Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Trotskyism'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 19 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Trotskyism.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
Bubis, Mordecai Donald. "The Soviet Union and Stalinism in the ideological debates of American Trotskyism (1937-51)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364755.
Full textSparrow, Jeffrey William, and jeffspa@alphalink com au. "Engineering your own soul: theory and practice in communist biography and autobiography & Communism: a love story." RMIT University. Creative Media, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080102.123850.
Full textHentzgen, Jean. "Du trotskysme à la social-démocratie : le courant lambertiste en France jusqu'en 1963." Thesis, Normandie, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019NORMLH08/document.
Full textThis thesis studies a specific group of the French extreme left most often called « lambertist » after the name of its principal leader, Pierre Lambert. This research examines its genesis in the wake of the Liberation to its development until 1963. This organization is built around several convictions like an affirmed anti-stalinism, the necessity of a rigorous functioning, the will to act for the working class and the priority given to the unionist action. During the studied period, it acquires other characteristics such as anticlericalism, a lack of interest in colonial revolutions or a skepticism towards modernity. Above all, when the leadership of the fourth International trotskyist claims that the international communist movement can play a progressive role, the lambertists take their independence from these leaders. From now on, they keep criticizing the pablists, Michel Pablo being the leader of the fourth. Otherwise, the lambertists associate with a movement of anarchists, revolutionary trade unionists and left-wing socialists. In this way, they get closer to the reformists first in the trade union field, then, in favor of the Algerian war, in the political sphere. At the end of the studied period, the group is about to become an ally of social democracy at the extreme left
MOURA, Pablo Thiago Correia de. "Os partidos políticos de matriz trotskista na argentina (PTS, PO E IS): atuação contra governos kirchneristas." Universidade Federal de Campina Grande, 2016. http://dspace.sti.ufcg.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/riufcg/1356.
Full textMade available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T12:25:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PABLO THIAGO CORREIA DE MOURA -TESE (PPGCS) 2016.pdf: 2000892 bytes, checksum: 5a269783fd2450ddd48d836e52628492 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-26
No início do Século XXI, algumas das principais democracias políticas sul-americanas foram governadas por partidos políticos cuja origem política é na esquerda, de viés nacional-popular. Dentre elas, destacamos a Argentina, com os governos de Néstor e Cristina Kirchner. Ante essa atuação pragmática e institucionalista, uma esquerda classista e revolucionária, alicerçada nas bases marxista-trotskistas do socialismo e do comunismo, atua opondo-se, no campo das esquerdas, a esse governismo. Em uma conjuntura em que um processo de ruptura revolucionária não parece se apresentar em médio e em curto prazos, nesse cenário, como esses partidos atuam em relação governos kirchneristas? Trabalhamos com a hipótese de que a arena eleitoral funcionou como subsidiária para as lutas extrainstitucionais, especialmente em âmbito sindical. O objetivo geral foi de compreender as ações – táticas e estratégicas – da esquerda trotskista argentina (socialista e revolucionária) no cenário atual de governos kirchneristas, a partir da análise das experiências dos partidos trotskistas argentinos (PTS, PO e IS). Na análise, contemplamos o referencial teórico marxista-trotskista para caracterizar e identificar a formação, a organização e as ações dos partidos políticos PTS, PO e IS, que comungam com semelhante pensamento político. E para analisar a conjuntura da Argentina kichnerista, recorremos às categorias analíticas trotskistas: revolução permanente, desenvolvimento desigual e combinado e ao programa de transição, que serviram para entender a atuação desses partidos à luz da teoria política que os guia, especialmente na caracterização do seu principal adversário político, o que nos possibilitou compreender as tarefas a desempenhar no confronto político com o governo, vislumbrando um horizonte maior da luta de classes. Privilegiamos a utilização de fontes argentinas para elaborar esta pesquisa, tais como: documentos dos supramencionados partidos, livros, artigos e periódicos produzidos na Argentina, assim como dados obtidos em Institutos de Economia e Política. Os resultados obtidos na pesquisa apresentaram, no campo sindical, dois projetos distintos: o sindicalismo burocrático (kirchnerista) e o sindicalismo de base (dos partidos trotskistas), que disputam as comissões internas de fábricas e repartições (locais de trabalho); no campo eleitoral, procuram desenvolver uma oposição operária, classista e socialista ao governo e apontam a saída anticapitalista como a única possível para os trabalhadores e as massas, com destaque para sua independência política.
In the beginning of the XXI century, some of the major South American political democracies are governed by political parties, which have their political origin in the left wing and center-left wing with national-popular tendency; among these we highlight Argentina with the governments of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner. Face of this pragmatic action and institutionalist, a class left and revolutionary, based on Marxist socialism and communism bases acts opposing in the left field this government. In a conjuncture which a revolutionary rupture process does not seem to present the short and medium term, in this scenario, as these parties act opposite the Kirchnerist governments. We hypothesized that the electoral arena operates as a subsidiary for extrainstitucionais struggles, especially in trade union level. The overall objective was to understand the actions - tactical and strategic - the Argentine Trotskyist left (socialist and revolutionary) in the current scenario of Kirchneristas governments, from the experience of the analysis of the Argentine Trotskyist parties (PTS, PO and IS). In the analysis we contemplate the Marxist-Trotskyist theoretical framework for the characterization and identification of training, organization, actions of political parties PTS, PO and IS which share similar political thought, as well as the situation analysis of Argentina Kirchner, whose which we use the Trotskyists analytical categories: permanent revolution, uneven and combined development and transition program, these served to understand the role of these parties the light of political theory that guides them, especially in the characterization of his main political opponent, making it possible to understand the tasks to be performed in the political confrontation with the government envisioning a larger horizon of the class struggle. The focus is the use of Argentine sources for construction of this research, such as: documentos dos supramencionados partidos, livros, artigos e periódicos produzidos na Argentina, assim como dados obtidos em institutos de economia e política. The results obtained in the research presented in the trade union field two different projects: bureaucratic unionism (Kirchner) and base unionism (of Trotskyist parties) competing for the internal commissions of factories and offices (workplaces) in the electoral field try to develop a working opposition, classist and socialist to the government, putting out anti-capitalist as the only possible for the workers and the masses, highlighting its political independence.
Martins, Richard de Oliveira 1989. "A regulamentação do direito de tendências no Partido dos Trabalhadores (1986-1992)." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279725.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T03:58:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Martins_RicharddeOliveira_M.pdf: 1918200 bytes, checksum: c2303a7b52e13bc0703224afe53488bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
Resumo: Empreendemos uma reconstrução crítica do debate sobre a regulamentação do direito de tendências internas no Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) entre 1986 e 1992. Na análise do processo, constatamos o caráter seletivo da implementação das resoluções sobre tendências, mais relacionada com as estratégias e táticas de atuação de cada grupo do que propriamente com sua (in)adequação às regras formais de funcionamento partidário. Assim, a regulamentação se configurou como um instrumento disciplinar de restrição, que pôde ser mobilizado para excluir agrupamentos inteiros do PT
Abstract: Our work undertakes a critical reconstruction of the debate on the regulation of the internal tendencies¿ right in Brazilian Workers¿ Party (PT) between 1986 and 1992. We state that the process of regulation and interpretation of this right had a selective character, and that its consequences were more related to the different strategies and tactics chosen by each fraction than properly to the (in)adequacy of those groups to the formal party rules. Thus, the regulation could be used as a disciplinary restriction tool, mobilized to exclude fractions of the party
Mestrado
Ciencia Politica
Mestre em Ciência Política
Zambrosi, Fabrício Bachiega. "Terra ou morte : trajetória intelectual e revolucionária de Hugo Blanco (1958-1972) /." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152599.
Full textApproved for entry into archive by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-01-26T15:58:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Zambrosi_FB_me_fran.pdf: 1480389 bytes, checksum: 7091d79b3504d077cf6806f90082da31 (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-26T15:58:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Zambrosi_FB_me_fran.pdf: 1480389 bytes, checksum: 7091d79b3504d077cf6806f90082da31 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-11-24
Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
A presente dissertação tem como objeto a trajetória intelectual e revolucionária do trotskista peruano Hugo Blanco, entre 1958 e 1972. As datas mencionadas compreendem o momento em que Blanco deixou a cidade e foi para o campo iniciar seu trabalho revolucionário entre os camponeses e a publicação de sua mais importante obra, o livro Terra ou Morte. Hugo Blanco atuou entre os camponeses do vale da La Convención y Lares, na região de Cuzco, até ser preso em 1963, sendo exilado, posteriormente, no início dos anos 70, por iniciativa do governo militar que tomou o poder no Peru, em 1968. As ações de Blanco integraram um contexto específico do Peru e da América Latina. O primeiro, diz respeito a sua atuação na região serrana, onde predominava uma estrutura agrária com diversas características pré-modernas, que foi mencionada e atacada pela pena e pela espada de Blanco. O segundo, aborda a questão de que a América Latina, desde 1959, estava sendo abalada pelos ecos causados pela Revolução Cubana. Como consequências das possibilidades inauguradas por essa Revolução, especialmente quanto ao seu conteúdo político-militar que o governo cubano e alguns intelectuais fizeram questão de destacar, de consagrar e de irradiar pelo continente, como a adoção da guerra de guerrilhas, as organizações políticas de esquerda do continente também ficaram estimuladas a aplicar em seus países esta luta armada enquanto estratégia. Foi neste contexto, portanto, que a ação e a teoria do projeto revolucionário de Hugo Blanco emergiu. Diante disso, o nosso principal objetivo foi demonstrar que este projeto dialogou o tempo todo com os referidos contextos, mas, principalmente, com as novas ideias e perspectivas abertas pela Revolução Cubana. Contudo sustentamos que Hugo Blanco teve a particularidade de insistir em uma proposta contrária a guerra de guerrilhas, pois, uma vez vinculado ao trotskismo, estruturou seu projeto a partir dos ensinamentos de Leon Trotsky e de sua relação com a IV Internacional e suas seções Latino Americanas, como o SLATO. De todo modo, mais do que tentar refutar a guerra de guerrilhas, Hugo Blanco se colocou como um intelectual disposto a compreender e adaptar o trotskismo às particularidades da realidade rural do Peru. Na ocasião, valeu-se de importantes elementos que compõem a tradição política do país, como o indigenismo e o marxismo.
The present dissertation project was based on the evaluation of the intellectual and revolutionary trajectory of the Peruvian trotskyist Hugo Blanco, between 1958 and 1972. This period corresponded to the moment in which Hugo Blanco moved out from the urban area to the rural area in order to begin his revolutionary movement; at this time, he also published his most important book, Land or Death. Hugo Blanco acted among the peasants from the La Convención and Lares, region of Cuzco, until be arrested in 1963. Then, he was sent to exile by the military government at early 70’s. Hugo Blanco’s actions formed an unique context within Peru and Latin America. The first one concerns his interference in the mountainous area of the country, where there was an agrarian structure having several pre-modern characteristics. This structure received significant emphasis and severe criticism in the texts published by Hugo Blanco. And, the second one deals with the manner by which the Latin America was being influenced by the Cuban Revolution. As an outcome of the several possibilities originated from this revolutionary movement, particularly with regard to its political and military content that were valorized and disseminated across the continent by Cuban government and intellectuals, including the use of guerrilla, the left-political organization of the continent planned also to use such a strategy in their own countries. In this scenario, it was raised the bases of the revolutionary project proposed by Hugo Blanco. Accordingly, we aimed with this research to demonstrate that his project interacts with the mentioned historical context, principally with the new ideas and perspectives offered by the Cuban Revolution. However, the proposal of Hugo Blanco had the peculiarity of offering alternatives in relation to the ideas propagated by the mentioned revolution. This might be associated to the fact that he structured his project based on the lessons learned from Leon Trotsky and his connection with the sections of IV International dedicated to Latin America, such as SLATO. In summary, rather than refute the adoption of guerrilla, Hugo Blanco acted as intellectual proposing a better understanding and utilization of trotskyism in accordance with the peculiarities of the rural area of Peru. In this context, he also used important elements that constituted the political organization of the country, such as the indigenism and marxism.
161548/2015-6
Denis, Cécile. "Continuités et divergences dans la presse clandestine de résistants allemands et autrichiens en France pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale : KPD, KPÖ, Revolutionäre Kommunisten et trotskystes." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BOR30065.
Full textThis study of 17 newspapers and 236 flyers conceived by German and Austrian resistance fighters in France during World War II have revealed the theoretical issues and to provide better knowledge of the authors, by re-evaluating the role of Austrians and Left groups which were not aligned with the politics of the Third Communist International. The messages are classified in three groups each linked to the objective pursued; recruitment, visibility and the definition of the group’s position. We can see that there are four main types of readers targeted: the first group are the potential sympathizers among the Wehrmacht soldiers, but also the repression services, the other resistance groups and finally the Allies, at the end of the conflict. The first part analyses the production of organisations initiated by the German and Austrian communist parties. From 1941 to 1943, the Travail Allemand (TA) aimed to restructure the networks which had been dismantled in 1939. From 1943, the militants were regrouped into new organizations like the CALPO and ÖFF depending on their nationality. Their objectives did not consist of carrying out national projects but rather to extend Soviet influence in the new states after war. The second part is dedicated to the Revolutionäre Kommunisten (RK) who were Austrian revolutionary communists denouncing all the other forces involved to build a radically different society. This piece of work draws an original and precise portrait of this group and its theoretical evolutions from 1935 to 1944. The third part is devoted to the study of Trotskyist groups which would like to have competed with communist organizations but who lacked the logistic and material means necessary. This group was active from 1943 to 1944 and its production brutally stopped with a wave of arrests. Our study shows that two political philosophies coexist and compete. The communists want to overthrow the National Socialist government to reestablish the traditional administrative and political structures and increase Soviet influence. The RKs and Trotskyists widen the stakes to fight against capitalism and by doing so, exceed the actions that we usually call “resistance”
Pellicciotta, Mirza Maria Baffi 1960. "Liberdade... e luta = considerações sobre uma trajetória política (anos 1970)." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280283.
Full textTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T09:42:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pellicciotta_MirzaMariaBaffi_D.pdf: 6552871 bytes, checksum: 7bf241f6a9db428b5707fa63db1ff3a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012
Resumo: A tese Liberdade... e Luta. Considerações sobre uma trajetória política (anos 1970) procura resgatar e refletir sobre a trajetória política de uma tendência estudantil de matriz trotskista (lambertista) que cumpriu um papel destacado na reconstituição e transformação do movimento estudantil brasileiro na década de 1970. Como tendência imersa numa década repressiva, a Liberdade e Luta (vinculada à Organização Socialista Internacionalista/OSI) partilhou da emergência de novas experiências de ação política que, entre outros aspectos, orientou-se pela construção de "alternativas" para a sociedade e a universidade brasileira, chegando a promover formas originais de ação coletiva, críticas a certas formulações e práticas das militâncias de esquerda ao mesmo tempo que sensíveis a presença de experiências contraculturais no interior da Universidade de São Paulo. Em seu percurso de formação e desenvolvimento, encontramos marcas de transformação do movimento social dos estudantes (forçado a enfrentar novos desafios e a construir novas experiências), bem como dos desafios de leitura e recomposição experimentadas pelas organizações de esquerda em seus esforços de recompor e reestruturar projetos e ações políticas. Mais do que isso, a trajetória desta tendência estudantil nos dá pistas da confluência de inúmeros processos que redundaram não apenas numa recomposição original do movimento estudantil, mas na emergência de novas experiências - de teor político-cultural - em meio à sociedade civil e as esquerdas brasileiras
Abstract: The thesis Freedom ... and Struggle. Considerations on a political career (year1970) seeks to recover and reflect on the political trajectory of a Trotskyist tendency student matrix (Lambert) who played an important role in the reconstruction and transformation of the Brazilian student movement in the 1970s. The trend immersed in a decade of repression and Freedom Struggle (linked to the Internationalist Socialist Organization / OSI) shared the experiences of the emergence of new political action, among other things, guided by the construction of "alternative" to society and the Brazilian university , arriving to promote original forms of collective action, critical of certain formulations and practices of leftist activism while sensitive to the presence of countercultural experience within the University of São Paulo. In his course of training and development, we find marks the transformation of students' social movement (forced to face new challenges and build new experiences), as well as the challenges of reading and resetting experienced by left-wing organizations in their efforts to rebuild and restructure projects policies and actions. More than that, the trajectory of this trend in student gives clues to the confluence of several processes that not only resulted in a restoration of the original student movement, but the emergence of new experiences - from political and cultural content - in the midst of civil society and the left Brazil
Doutorado
Historia Cultural
Doutor em História
Burton-Cartledge, Phil. "A Reflexive and Value-Added Analysis of COntemporary Trotskyist Activism in Britain." Thesis, Keele University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.518334.
Full textLisboa, Roberto Borges. "REVOLUÇÃO E REALIDADE SOCIAL NA IMPRENSA TROTSKISTA BRASILEIRA DOS ANOS 1930." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2014. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9652.
Full textThe historiography of Communist dissidents of the Communist Party of Brazil is linked mostly to making studies on the trajectory of their political organizations aligned to the International Left Opposition, the Internationalist Communist League (odd period in the Communist International) and the Fourth International (period which assumes decisively the party way). To a lesser extent, it focused on specific moments of life and political criticism of those aligned to Leon Trotsky (the "1930 Revolution", the antifascist struggle and uprisings of 1935). The initiative to minimally modify "the current state of things" led to questioning of his political press and particularly its itinerary in the 1930s. In a way, the viewing of little aspects present in the current historiography enabled recounting a live track (despite the time limit on the amount of available sources and information) from two issues we define as "revolution and social reality". The breadth and general condition of these two axes allowed making contact with the Trotskyist newspapers and newsletters (available digitally by the Documentation Centre of the Movement Worker Mario Pedrosa belonging to the Documentation Centre and Memory from Universidade Estadual Paulista) and specifying them. Belonging to the line of research entitled "Migration and Labour , this dissertation defined the focus of two consecutive movements for the established axis. While the former sought to identify the key themes of the international Trotskyist revolution passed by the Brazilian Trotskyist press (the Soviet Union , the Communist International , War and Fascism) and highlight the theoretical and political content raised by these from the movement flow of ideas from other "stops" while the second sought to reflect on the world of work linked to social reality, particularly on capitalist development in Brazil, the trade union and labor laws erected and political dynamics of the working class in the 1930s . In short, I hope that this work will contribute to enrich the theme of Brazilian Trotskyists in the 1930s from redirecting the form of a dialogue of the historian with its object and source of research.
A historiografia da dissidência comunista do Partido Comunista do Brasil está vinculada majoritariamente a confecção de estudos sobre a trajetória de suas organizações políticas alinhadas a Oposição Internacional de Esquerda, a Liga Comunista Internacionalista (período fracionário na Internacional Comunista) e a Quarta Internacional (período que assume decisivamente a forma partido). Em menor medida, ela incidiu sobre momentos específicos da vida e da crítica política daqueles alinhados a Leon Trotsky (a Revolução de 1930 , a luta antifascista e os levantes militares de 1935). A iniciativa de modificar minimamente o estado atual de coisas motivou a problematização de sua imprensa política e, em especial, do seu itinerário na década de 1930. De certo modo, a visualização de aspectos pouco presentes na historiografia vigente possibilitou historiar um vivo percurso (apesar do limite temporal diante da quantidade de fontes e informações disponíveis) a partir de duas questões que definimos por revolução e realidade social . A amplitude e a condição genérica destes dois eixos permitiram tomar contato com os jornais e boletins trotskistas (disponibilizados digitalmente pelo Centro de Documentação do Movimento Operário Mário Pedrosa pertencente ao Centro de Documentação e Memória da Universidade Estadual Paulista) e especificá-los. Pertencente a linha de pesquisa intitulada Migrações e Trabalho, esta dissertação definiu o foco de dois movimentos consecutivos relativos aos eixos estabelecidos. Enquanto o primeiro tratou de identificar as temáticas fundamentais da revolução internacional repercutidas pela imprensa trotskista brasileira (a União Soviética, a Internacional Comunista, o Fascismo e a Guerra) e evidenciar o conteúdo teórico e político suscitado por estas a partir do movimento de circulação de ideias provenientes de outras paragens ; o segundo buscou refletir sobre a realidade social vinculada ao mundo do trabalho, em particular, sobre o desenvolvimento capitalista no Brasil, a legislação sindical e do trabalho erigida e a dinâmica política da classe trabalhadora na década de 1930. Em suma, esperamos que o presente trabalho contribua para enriquecer a temática dos trotskistas brasileiros dos anos 1930, a partir da reorientação da forma de diálogo do historiador com seu objeto e fonte de pesquisa.
Yang, Yang. "Radicalism at the margin : the new emergence of the Chinese Trotskyist movement in Hong Kong, 1969-1981." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/23311/.
Full textRosés, Cordovilla Sergi. "Els revolucionaris marxistes a l’Espanya dels anys 30." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/461176.
Full textThis thesis studies the Marxist groups in Spain who opposed Stalinist politics and at the same time maintained a program of social transformation that implied, therefore, the refusal of the Popular Front. Their internationalist perspective meant that they all had an international connexion and that from 1936 all were initiated by foreign militants. These groups are structured in three major blocks: the followers of Trotsky's theses (Trotskyists, officers or dissidents), fourthinternationalist that had broken with Trotskyism, and the followers of Bordiga's thesis (bordiguists). The study goes from the end of 1933 until the summer of 1937, covering from the process leading to the disappearance of the Spanish Communist Left until the repression of the summer of 1937, which meant the end of the open work in Spain of the Marxist groups to the left of the PCE-PSUC. The objective of this thesis is to expose, analyze and evaluate the presence of the Marxist revolutionary groups in Spain in the delimited period, their incidence at that historical moment, and the coherence of their political proposals with their own theoretical principles. The hypothesis that I start with is that the political-social situation in Spain in the 1930s posed the possibility of an option of revolutionary type that implied both the taking of power by the working class and the socialization of the economy; in this context, therefore, the proposals of the groups that raised this option should not be considered as mere imitation of external models but as a political project that would respond both to the Spanish reality itself and to the international context in which this was inserted. The existence of these groups would respond, therefore, to the need to give a revolutionary solution to the Spanish crisis and the viability of their proposals should be studied regardless of their national composition or numerical strength. Their lack of success should be considered more due to the difficulty of integrating itself into a political space already occupied by organizations that enjoyed the advantage of leading a revolutionary process, that not because of the lack of adequacy of their analysis and proposals.
Sennett, Alan. "Permanent revolution in Spain? : the influence of Trotsky's Marxism upon the Spanish dissident communists, 1930-1937." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.521952.
Full textBlakey, Christopher David. "'March separately but strike together' : the use of the united front tactic by Trotskyists in French trade unions." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/47143/.
Full textCoquema, Daniel. "La quatrième internationale et les organisations se réclamant du trotskysme en France : contribution à l'histoire des idées politiques." Aix-Marseille 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993AIX32012.
Full textAfter analysis of the bases of the fourth internationale through the history of the first, second, third internationale in their revolutionary period, and the emergence of trotskysm as a continuation of bolchevism, the study mainly turns on the history of french organizations issuing from the fourth internationalee since its origin in 1938, through its spliting up in 1952, until the elements of its reconstitution starting from the end of the 80's
Giliani, Francesco. "« Troisième Camp » ou nouvel « Octobre » ? : Socialistes de gauche, trotskistes et Deuxième Guerre mondiale (1938-1948)." Thesis, Lyon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LYSE2075.
Full textThe debate within the workers' movement about the relationship between war and revolution has always been of a strategic nature, even at the time of the First International. Deciding on the attitude to the war produced debates, cleavages and splits: between reformists and revolutionaries, between defeatists and defenders of the "Union sacrée", between absolute pacifists and "revolutionary militarists". At the end of the 1930s, as the world once again rushed towards a conflict on a global scale, the actualization - or repetition - of Lenin's approach during the First World War (revolutionary defeatism) was at the heart of the analyses and perspectives debated by revolutionary minorities. This research aims to establish the data for the theoretical debate and political and programmatic orientation within the Fourth International (FI) and the heterogeneous archipelago of left-wing socialism. These two political currents were trying to build an alternative to reformism and Stalinism and were the ones where the possibility of a revolutionary outcome to the war was passionately debated and at least acted upon
Carpentras, Fabien. "Le cinéma comme moyen de contestation de l'"idéologie dominante" : vers une relecture du sens accordé à l’utilisation de la technique du plan-séquence dans le cinéma japonais à travers la mise en perspective d’une partie de la trajectoire cinématographique de Sômai Shinji 相米慎二 et de son passé d’activiste politique." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO30056.
Full textThe present work, while examining the biographical trajectory of Japanese filmmaker Sômai Shinji from his past in the Japanese New Left to his first movies made in the 80s, is aimed at being a critical study of the significance regarding the use of the technique called “one scene-one shot” generally admitted in the context of Japanese cinema. The one scene-one shot is a method of mise-en-scène considered by several non-Japanese authors, like Noël Burch or Donald Richie, to be “essentially” Japanese because of what they think to be similarities with methods of representation usually found in kabuki theatre and Heian paintings. While we enhance the functions of protest and resistance this technique plays in the aesthetic of Sômai Shinji-who was an activist of the Japanese Fourth International from 1967 to 1971-films, we assess that the argument regarding the one scene-one shot as a method of filming particular to the Japanese sensibility-indeed, an expression of “Japaneseness”-is at best to be reconsidered. Sômai, because of his political past, was a filmmaker constantly struggling with the values of what we call the “dominant ideology”. His work cannot properly be understood unless we put the notions of conflicts and contradictions at the core of our analysis, departing from the traditionally peaceful and homogenous image that certain discourses usually express regarding the Japanese people. Beyond a reexamination of the significance traditionally given to the use of the one scene-one shot in the context of Japanese cinema-to which we associate filmmakers such as Mizoguchi Kenji and Sone Chûsei-, this dissertation questions the images of the nation, expressed through audiovisual means, as a homogenous and fixed community
Štorkánová, Lucie. "Trockismus v České republice s důrazem na vývoj po roce 2000." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338758.
Full textFontes, Jorge Filipe Figueiredo. "A esquerda à esquerda de Cunhal : 1964-1974." Master's thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/117492.
Full text