », champ de recherche dont se revendiquent tant les historiens que les anthropologues, mais il n’en fut pas de tout temps ainsi. Après s’être d’abord intéressés à l’histoire des civilisations dans une perspective évolutionniste et spéculative, au tournant du siècle dernier, les pères de l’anthropologie, tant en France (Émile Durkheim, Marcel Mauss), aux États-Unis (Franz Boas), qu’en Angleterre (Bronislaw Malinowski, Alfred Radcliffe-Brown), prendront fermement leur distance avec cette histoire. Les questions de méthode, comme le développement de l’observation participante, et l’essor de concepts qui devinrent centraux à la discipline tels que « culture » et « fonction » furent déterminants pour sortir de l’idéologie évolutionniste en privilégiant la synchronie plutôt que la diachronie et les généalogies. On se détourna alors des faits uniques pour se concentrer sur ceux qui se répètent (Bensa 2010 : 43). On s’intéressa moins à l’accidentel, à l’individuel pour s’attacher au régulier, au social et au culturel. Sans être nécessairement antihistoriques, ces précepteurs furent largement ahistoriques (Evans-Pritchard 1962 : 172), une exception ayant été Franz Boas – et certains de ses étudiants, tels Robert Lowie ou Melville J. Herskovits – avec son intérêt pour les contacts culturels et les particularismes historiques. Du côté de l’histoire, on priorisait la politique, l’événement et les grands hommes, ce qui donnait lieu à des récits plutôt factuels et athéoriques (Krech 1991 : 349) basés sur les événements « vrais » et uniques qui se démarquaient de la vie « ordinaire ». Les premiers essais pour réformer l’histoire eurent lieu en France, du côté des historiens qui seront associés aux « Annales », un nom qui réfère à la fois à une revue scientifique fondée en 1929 par Marc Bloch et Lucien Febvre et à une École d’historiens français qui renouvela la façon de penser et d’écrire l’histoire, en particulier après la Seconde Guerre mondiale (Krech 1991; Schöttler 2010). L’anthropologie et la sociologie naissantes suscitèrent alors l’intérêt chez ce groupe d’historiens à cause de la variété de leurs domaines d’enquête, mais également par leur capacité à enrichir une histoire qui n’est plus conçue comme un tableau ou un simple inventaire. Les fondateurs de la nouvelle École française des Annales décrivent leur approche comme une « histoire totale », expression qui renvoie à l’idée de totalité développée par les durkheimiens, mais également à l’idée de synthèse du philosophe et historien Henry Berr (Schöttler 2010: 34-37). L’histoire fut dès lors envisagée comme une science sociale à part entière, s’intéressant aux tendances sociales qui orientent les singularités. L’ouvrage fondateur de Marc Bloch, Les rois thaumaturges (1983 [1924]), pose les jalons de ce dépassement du conjoncturel. Il utilise notamment la comparaison avec d’autres formes d’expériences humaines décrites notamment dans Le Rameau d’Or (1998 [1924; 1890 pour l’édition originale en anglais]) de James G. Frazer et explore le folklore européen pour dévoiler les arcanes religieux du pouvoir royal en France et en Angleterre (Bensa 2010; Goody 1997). Il s’agit alors de faire l’histoire des « mentalités », notion qui se rapproche de celle de « représentation collective » chère à Durkheim et Mauss (sur ce rapprochement entre les deux notions et la critique qui en a été faite, voir Lloyd 1994). Les travaux de la deuxième génération des historiens des Annales, marqués par la publication de l’ouvrage de Fernand Braudel La Méditerranée et le monde méditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II en 1949 et de son arrivée en 1956 à la direction de la revue, peuvent encore une fois mieux se comprendre dans l’horizon du dialogue avec l’anthropologie, d’une part, et avec les area studiesqui se développèrent aux États-Unis après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, de l’autre (Braudel 1958). Le projet est de rapporter « la spécificité des acteurs singuliers, des dates et des événements à des considérations plus vastes sur la transformation lente des mœurs et des représentations. Le travail ne consiste pas seulement à capter au projet de l’histoire des rubriques chères à l’anthropologie, mais aussi à caractériser une époque [et une région] par sa façon de percevoir et de penser le monde » (Bensa 2010 : 46). Il s’agit alors de faire l’histoire des structures, des conjonctures et des mentalités (Schöttler 2010 : 38). Les travaux de cette deuxième génération des Annales s’inscrivent dans un vif débat avec l’anthropologie structuraliste de Claude Lévi-Strauss. Si tant Braudel que Lévi-Strauss voulaient considérer les choses de façon globale, Lévi-Strauss situait la globalité dans un temps des sociétés des origines, comme si tout s’était joué au départ et comme si l’histoire n’en serait qu’un développement insignifiant. Pour sa part, Braudel, qui s’intéressait à l’histoire sérielle et à la longue durée, situait plutôt la globalité dans un passé qui sert à comprendre le présent et, jusqu’à un certain point, à prévoir ce qui peut se passer dans le futur. Ce qui constitue le fond de leur opposition est que l’un s’intéresse à l’histoire immobile alors que l’autre s’intéresse à l’histoire de longue durée, soit l’histoire quasi immobile selon laquelle, derrière les apparences de la reproduction à l’identique, se produisent toujours des changements, même très minimes. Dans les deux cas, l’ « événementiel » ou ce qui se passe à la « surface » sont à l’opposé de leur intérêt pour la structure et la profondeur, même si ces dernières ne sont pas saisies de la même façon. Pour Braudel, la structure est pleinement dans l’histoire ; elle est réalité concrète et observable qui se décèle notamment dans les réseaux de relations, de marchandises et de capitaux qui se déploient dans l’espace et qui commandent les autres faits dans la longue durée (Dosse 1986 : 89). Les travaux de Braudel et son concept d’ « économie-monde » inspireront plusieurs anthropologues dont un Marshall Sahlins et un Jonathan Friedman à partir du tournant des années 1980. Pour Lévi-Strauss, la structure profonde, celle qui correspond aux enceintes mentales humaines, « ne s’assimile pas à la structure empirique, mais aux modèles construits à partir de celle-ci » (Dosse 1986 : 85). Elle est donc hors de l’histoire. Comme le rappelait François Hartog (2014 [2004] : 287), Lévi-Strauss a souvent dit « rien ne m’intéresse plus que l’histoire. Et depuis fort longtemps! » (1988 : 168; voir d’ailleurs notamment Lévi-Strauss 1958, 1983), tout en ajoutant « l’histoire mène à tout, mais à condition d’en sortir » (Lévi-Strauss 1962 : 348) ! Parallèlement à l’entreprise déhistoricisante de Lévi-Strauss, d’autres anthropologues insistent au contraire à la même époque sur l’importance de réinsérer les institutions étudiées dans le mouvement du temps. Ainsi, Edward E. Evans-Pritchard, dans sa célèbre conférence Marett de 1950 qui sera publiée en 1962 sous le titre « Anthropology and history », dénonce le fait que les généralisations en anthropologie autour des structures sociales, de la religion, de la parenté soient devenues tellement généralisées qu’elles perdent toute valeur. Il insiste sur la nécessité de faire ressortir le caractère unique de toute formation sociale. C’est pour cette raison qu’il souligne l’importance de l’histoire pour l’anthropologie, non pas comme succession d’événements, mais comme liens entre eux dans un contexte où on s’intéresse aux mouvements de masse et aux grands changements sociaux. En invitant notamment les anthropologues à faire un usage critique des sources documentaires et à une prise en considération des traditions orales pour comprendre le passé et donc la nature des institutions étudiées, Evans-Pritchard (1962 : 189) en appelle à une combinaison des points de vue historique et fonctionnaliste. Il faut s’intéresser à l’histoire pour éclairer le présent et comment les institutions en sont venues à être ce qu’elles sont. Les deux disciplines auraient donc été pour lui indissociables (Evans-Pritchard 1962 : 191). Au milieu du XXe siècle, d’autres anthropologues s’intéressaient aux changements sociaux et à une conception dynamique des situations sociales étudiées, ce qui entraîna un intérêt pour l’histoire, tels que ceux de l’École de Manchester, Max Gluckman (1940) en tête. En France, inspiré notamment par ce dernier, Georges Balandier (1951) insista sur la nécessité de penser dans une perspective historique les situations sociales rencontrées par les anthropologues, ce qui inaugura l’étude des situations coloniales puis postcoloniales, mais aussi de l’urbanisation et du développement. Cette importance accordée à l’histoire se retrouva chez les anthropologues africanistes de la génération suivante tels que Jean Bazin, Michel Izard et Emmanuel Terray (Naepels 2010 : 876). Le dialogue entre anthropologie et histoire s’est développé vers la même époque aux États-Unis. Après le passage de l’Indian Claims Commission Act en 1946, qui établit une commission chargée d’examiner les revendications à l’encontre de l’État américain en vue de compensations financières pour des territoires perdus par les nations autochtones à la suite de la violation de traités fédéraux, on assista au développement d’un nouveau champ de recherche, l’ethnohistoire, qui se dota d’une revue en 1954, Ethnohistory. Ce nouveau champ fut surtout investi par des anthropologues qui se familiarisèrent avec les techniques de l’historiographie. La recherche, du moins à ses débuts, avait une orientation empirique et pragmatique puisque les chercheurs étaient amenés à témoigner au tribunal pour ou contre les revendications autochtones (Harkin 2010). Les ethnohistoriens apprirent d’ailleurs à ce moment à travailler pour et avec les autochtones. Les recherches visaient une compréhension plus juste et plus holiste de l’histoire des peuples autochtones et des changements dont ils firent l’expérience. Elles ne manquèrent cependant pas de provoquer un certain scepticisme parmi les anthropologues « de terrain » pour qui rien ne valait la réalité du contact et les sources orales et pour qui les archives, parce qu’étant celles du colonisateur, étaient truffées de mensonges et d’incompréhensions (Trigger 1982 : 5). Ce scepticisme s’estompa à mesure que l’on prit conscience de l’importance d’une compréhension du contexte historique et de l’histoire coloniale plus générale pour pouvoir faire sens des données ethnologiques et archéologiques. L’ethnohistoire a particulièrement fleuri en Amérique du Nord, mais très peu en Europe (Harkin 2010; Trigger 1982). On retrouve une tradition importante d’ethnohistoriens au Québec, qu’on pense aux Bruce Trigger, Toby Morantz, Rémi Savard, François Trudel, Sylvie Vincent. L’idée est de combiner des données d’archives et des données archéologiques avec l’abondante ethnographie. Il s’agit également de prendre au sérieux l’histoire ou la tradition orale et de confronter les analyses historiques à l’interprétation qu’ont les acteurs de l’histoire coloniale et de son impact sur leurs vies. La perspective se fit de plus en plus émique au fil du temps, une attention de plus en plus grande étant portée aux sujets. Le champ de recherche attira graduellement plus d’historiens. La fin des années 1960 fut le moment de la grande rencontre entre l’anthropologie et l’histoire avec la naissance, en France, de l’« anthropologie historique » ou « nouvelle histoire » et, aux États-Unis, de la « New Cutural History ». L’attention passa des structures et des processus aux cultures et aux expériences de vie des gens ordinaires. La troisième génération des Annales fut au cœur de ce rapprochement : tout en prenant ses distances avec la « religion structuraliste » (Burguière 1999), la fascination pour l’anthropologie était toujours présente, produisant un déplacement d’une histoire économique et démographique vers une histoire culturelle et ethnographique. Burguière (1999) décrivait cette histoire comme celle des comportements et des habitudes, marquant un retour au concept de « mentalité » de Bloch. Les inspirations pour élargir le champ des problèmes posés furent multiples, en particulier dans les champs de l’anthropologie de l’imaginaire et de l’idéologique, de la parenté et des mythes (pensons aux travaux de Louis Dumont et de Maurice Godelier, de Claude Lévi-Strauss et de Françoise Héritier). Quant à la méthode, la description dense mise en avant par Clifford Geertz (1973), la microhistoire dans les traces de Carlo Ginzburg (1983) et l’histoire comparée des cultures sous l’influence de Jack Goody (1979 [1977]) permirent un retour de l’événement et du sujet, une attention aux détails qui rejoignit celle qu’y accordait l’ethnographie, une conception plus dynamique des rapports sociaux et une réinterrogation des généralisations sur le long terme (Bensa 2010 : 49 ; Schmitt 2008). Aux États-Unis, la « New Culturel History » qui s’inscrit dans les mêmes tendances inclut les travaux d’historiens comme Robert Darnon, Natalie Zemon Davis, Dominick La Capra (Iggers 1997; Krech 1991; Harkin 2010). L’association de l’histoire et de l’anthropologie est souvent vue comme ayant été pratiquée de manière exemplaire par Nathan Wachtel, historien au sens plein du terme, mais également formé à l’anthropologie, ayant suivi les séminaires de Claude Lévi-Strauss et de Maurice Godelier (Poloni-Simard et Bernand 2014 : 7). Son ouvrage La Vision des vaincus : les Indiens du Pérou devant la Conquête espagnole 1530-1570 qui parut en 1971 est le résultat d’un va-et-vient entre passé et présent, la combinaison d’un travail en archives avec des matériaux peu exploités jusque-là, comme les archives des juges de l’Inquisition et les archives administratives coloniales, et de l’enquête de terrain ethnographique. Cet ouvrage met particulièrement en valeur la capacité d’agir des Autochtones dans leur rapport avec les institutions et la culture du colonisateur. Pour se faire, il appliqua la méthode régressive mise en avant par Marc Bloch, laquelle consiste à « lire l’histoire à rebours », c’est-à-dire à « aller du mieux au moins bien connu » (Bloch 1931 : XII). Du côté des anthropologues, l’anthropologie historique est un champ de recherche en effervescence depuis les années 1980 (voir Goody 1997 et Naepels 2010 pour une recension des principaux travaux). Ce renouveau prit son essor notamment en réponse aux critiques à propos de l’essentialisme, du culturalisme, du primitivisme et de l’ahistoricisme (voir Fabian 2006 [1983]; Thomas 1989; Douglas 1998) de la discipline anthropologique aux prises avec une « crise de la représentation » (Said 1989) dans un contexte plus large de décolonisation qui l’engagea dans un « tournant réflexif » (Geertz 1973; Clifford et Marcus 1986; Fisher et Marcus 1986). Certains se tournèrent vers l’histoire en quête de nouvelles avenues de recherche pour renouveler la connaissance acquise par l’ethnographie en s’intéressant, d’un point de vue historique, aux dynamiques sociales internes, aux régimes d’historicité et aux formes sociales de la mémoire propres aux groupes auprès desquels ils travaillaient (Naepels 2010 : 877). Les anthropologues océanistes participèrent grandement à ce renouveau en discutant de la nécessité et des possibilités d’une anthropologie historiquement située (Biersack 1991; Barofsky 2000; Merle et Naepels 2003) et par la publication de plusieurs monographies portant en particulier sur la période des premiers contacts entre sociétés autochtones et Européens et les débuts de la période coloniale (entre autres, Dening 1980; Sahlins 1981, 1985; Valeri 1985; Thomas 1990). L’ouvrage maintenant classique de Marshall Sahlins, Islands of History (1985), suscita des débats vigoureux qui marquèrent l’histoire de la discipline anthropologique à propos du relativisme en anthropologie, de l’anthropologie comme acteur historique, de l’autorité ethnographique, de la critique des sources archivistiques, des conflits d’interprétation et du traitement de la capacité d’agir des populations autochtones au moment des premiers contacts avec les Européens et, plus largement, dans l’histoire (pour une synthèse, voir Kuper 2000). Pour ce qui est de la situation coloniale, le 50e anniversaire de la publication du texte fondateur de Balandier de 1951, au début des années 2000, fut l’occasion de rétablir, approfondir et, dans certains cas, renouveler le dialogue non seulement entre anthropologues et historiens, mais également, entre chercheurs français et américains. Les nouvelles études coloniales qui sont en plein essor invitent à une analyse méticuleuse des situations coloniales d’un point de vue local de façon à en révéler les complexités concrètes. On y insiste aussi sur l’importance de questionner les dichotomies strictes et souvent artificielles entre colonisateur et colonisé, Occident et Orient, Nord et Sud. Une attention est aussi portée aux convergences d’un théâtre colonial à un autre, ce qui donne une nouvelle impulsion aux analyses comparatives des colonisations (Sibeud 2004: 94) ainsi qu’au besoin de varier les échelles d’analyse en établissant des distinctions entre les dimensions coloniale et impériale (Bayart et Bertrand 2006; Cooper et Stoler 1997; Singaravélou 2013; Stoler, McGranahn et Perdue 2007) et en insérant les histoires locales dans les processus de globalisation, notamment économique et financière, comme l’ont par exemple pratiqué les anthropologues Jean et John Comaroff (2010) sur leur terrain sud-africain. Ce « jeu d’échelles », représente un défi important puisqu’il force les analystes à constamment franchir les divisions persistantes entre aires culturelles (Sibeud 2004: 95). Ce renouveau a également stimulé une réflexion déjà amorcée sur l’usage des archives coloniales ainsi que sur le contexte de production et de conservation d’une archive (Naepels 2011; Stoler 2009), mais également sur les legs coloniaux dans les mondes actuels (Bayart et Bertrand 2006; De l’Estoile 2008; Stoler 2016)