Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Trotskyism'

The creative project Communism: a love story is a piece of literary non-fiction: a biography of the communist intellectual Guido Carlo Luigi Baracchi (1887-1975). It investigates Baracchi's privileged childhood as the son of the government astronomer and a wealthy heiress, his career as a university activist, his immersion in Melbourne's radical and artistic milieu during the First World War, his role in the formation of the Communist Party of Australia, his changing attitudes to communism during the 1920s and 1930s while in Australia and overseas and his eventual identification with the Trotskyist movement. The project explores the different strands of thought within Australian communism, the impact of Stalinisation on the movement both in Australia and overseas, and the personal and political difficulties confronting facing anti-Stalinist radicals. It examines the tensions between Baracchi's political commitments and his upbringing, and situates Baracchi's tumu ltuous romantic relationships (with Katharine Susannah Prichard, Lesbia Harford, Betty Roland and others) in the context of his times and political beliefs. The exegesis Engineering your own soul: theory and practice in communist biography and autobiography examines the political and artistic tensions within the biographical and autobiographical writings of Betty Roland and Katharine Susannah Prichard in the context of the development of the world communist movement.

Ce mémoire étudie un courant original de l’extrême gauche française : celui le plus souvent nommé « lambertiste » d’après le nom de son principal dirigeant, Pierre Lambert. La présente thèse examine sa genèse aux lendemains de la Libération puis son développement jusqu’en 1963. Ce groupe se constitue autour de quelques convictions comme un antistalinisme affirmé, la nécessité d’un fonctionnement rigoureux, la volonté d’agir « dans la classe » et la priorité donnée à l’action syndicale. Au cours de la période étudiée, il acquiert d’autres particularités comme l’anticléricalisme, un manque d’intérêt pour les révolutions coloniales ou la méfiance envers la modernité. Surtout, quand la direction de la IVe Internationale trotskyste prétend que le mouvement communiste international peut jouer un rôle progressiste, les lambertistes rompent avec elle. Désormais, ils ne cessent de dénoncer « les pablistes », Michel Pablo étant alors le dirigeant de la IVe. En revanche, ce courant politique se lie à une mouvance mêlant anarchistes, syndicalistes révolutionnaires et socialistes de gauche. Par ce biais, il se rapproche des réformistes, d’abord dans le domaine syndical puis, à la faveur de la guerre d’Algérie, dans la sphère politique. A la fin de la période étudiée, il est en passe de devenir un allié de la social-démocratie à l’extrême gauche
This thesis studies a specific group of the French extreme left most often called « lambertist » after the name of its principal leader, Pierre Lambert. This research examines its genesis in the wake of the Liberation to its development until 1963. This organization is built around several convictions like an affirmed anti-stalinism, the necessity of a rigorous functioning, the will to act for the working class and the priority given to the unionist action. During the studied period, it acquires other characteristics such as anticlericalism, a lack of interest in colonial revolutions or a skepticism towards modernity. Above all, when the leadership of the fourth International trotskyist claims that the international communist movement can play a progressive role, the lambertists take their independence from these leaders. From now on, they keep criticizing the pablists, Michel Pablo being the leader of the fourth. Otherwise, the lambertists associate with a movement of anarchists, revolutionary trade unionists and left-wing socialists. In this way, they get closer to the reformists first in the trade union field, then, in favor of the Algerian war, in the political sphere. At the end of the studied period, the group is about to become an ally of social democracy at the extreme left

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No início do Século XXI, algumas das principais democracias políticas sul-americanas foram governadas por partidos políticos cuja origem política é na esquerda, de viés nacional-popular. Dentre elas, destacamos a Argentina, com os governos de Néstor e Cristina Kirchner. Ante essa atuação pragmática e institucionalista, uma esquerda classista e revolucionária, alicerçada nas bases marxista-trotskistas do socialismo e do comunismo, atua opondo-se, no campo das esquerdas, a esse governismo. Em uma conjuntura em que um processo de ruptura revolucionária não parece se apresentar em médio e em curto prazos, nesse cenário, como esses partidos atuam em relação governos kirchneristas? Trabalhamos com a hipótese de que a arena eleitoral funcionou como subsidiária para as lutas extrainstitucionais, especialmente em âmbito sindical. O objetivo geral foi de compreender as ações – táticas e estratégicas – da esquerda trotskista argentina (socialista e revolucionária) no cenário atual de governos kirchneristas, a partir da análise das experiências dos partidos trotskistas argentinos (PTS, PO e IS). Na análise, contemplamos o referencial teórico marxista-trotskista para caracterizar e identificar a formação, a organização e as ações dos partidos políticos PTS, PO e IS, que comungam com semelhante pensamento político. E para analisar a conjuntura da Argentina kichnerista, recorremos às categorias analíticas trotskistas: revolução permanente, desenvolvimento desigual e combinado e ao programa de transição, que serviram para entender a atuação desses partidos à luz da teoria política que os guia, especialmente na caracterização do seu principal adversário político, o que nos possibilitou compreender as tarefas a desempenhar no confronto político com o governo, vislumbrando um horizonte maior da luta de classes. Privilegiamos a utilização de fontes argentinas para elaborar esta pesquisa, tais como: documentos dos supramencionados partidos, livros, artigos e periódicos produzidos na Argentina, assim como dados obtidos em Institutos de Economia e Política. Os resultados obtidos na pesquisa apresentaram, no campo sindical, dois projetos distintos: o sindicalismo burocrático (kirchnerista) e o sindicalismo de base (dos partidos trotskistas), que disputam as comissões internas de fábricas e repartições (locais de trabalho); no campo eleitoral, procuram desenvolver uma oposição operária, classista e socialista ao governo e apontam a saída anticapitalista como a única possível para os trabalhadores e as massas, com destaque para sua independência política.
In the beginning of the XXI century, some of the major South American political democracies are governed by political parties, which have their political origin in the left wing and center-left wing with national-popular tendency; among these we highlight Argentina with the governments of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner. Face of this pragmatic action and institutionalist, a class left and revolutionary, based on Marxist socialism and communism bases acts opposing in the left field this government. In a conjuncture which a revolutionary rupture process does not seem to present the short and medium term, in this scenario, as these parties act opposite the Kirchnerist governments. We hypothesized that the electoral arena operates as a subsidiary for extrainstitucionais struggles, especially in trade union level. The overall objective was to understand the actions - tactical and strategic - the Argentine Trotskyist left (socialist and revolutionary) in the current scenario of Kirchneristas governments, from the experience of the analysis of the Argentine Trotskyist parties (PTS, PO and IS). In the analysis we contemplate the Marxist-Trotskyist theoretical framework for the characterization and identification of training, organization, actions of political parties PTS, PO and IS which share similar political thought, as well as the situation analysis of Argentina Kirchner, whose which we use the Trotskyists analytical categories: permanent revolution, uneven and combined development and transition program, these served to understand the role of these parties the light of political theory that guides them, especially in the characterization of his main political opponent, making it possible to understand the tasks to be performed in the political confrontation with the government envisioning a larger horizon of the class struggle. The focus is the use of Argentine sources for construction of this research, such as: documentos dos supramencionados partidos, livros, artigos e periódicos produzidos na Argentina, assim como dados obtidos em institutos de economia e política. The results obtained in the research presented in the trade union field two different projects: bureaucratic unionism (Kirchner) and base unionism (of Trotskyist parties) competing for the internal commissions of factories and offices (workplaces) in the electoral field try to develop a working opposition, classist and socialist to the government, putting out anti-capitalist as the only possible for the workers and the masses, highlighting its political independence.

Orientador: Oswaldo Martins Estanislau do Amaral
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Empreendemos uma reconstrução crítica do debate sobre a regulamentação do direito de tendências internas no Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) entre 1986 e 1992. Na análise do processo, constatamos o caráter seletivo da implementação das resoluções sobre tendências, mais relacionada com as estratégias e táticas de atuação de cada grupo do que propriamente com sua (in)adequação às regras formais de funcionamento partidário. Assim, a regulamentação se configurou como um instrumento disciplinar de restrição, que pôde ser mobilizado para excluir agrupamentos inteiros do PT
Abstract: Our work undertakes a critical reconstruction of the debate on the regulation of the internal tendencies¿ right in Brazilian Workers¿ Party (PT) between 1986 and 1992. We state that the process of regulation and interpretation of this right had a selective character, and that its consequences were more related to the different strategies and tactics chosen by each fraction than properly to the (in)adequacy of those groups to the formal party rules. Thus, the regulation could be used as a disciplinary restriction tool, mobilized to exclude fractions of the party
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
A presente dissertação tem como objeto a trajetória intelectual e revolucionária do trotskista peruano Hugo Blanco, entre 1958 e 1972. As datas mencionadas compreendem o momento em que Blanco deixou a cidade e foi para o campo iniciar seu trabalho revolucionário entre os camponeses e a publicação de sua mais importante obra, o livro Terra ou Morte. Hugo Blanco atuou entre os camponeses do vale da La Convención y Lares, na região de Cuzco, até ser preso em 1963, sendo exilado, posteriormente, no início dos anos 70, por iniciativa do governo militar que tomou o poder no Peru, em 1968. As ações de Blanco integraram um contexto específico do Peru e da América Latina. O primeiro, diz respeito a sua atuação na região serrana, onde predominava uma estrutura agrária com diversas características pré-modernas, que foi mencionada e atacada pela pena e pela espada de Blanco. O segundo, aborda a questão de que a América Latina, desde 1959, estava sendo abalada pelos ecos causados pela Revolução Cubana. Como consequências das possibilidades inauguradas por essa Revolução, especialmente quanto ao seu conteúdo político-militar que o governo cubano e alguns intelectuais fizeram questão de destacar, de consagrar e de irradiar pelo continente, como a adoção da guerra de guerrilhas, as organizações políticas de esquerda do continente também ficaram estimuladas a aplicar em seus países esta luta armada enquanto estratégia. Foi neste contexto, portanto, que a ação e a teoria do projeto revolucionário de Hugo Blanco emergiu. Diante disso, o nosso principal objetivo foi demonstrar que este projeto dialogou o tempo todo com os referidos contextos, mas, principalmente, com as novas ideias e perspectivas abertas pela Revolução Cubana. Contudo sustentamos que Hugo Blanco teve a particularidade de insistir em uma proposta contrária a guerra de guerrilhas, pois, uma vez vinculado ao trotskismo, estruturou seu projeto a partir dos ensinamentos de Leon Trotsky e de sua relação com a IV Internacional e suas seções Latino Americanas, como o SLATO. De todo modo, mais do que tentar refutar a guerra de guerrilhas, Hugo Blanco se colocou como um intelectual disposto a compreender e adaptar o trotskismo às particularidades da realidade rural do Peru. Na ocasião, valeu-se de importantes elementos que compõem a tradição política do país, como o indigenismo e o marxismo.
The present dissertation project was based on the evaluation of the intellectual and revolutionary trajectory of the Peruvian trotskyist Hugo Blanco, between 1958 and 1972. This period corresponded to the moment in which Hugo Blanco moved out from the urban area to the rural area in order to begin his revolutionary movement; at this time, he also published his most important book, Land or Death. Hugo Blanco acted among the peasants from the La Convención and Lares, region of Cuzco, until be arrested in 1963. Then, he was sent to exile by the military government at early 70’s. Hugo Blanco’s actions formed an unique context within Peru and Latin America. The first one concerns his interference in the mountainous area of the country, where there was an agrarian structure having several pre-modern characteristics. This structure received significant emphasis and severe criticism in the texts published by Hugo Blanco. And, the second one deals with the manner by which the Latin America was being influenced by the Cuban Revolution. As an outcome of the several possibilities originated from this revolutionary movement, particularly with regard to its political and military content that were valorized and disseminated across the continent by Cuban government and intellectuals, including the use of guerrilla, the left-political organization of the continent planned also to use such a strategy in their own countries. In this scenario, it was raised the bases of the revolutionary project proposed by Hugo Blanco. Accordingly, we aimed with this research to demonstrate that his project interacts with the mentioned historical context, principally with the new ideas and perspectives offered by the Cuban Revolution. However, the proposal of Hugo Blanco had the peculiarity of offering alternatives in relation to the ideas propagated by the mentioned revolution. This might be associated to the fact that he structured his project based on the lessons learned from Leon Trotsky and his connection with the sections of IV International dedicated to Latin America, such as SLATO. In summary, rather than refute the adoption of guerrilla, Hugo Blanco acted as intellectual proposing a better understanding and utilization of trotskyism in accordance with the peculiarities of the rural area of Peru. In this context, he also used important elements that constituted the political organization of the country, such as the indigenism and marxism.
161548/2015-6

Cette étude portant sur 17 journaux et 236 tracts conçus par des résistants allemands et autrichiens actifs en France pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale a permis d’en révéler les enjeux théoriques et de mieux connaître leurs auteurs, en réévaluant notamment le rôle des ressortissants autrichiens et des groupes de gauche non alignés sur la politique de la IIIe Internationale. Les messages transmis se classent en trois catégories chacune liée à l’objectif poursuivi, à savoir le recrutement, la visibilité et la définition du positionnement du groupe. On constate que quatre principaux types de lecteurs sont visés : en premier lieu les sympathisants potentiels parmi les soldats de la Wehrmacht, mais également les services de répression, les autres groupes de résistants et, enfin, les Alliés, à la fin du conflit. Une première partie analyse les productions de groupes initiés par les partis communistes. De 1941 à 1943, le Travail Allemand (TA) vise à restructurer les réseaux démantelés en 1939. À partir de 1943, les militants sont regroupés en fonction de leur nationalité dans de nouvelles organisations, le CALPO et l’ÖFF, dont les objectifs consistent non pas à réaliser des projets nationaux mais plutôt à étendre l’influence soviétique dans les nouveaux États après la guerre. La deuxième partie est dédiée aux Revolutionäre Kommunisten (RK) qui sont des communistes conseillistes autrichiens dénonçant toutes les autres forces en présence pour construire une société radicalement différente. Ce travail dresse un portrait précis et inédit de ce groupe et de ses évolutions théoriques de 1935 à 1944. Une troisième partie est consacrée à l’étude de groupes trotskystes qui souhaitent concurrencer les organisations des communistes mais qui manquent de moyens logistiques et matériels pour y parvenir. Ce groupe est actif de 1943 à 1944 et sa production s’arrête brutalement suite à une vague d’arrestations. Notre étude démontre que deux philosophies politiques coexistent et sont concurrentes. Les communistes cherchent à renverser le régime nazi pour rétablir les structures étatiques traditionnelles et accroître l’influence soviétique. Les RK et les trotskystes étendent les enjeux à la lutte contre le « capitalisme », et, ce faisant, dépassent par leurs actions ce que l’on entend habituellement par « résistance »
This study of 17 newspapers and 236 flyers conceived by German and Austrian resistance fighters in France during World War II have revealed the theoretical issues and to provide better knowledge of the authors, by re-evaluating the role of Austrians and Left groups which were not aligned with the politics of the Third Communist International. The messages are classified in three groups each linked to the objective pursued; recruitment, visibility and the definition of the group’s position. We can see that there are four main types of readers targeted: the first group are the potential sympathizers among the Wehrmacht soldiers, but also the repression services, the other resistance groups and finally the Allies, at the end of the conflict. The first part analyses the production of organisations initiated by the German and Austrian communist parties. From 1941 to 1943, the Travail Allemand (TA) aimed to restructure the networks which had been dismantled in 1939. From 1943, the militants were regrouped into new organizations like the CALPO and ÖFF depending on their nationality. Their objectives did not consist of carrying out national projects but rather to extend Soviet influence in the new states after war. The second part is dedicated to the Revolutionäre Kommunisten (RK) who were Austrian revolutionary communists denouncing all the other forces involved to build a radically different society. This piece of work draws an original and precise portrait of this group and its theoretical evolutions from 1935 to 1944. The third part is devoted to the study of Trotskyist groups which would like to have competed with communist organizations but who lacked the logistic and material means necessary. This group was active from 1943 to 1944 and its production brutally stopped with a wave of arrests. Our study shows that two political philosophies coexist and compete. The communists want to overthrow the National Socialist government to reestablish the traditional administrative and political structures and increase Soviet influence. The RKs and Trotskyists widen the stakes to fight against capitalism and by doing so, exceed the actions that we usually call “resistance”

Orientador: Eliane Moura da Silva
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A tese Liberdade... e Luta. Considerações sobre uma trajetória política (anos 1970) procura resgatar e refletir sobre a trajetória política de uma tendência estudantil de matriz trotskista (lambertista) que cumpriu um papel destacado na reconstituição e transformação do movimento estudantil brasileiro na década de 1970. Como tendência imersa numa década repressiva, a Liberdade e Luta (vinculada à Organização Socialista Internacionalista/OSI) partilhou da emergência de novas experiências de ação política que, entre outros aspectos, orientou-se pela construção de "alternativas" para a sociedade e a universidade brasileira, chegando a promover formas originais de ação coletiva, críticas a certas formulações e práticas das militâncias de esquerda ao mesmo tempo que sensíveis a presença de experiências contraculturais no interior da Universidade de São Paulo. Em seu percurso de formação e desenvolvimento, encontramos marcas de transformação do movimento social dos estudantes (forçado a enfrentar novos desafios e a construir novas experiências), bem como dos desafios de leitura e recomposição experimentadas pelas organizações de esquerda em seus esforços de recompor e reestruturar projetos e ações políticas. Mais do que isso, a trajetória desta tendência estudantil nos dá pistas da confluência de inúmeros processos que redundaram não apenas numa recomposição original do movimento estudantil, mas na emergência de novas experiências - de teor político-cultural - em meio à sociedade civil e as esquerdas brasileiras
Abstract: The thesis Freedom ... and Struggle. Considerations on a political career (year1970) seeks to recover and reflect on the political trajectory of a Trotskyist tendency student matrix (Lambert) who played an important role in the reconstruction and transformation of the Brazilian student movement in the 1970s. The trend immersed in a decade of repression and Freedom Struggle (linked to the Internationalist Socialist Organization / OSI) shared the experiences of the emergence of new political action, among other things, guided by the construction of "alternative" to society and the Brazilian university , arriving to promote original forms of collective action, critical of certain formulations and practices of leftist activism while sensitive to the presence of countercultural experience within the University of São Paulo. In his course of training and development, we find marks the transformation of students' social movement (forced to face new challenges and build new experiences), as well as the challenges of reading and resetting experienced by left-wing organizations in their efforts to rebuild and restructure projects policies and actions. More than that, the trajectory of this trend in student gives clues to the confluence of several processes that not only resulted in a restoration of the original student movement, but the emergence of new experiences - from political and cultural content - in the midst of civil society and the left Brazil
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The historiography of Communist dissidents of the Communist Party of Brazil is linked mostly to making studies on the trajectory of their political organizations aligned to the International Left Opposition, the Internationalist Communist League (odd period in the Communist International) and the Fourth International (period which assumes decisively the party way). To a lesser extent, it focused on specific moments of life and political criticism of those aligned to Leon Trotsky (the "1930 Revolution", the antifascist struggle and uprisings of 1935). The initiative to minimally modify "the current state of things" led to questioning of his political press and particularly its itinerary in the 1930s. In a way, the viewing of little aspects present in the current historiography enabled recounting a live track (despite the time limit on the amount of available sources and information) from two issues we define as "revolution and social reality". The breadth and general condition of these two axes allowed making contact with the Trotskyist newspapers and newsletters (available digitally by the Documentation Centre of the Movement Worker Mario Pedrosa belonging to the Documentation Centre and Memory from Universidade Estadual Paulista) and specifying them. Belonging to the line of research entitled "Migration and Labour , this dissertation defined the focus of two consecutive movements for the established axis. While the former sought to identify the key themes of the international Trotskyist revolution passed by the Brazilian Trotskyist press (the Soviet Union , the Communist International , War and Fascism) and highlight the theoretical and political content raised by these from the movement flow of ideas from other "stops" while the second sought to reflect on the world of work linked to social reality, particularly on capitalist development in Brazil, the trade union and labor laws erected and political dynamics of the working class in the 1930s . In short, I hope that this work will contribute to enrich the theme of Brazilian Trotskyists in the 1930s from redirecting the form of a dialogue of the historian with its object and source of research.
A historiografia da dissidência comunista do Partido Comunista do Brasil está vinculada majoritariamente a confecção de estudos sobre a trajetória de suas organizações políticas alinhadas a Oposição Internacional de Esquerda, a Liga Comunista Internacionalista (período fracionário na Internacional Comunista) e a Quarta Internacional (período que assume decisivamente a forma partido). Em menor medida, ela incidiu sobre momentos específicos da vida e da crítica política daqueles alinhados a Leon Trotsky (a Revolução de 1930 , a luta antifascista e os levantes militares de 1935). A iniciativa de modificar minimamente o estado atual de coisas motivou a problematização de sua imprensa política e, em especial, do seu itinerário na década de 1930. De certo modo, a visualização de aspectos pouco presentes na historiografia vigente possibilitou historiar um vivo percurso (apesar do limite temporal diante da quantidade de fontes e informações disponíveis) a partir de duas questões que definimos por revolução e realidade social . A amplitude e a condição genérica destes dois eixos permitiram tomar contato com os jornais e boletins trotskistas (disponibilizados digitalmente pelo Centro de Documentação do Movimento Operário Mário Pedrosa pertencente ao Centro de Documentação e Memória da Universidade Estadual Paulista) e especificá-los. Pertencente a linha de pesquisa intitulada Migrações e Trabalho, esta dissertação definiu o foco de dois movimentos consecutivos relativos aos eixos estabelecidos. Enquanto o primeiro tratou de identificar as temáticas fundamentais da revolução internacional repercutidas pela imprensa trotskista brasileira (a União Soviética, a Internacional Comunista, o Fascismo e a Guerra) e evidenciar o conteúdo teórico e político suscitado por estas a partir do movimento de circulação de ideias provenientes de outras paragens ; o segundo buscou refletir sobre a realidade social vinculada ao mundo do trabalho, em particular, sobre o desenvolvimento capitalista no Brasil, a legislação sindical e do trabalho erigida e a dinâmica política da classe trabalhadora na década de 1930. Em suma, esperamos que o presente trabalho contribua para enriquecer a temática dos trotskistas brasileiros dos anos 1930, a partir da reorientação da forma de diálogo do historiador com seu objeto e fonte de pesquisa.

As a marginal radical Left group, Chinese Trotskyists who were suppressed by the Communist state and other dominant political powers have rarely been mentioned in the modern and contemporary history of Chinese politics. This is what led to my academic interest in discovering the “unknown” Trotskyist history of Chinese radicalism. Compared to previous studies on Chinese Trotskyism in mainland China prior to 1952, based on newly-available archival sources and other primary materials, this thesis explores the new political emergence of Chinese Trotskyist movement in Hong Kong by investigating the Trotskyists’ role in Hong Kong’s political arena and the political dynamics of the Trotskyist activities mainly in the 1970s. As a result, this research will add something new to previous studies, and will enrich readers’ understanding of the “neglected” history of Chinese Trotskyists’ radicalism at the margin.

L’objecte d’estudi de la present tesis doctoral són els grups marxistes a Espanya que es van oposar a la política estalinista i a la vegada van mantenir un programa de transformació social que implicava, per tant, la negativa als pactes amb la burgesia, quina forma típica durant els anys 30 va ser el Front Popular. La perspectiva internacionalista d’aquests grups va fer que tots tinguessin un vincle amb un corrent internacional i que, de fet, a partir del 1936 tots fossin iniciats a Espanya per militants estrangers i no autòctons. Aquests grups s’estructuren en tres grans blocs: els seguidors de les tesis de Trotsky (trotskistes, fossin oficials o dissidents), els grups quartainternacionalistes que havien trencat amb el trotskisme, i els seguidors de les tesis d’Amadeo Bordiga (per tant, bordiguistes). En quant el període cronològic, l’estudi va des de finals del 1933 fins a l’estiu del 1937, és a dir, des del començament del procés que menà a la desaparició de la Izquierda Comunista Española (I.C.E.) (secció espanyola de la Lliga Comunista Internacional (L.C.I.), seguidora de les tesis de Trotsky), fins a la repressió de l’estiu del 1937, que va significar el final del període de treball obert a Espanya dels grups marxistes a l’esquerra del P.C.E.-P.S.U.C. L’objectiu de la tesi, per tant, és exposar, analitzar i valorar la presència dels grups revolucionaris marxistes a Espanya en el període delimitat, la seva incidència en aquell moment històric, i la coherència de les seves propostes polítiques amb els seus propis pressupòsits teòrics. La hipòtesi de la qual parteixo és que la situació político-social en l’Espanya dels anys 30 plantejava la possibilitat d’una opció de tipus revolucionari que implicava tant la presa del poder per part de la classe obrera com la socialització de l’economia; en aquest context, per tant, les propostes dels grups que van plantejar aquesta opció no haurien de ser contemplades com una mera imitació de models externs sinó com un projecte polític que respondria tant a la pròpia realitat espanyola com al context internacional en el qual aquesta s’inseria. L’existència d’aquests grups a Espanya respondria, per tant, a la necessitat de donar una sortida revolucionària a la crisi espanyola i la viabilitat de les seves propostes hauria de ser estudiada independentment de la composició nacional d’aquests grups o de la seva força numèrica. La seva manca d’èxit hauria de ser contemplada més com deguda a la dificultat d’integrar-se en un espai polític ja ocupat per organitzacions que gaudien de l’avantatge de ser al davant d’un procés revolucionari, que no pas per la manca d’adequació de les seves anàlisis i propostes.
This thesis studies the Marxist groups in Spain who opposed Stalinist politics and at the same time maintained a program of social transformation that implied, therefore, the refusal of the Popular Front. Their internationalist perspective meant that they all had an international connexion and that from 1936 all were initiated by foreign militants. These groups are structured in three major blocks: the followers of Trotsky's theses (Trotskyists, officers or dissidents), fourthinternationalist that had broken with Trotskyism, and the followers of Bordiga's thesis (bordiguists). The study goes from the end of 1933 until the summer of 1937, covering from the process leading to the disappearance of the Spanish Communist Left until the repression of the summer of 1937, which meant the end of the open work in Spain of the Marxist groups to the left of the PCE-PSUC. The objective of this thesis is to expose, analyze and evaluate the presence of the Marxist revolutionary groups in Spain in the delimited period, their incidence at that historical moment, and the coherence of their political proposals with their own theoretical principles. The hypothesis that I start with is that the political-social situation in Spain in the 1930s posed the possibility of an option of revolutionary type that implied both the taking of power by the working class and the socialization of the economy; in this context, therefore, the proposals of the groups that raised this option should not be considered as mere imitation of external models but as a political project that would respond both to the Spanish reality itself and to the international context in which this was inserted. The existence of these groups would respond, therefore, to the need to give a revolutionary solution to the Spanish crisis and the viability of their proposals should be studied regardless of their national composition or numerical strength. Their lack of success should be considered more due to the difficulty of integrating itself into a political space already occupied by organizations that enjoyed the advantage of leading a revolutionary process, that not because of the lack of adequacy of their analysis and proposals.

This study is an attempt to fill the lacuna left by the lack of detailed research into the use, by French Trotskyist trade union militants, of the agitational tactic known as the united front. I analyse the manner in which the tactic has been used, evaluate its success or otherwise and assess whether it continues to be of relevance for Trotskyists in the present day. I make use of a range of sources, including archived primary materials and documented memoirs of participants, contemporary media reports, academic research and interviews with Trotskyist activists. An examination of the theory and development of the united front is undertaken, followed by an evaluation of its practical implementation, through consideration of a number of case studies from different periods in the twentieth century. These are, firstly, the short-lived Hotchkiss strike committee, established during the 1936 Popular Front period. Secondly, I evaluate two examples from the immediate post-war period, the Caudron factory workers’ council between 1944 and 1948, and the strike committee established during the Renault factory strike of 1947. Thirdly, I consider the united fronts, in the form of workers’ coordinations, during the period between 1986 and 1995. I draw out and highlight common features between the united fronts, and assess whether or not the tactic made an effective contribution to the winning of industrial disputes by workers and whether, in the process, it enabled Trotskyist activists to generate a receptive audience for their wider political and social ideas. Finally, I consider whether the building of united fronts continues to be a realistic, relevant, practical tactic for Trotskyists in the French trade unions, and one which assists them to effectively pursue their stated longer-term goal of a revolutionary transformation of society.

Apres l'analyse des fondements de la quatrieme internationale a travers l'histoire des iere, iieme, iiieme internationale dans leur periode revolutionnaire, et de l'emergence du trotskysme comme continuateur du bolchevisme, l'etude porte plus particulierement sur l'histoire des organisations se reclament de la quatrieme internationale en france, depuis la fondation de cette derniere en 1938, en passant par son eclatement en 1952 et les raisons de celui-ci, jusqu'aux elements de recomposition et de reconstitution de la quatrieme internationale a partir de la fin des annees 80
After analysis of the bases of the fourth internationale through the history of the first, second, third internationale in their revolutionary period, and the emergence of trotskysm as a continuation of bolchevism, the study mainly turns on the history of french organizations issuing from the fourth internationalee since its origin in 1938, through its spliting up in 1952, until the elements of its reconstitution starting from the end of the 80's

Le débat au sein du mouvement ouvrier autour de la relation entre la guerre et la révolution a toujours été de nature stratégique, déjà à l’époque de la Première Internationale. Trancher sur l’attitude face à la guerre a produit débats, clivages et scissions : entre réformistes et révolutionnaires, entre défaitistes et défenseurs de l’« Union sacrée », entre pacifistes absolus et "militaristes révolutionnaires". À la fin des années 1930, alors que le monde précipite à nouveau vers un conflit à l’échelle mondiale, l’actualisation – ou bien la répétition - de la démarche suivie par Lénine pendant la Première Guerre mondiale (le défaitisme révolutionnaire) est au cœur des analyses et des perspectives débattues par les minorités révolutionnaires. Cette recherche vise à établir les données du débat théorique et d’orientation politique et programmatique au sein de la Quatrième Internationale (QI) et dans l’archipel hétérogène du socialisme de gauche. Ces deux courants politiques se voulaient alternatives au réformisme et au stalinisme et furent celles où la possibilité d’un dénouement révolutionnaire de la guerre fit l’objet d’un débat passionné et d’une action tout au moins conséquente.Il s’agira de comprendre comment ces deux courants firent face à une révolution qui n’était pas venue ou qui avait été contrôlée par les staliniens et les sociaux-démocrates, et aux nouvelles relations internationales engendrées par le dénouement de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale
The debate within the workers' movement about the relationship between war and revolution has always been of a strategic nature, even at the time of the First International. Deciding on the attitude to the war produced debates, cleavages and splits: between reformists and revolutionaries, between defeatists and defenders of the "Union sacrée", between absolute pacifists and "revolutionary militarists". At the end of the 1930s, as the world once again rushed towards a conflict on a global scale, the actualization - or repetition - of Lenin's approach during the First World War (revolutionary defeatism) was at the heart of the analyses and perspectives debated by revolutionary minorities. This research aims to establish the data for the theoretical debate and political and programmatic orientation within the Fourth International (FI) and the heterogeneous archipelago of left-wing socialism. These two political currents were trying to build an alternative to reformism and Stalinism and were the ones where the possibility of a revolutionary outcome to the war was passionately debated and at least acted upon

Le présent travail, en analysant la trajectoire biographique du réalisateur japonais Sômai Shinji de son passage dans les mouvements de contestation de la Nouvelle gauche à ses premiers films tournés dans les années quatre-vingt, se veut une étude critique sur le sens généralement accordé à l’utilisation de la technique dite du « plan-séquence » dans le contexte du cinéma japonais. Le plan-séquence est une méthode de mise en scène que différents auteurs occidentaux, de Noël Burch à Donald Richie, ont régulièrement qualifié d’ « essentiellement » japonaise tant elle semble selon eux présenter une utilisation de l’espace qui la rapproche des arts de représentation traditionnels comme le théâtre kabuki ou la peinture de Heian. En mettant en évidence les fonctions de contestation et de résistance que cette technique joue dans l’esthétique des films de Sômai Shinji, activiste de la Quatrième internationale japonaise de 1967 à 1971, nous démontrons que le jugement selon lequel le plan-séquence découlerait d’une sensibilité propre au peuple japonais－en effet, d’une « japonité »－est pour le moins à revoir. Sômai, de par son passé politique, est un réalisateur qui est constamment en lutte avec les valeurs de ce que nous appelons l’ « idéologie dominante », si bien que sa trajectoire ne peut se comprendre qu’en tenant compte des notions de conflits et de contradictions, bien loin de l’image lisse et homogène du peuple japonais dont nous abreuve un certain discours. Au-delà de la relecture du sens accordé à l’usage de la technique du plan-séquence－à laquelle nous associons rapidement des cinéastes comme Mizoguchi Kenji ou Sone Chûsei－, cette thèse soulève donc certaines interrogations sur la perception que nous avons, à travers les médias audiovisuels, de la nation comme entité homogène et fixée dans le temps
The present work, while examining the biographical trajectory of Japanese filmmaker Sômai Shinji from his past in the Japanese New Left to his first movies made in the 80s, is aimed at being a critical study of the significance regarding the use of the technique called “one scene-one shot” generally admitted in the context of Japanese cinema. The one scene-one shot is a method of mise-en-scène considered by several non-Japanese authors, like Noël Burch or Donald Richie, to be “essentially” Japanese because of what they think to be similarities with methods of representation usually found in kabuki theatre and Heian paintings. While we enhance the functions of protest and resistance this technique plays in the aesthetic of Sômai Shinji－who was an activist of the Japanese Fourth International from 1967 to 1971－films, we assess that the argument regarding the one scene-one shot as a method of filming particular to the Japanese sensibility－indeed, an expression of “Japaneseness”－is at best to be reconsidered. Sômai, because of his political past, was a filmmaker constantly struggling with the values of what we call the “dominant ideology”. His work cannot properly be understood unless we put the notions of conflicts and contradictions at the core of our analysis, departing from the traditionally peaceful and homogenous image that certain discourses usually express regarding the Japanese people. Beyond a reexamination of the significance traditionally given to the use of the one scene-one shot in the context of Japanese cinema－to which we associate filmmakers such as Mizoguchi Kenji and Sone Chûsei－, this dissertation questions the images of the nation, expressed through audiovisual means, as a homogenous and fixed community

The submitted thesis deals with the issue of left-wing extremism, especially the development of Trotskyist groups in the territory of Czechoslovakia, later the Czech Republic between the years 1989 - 2014. In the first part of the thesis, the background of Trotskyism thought is introduced as an ideology which is the result of a long-standing conflict between Trotsky and Stalin that was primarily concerned with direction, leadership and the nature of the Soviet Union. The main topics of Trotskyism as the intellectual movement are defined on the base of the analysis of several major writings by L. D. Trotsky. The second part is devoted to the analysis of a number of Trotskyist organizations that are acting or have acted in the Czech environment. In total, four groups from the Czech environment can be identified as Trotskyist. These are the following entities: "Budoucnost" ("Socialist Alternative Future"), "Socialistická solidarita" ("Socialist Solidarity"), "Socialistická organizace pracujících" ("Socialist Organization of Working People"), and "Nová antikapitalistická levice/Levá perspektiva" ("New Anti- Capitalist Left/Left Perspective"). This thesis is an analysis of the development of these groups, of their requirements and program principles, and of the events which these groups participated in during...

Esta tese resume a história do nascimento das correntes da esquerda radical em Portugal. Analisa a primeira ruptura pela esquerda do PCP, através da cisão maoista protagonizada por Francisco Martins Rodrigues e trata de explicar a «árvore genealógica» desta corrente nas suas multiplicações. Enquadra esta ruptura no contexto da luta pela hegemonia política a nível internacional, e relaciona a mutação do mapa político na oposição antifascista com estas grandes tendências de fundo. Explica as características principais dos grupos e correntes políticas, as diferenças entre elas e o seu desenvolvimento. Embora acabe por abarcar quase dois séculos de história dos movimentos sociais e das suas organizações políticas, centra-se sobretudo em Portugal, e em particular, nos anos finais da ditadura (quando se dá o boom destas organizações) até ao 25 de Abril de 1974.