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Journal articles on the topic 'Triremes'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 31 July 2024

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1

Harrison, Cynthia M. "Triremes at rest: On the beach or in the water?" Journal of Hellenic Studies 119 (November 1999): 168–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632318.

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We have been fortunate enough to witness in our own time the launching of a reconstruction of an ancient trireme. Questions about the trireme's architecture that had been debated for centuries were definitively resolved by the research that preceded the building of the reconstruction. However, certain aspects of the care and handling of triremes remain to be examined. Among them is the notion that triremes in commission were customarily hauled up onto the beach at night.

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2

Clark, Michael. "The Date of IG II21604." Annual of the British School at Athens 85 (November 1990): 47–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400015550.

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The generally accepted date (377/6) of the earliest Athenian naval inventory of the fourth century B.C., IG II21604, rests upon an unsafe restoration and several improbable assumptions. The fact that a Secretary 377/6 is named as trierarch on 1604 casts severe doubt on the accepted date. Indeed, the small number of allotted triremes on 1604 strongly suggests a date before the outbreak of war in 378. The record on 1604 of an Athenian trireme borrowed by the Chian Antimachos, which is easily associated with the negotiations at the very foundation of the Athenian Confederacy, seems to date 1604 to 379/8. Thus it is unlikely that the new series of inventories began only in 378/7 as a consequence of that foundation; the absence from the Navy Lists of outstanding debts datable before 378/7 indicates perhaps a successful collection of naval debts in that year. The existence of a substantial number of newly constructed triremes on 1604 discredits the view that the Peace of 387/6 banned all naval activity in Greece. New readings on Tod 117 demonstrate that Athens continued to deploy ships during the Peace. Its terms, which were not particularly harsh on Athens, more closely resembled those rejected in 392, which did allow trireme-building, than those of 371 and later. Anyhow these laterKoinai Eirenai, like the Peace of Antalcidas, prohibited, not all military activity, but only warfare among the signatory states.

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3

Jordan, Borimir. "The Crews of Athenian Triremes." L'antiquité classique 69, no. 1 (2000): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.2000.2423.

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4

Aperghis, Gerassimos (Makis) G. "Athenian Mines, Coins and Triremes." Historia 62, no. 1 (2013): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2013-0001.

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5

Djafar-Zude, Durius. "Seating arrangements in early triremes." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24, no. 3 (August 1995): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1995.tb00736.x.

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6

Djafar-Zade, Darius. "Seating arrangements in early triremes." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24, no. 4 (November 1995): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1995.tb00746.x.

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7

Djafar-Zade, D. "Seating arrangements in early triremes." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24, no. 4 (November 1995): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/ijna.1995.1039.

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8

Holladay, A. J. "Further Thoughts on Trireme Tactics." Greece and Rome 35, no. 2 (October 1988): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500033052.

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In Greece & Rome 37 (1987), 169–185, J. F. Lazenby and Ian Whiteheadhave made a most helpful contribution on the problems of advanced manoeuvres by ancient triremes — the diekplous and the periplous. They are surely right to reject the view that these manoeuvres involved a whole fleet moving in line ahead formation at the time of battle, even in the milder version which postulates several squadrons abreast – each in line ahead. Given the nature of the triremes' main instrument of aggression – the ram – such formations could not achieve what Nelson's breakthrough at Trafalgar did – with benefit of cannons: nor was encirclement the aim of the periplous, as Whitehead has well demonstrated.

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9

Coates, John. "Tilley's and Morrison's triremes—evidence and practicality." Antiquity 69, no. 262 (March 1995): 159–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00064383.

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The designer of the reconstructed Greek trireme, Olympias, first proposed by John Morrison and now built and tested at sea, takes issue with Alec Tilley's divergent ideas and proposals about these ships, together with their practicality. The author is a naval architect.

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10

Robinson, Eric W. "Thucydidean Sieges, Prosopitis, and the Hellenic Disaster in Egypt." Classical Antiquity 18, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 132–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011095.

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This paper reexamines the long-standing problem of the nature and magnitude of the catastrophic Hellenic expedition to Egypt c. 460-454. An uneasy scholarly consensus posits that many fewer than the 200 triremes implied by Thucydides were involved in the momentous defeat, yet the arguments employed by proponents and detractors of this hypothesis have not been decisive. This paper attempts to develop a better understanding of the final stages of the campaign in order to settle the question of losses. Thucydides offers the most reliable narrative of the events in Egypt (1.104, 109-10), but the compressed nature of the pentekontaetia has left us with a brief, lacunary text. Examination of the verbs poliorkein and kataklēiein and the noun poliorkia in appropriate contexts throughout Thucydides' history reveals that the words connote a tight blockade that seeks to deny all supplies to the besieged; the terms do not normally convey less stringent varieties of military harassment. Application of this understanding to the passages in question shows that the 200 triremes initially mentioned by Thucydides could not possibly have been engaged in Egypt when the siege of Prosopitis island began: a force of such size under a tight blockade could never have held out for 18 months. This conclusion is supported by an economic and demographic survey of the fifth-century B.C. Egyptian Delta, which suggests that resources would not have been plentiful in the region. A much smaller Greek force, perhaps 40 to 50 triremes, must have been involved in the final siege.

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11

Graham, A. J. "Thucydides 7.13.2 and the Crews of Athenian Triremes." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 122 (1992): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284373.

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12

Ioannidou, Christy Emilio. "The Hard Tasks of Keleustēs in Ancient Greek Triremes." Arheologija i prirodne nauke 17 (2021): 9–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/arhe_apn.2021.17.1.

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13

Sleeswyk, André Wegener. "Seating arrangements of the oarsmen in the early triremes." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 23, no. 3 (August 1994): 239–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1994.tb00464.x.

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14

Harrison, Cynthia M. "A note on the care and handling of triremes." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 32, no. 1 (April 2003): 78–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.2003.tb01434.x.

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15

Sleeswyk, A. "Seating arrangements of the oarsmen in the early triremes." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 23, no. 3 (August 1994): 239–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/ijna.1994.1030.

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16

Harrison, C. "A note on the care and handling of triremes." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 32, no. 1 (August 2003): 73–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/ijna.2003.1079.

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17

Papadopoulou, Chryssanthi. "The Classical naval installations in the Piraeus." Archaeological Reports 60 (November 2014): 50–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0570608414000076.

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In his recent book The Ancient Harbours of the Piraeus I.1, Bjorn Lovén notes that archaeological investigation of the Classical naval installations in the Piraeus goes back almost as far as the discipline of archaeology in the modern Greek state (Lovén 2011: 15). This enduring archaeological interest in the Piraeus installations is not some ungrounded fascination, but rests on the importance of these facilities not only for the Piraeus, but for the whole of Classical Athens. The commission of these installations was an integral part of a Classical building programme that saw the construction of triremes and the fortification of the Piraeus peninsula. As Vincent Gabrielsen (2007: 256–57) has shown, the building of warships is not necessarily synonymous with the construction of a navy. The latter implies the centralization of war reserves by the city-state and the provision of infrastructure (naval facilities and walls to protect both these facilities and the ships stationed in them), and it would be essential for the state to maintain and operate these resources. Investigations of the Piraeus shipsheds therefore shed light not only on the size of Athenian triremes, but also on the overall planning and works undertaken by the Athenian state in Classical times, in order to command and sustain a large navy.

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18

Bubelis, William. "The Sacred Triremes and their Tamiai at Athens." Historia 59, no. 4 (2010): 385–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2010-0023.

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19

Graham, A. J. "Thucydides 7.13.2 and the Crews of Athenian Triremes: An Addendum." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 128 (1998): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284408.

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20

Bertosa, Brian. "The Social Status and Ethnic Origin of the Rowers of Spartan Triremes." War & Society 23, no. 1 (September 2005): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/072924705791202265.

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21

Kuciak, Jakub. "The Fleet as the Basis for Polycrates of Samos’ Thalassocracy." Electrum 27 (2020): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.20.003.12793.

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Described most exhaustively in Herodotus’ Histories, the navy commanded by tyrant Polycrates of Samos was allegedly one of the greatest in archaic Greece, but the extant sources provide conflicting information about its history of use, structure and role in Polycrates’grand strategy. The paper analyses the available evidence to throw light on selected unknowns regarding Polycrates’naval power. Considered matters include numbers and types of ships found in Polycrates’ navy: penteconters, triremes and samainae, the invention of the latter type traditionally ascribed to Polycrates. Relevantly to this article, the Greek historiographic tradition frequently ascribes famous inventions to famous personages: within this text, I attempt to untangle this association to test whether it holds true for Polycrates. Finally, I examine how the tyrant obtained funds to maintain his sizeable fleet, investigating whether Polycrates might have resorted to pillaging and privateering to pay for his navy’s upkeep.

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22

MURRAY, WILLIAM M. "Seafaring on the Ancient Mediterranean: New Thoughts on Triremes and Other Ancient Ships by Alec Tilley." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 35, no. 1 (April 2006): 156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.2006.096-7.x.

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23

Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 62, no. 1 (March 25, 2015): 106–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383514000291.

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This review commences with two important recent books on archaic Greek history. Hans van Wees sees fiscality as a main aspect of the development of Greek communities in the archaic period. He explores the trajectory of Greek, and more specifically Athenian, fiscality in the course of the archaic period from personal to institutional power, from informal to formal procedures, and from undifferentiated to specialized offices and activities. Van Wees argues convincingly that navies based on publicly built and funded triremes appeared from 530s onwards as a Greek reaction to the emergence of the Persian Empire; the resources for maintaining such navies revolutionized Greek fiscality. This means that the Athenian navy emerged decades before its traditional attribution to the Themistoclean programme of the 480s; but this revolution would have been impossible without the gradual transformation of Athenian fiscality in the previous decades from Solon onwards, as regards the delimitation of institutional and specialized fiscal offices, such as thenaukraroiandkolakretai, and the creation of formal procedures of taxation like theeisphora. This is a very important book that should have significant repercussions on the wider study of archaic Greece and Athenian history; but it also raises the major issue of the nature of our written sources for archaic Athens. While van Wees's use of the sources is plausible, there does not seem to be any wider principle of selection than what suits the argument (very sceptical on the tradition about Solon's fiscal measures, or Themistocles’ mines and navy policy; accepting of traditions about Hippias’ and Cleisthenes’ fiscal measures). We urgently need a focused methodological discussion of the full range of sources and the ways in which tradition, anachronism, ideology, and debate have shaped what we actually have.

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24

Emanov, Alexander G. "Caffa as Thalassopoliteia: The Genesis of the Civic “Maritime Identity” in a Late Medieval City." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 25, no. 3 (2023): 92–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2023.25.3.044.

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In this article, the author deals with the formation of Caffa by the end of the fourteenth century as the leading thalassopoliteia in the Black Sea region, when the head of the city of Caffa became “the ruler of the whole Black Sea” at the same time. The author refers to Liber Gazariae (1341), Caffa’s Statuta (1316, 1449), Caffa’s notarial acts from the fourteenth–fifteenth centuries, Massaria Caffae 1381, 1424, Italian pilot charts, Byzantine periploi from the fourteenth–fifteenth centuries, Italian nautical charts from the fourteenth–fifteenth centuries, and materials of archaeological excavations in Feodosia port. Following the study, the author reveals the essence of the thalassopoliteia of Caffa in the pre-modern world which involved the establishment of Caffa’s territorial power over the entire coastline of the Crimean Peninsula in the form of the “Great Chora”; control over maritime communications, requirements of obligatory calls to the port of Caffa for all vessels sailing the Black Sea; creation of a maritime logistics network in the form of ports, harbours, berths, and anchorages for the export of local products, which was served by ships, loaders, and the metrological service of Caffa’s port; introduction of the semaphore signaling system within the “Great Chora” of Caffa ensuring safety of navigation in the Black Sea; neutralisation of piracy, corsairing, and maritime actions of hostile countries, reimbursement of damages to affected citizens of Caffa; creation of a naval chain of fortresses and fortifications with locations of fast-moving battle triremes; development of shipbuilding and ship repair infrastructure both in the port of Caffa and in its subordinate ports; formation of the institution of Caffa’s thalassopoliteia, a special “maritime identity”, the birth of the idea of “contract with the sea”.

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25

Basch, Lucien. "THE ELEUSIS MUSEUM TRIREME AND THE GREEK TRIREME." Mariner's Mirror 74, no. 2 (January 1988): 163–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.1988.10656193.

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26

Morrison, John. "The Athenian Trireme." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 16, no. 2 (May 1987): 168–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1987.tb01260.x.

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27

Tilley, A. F. "The Athenian trireme." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 17, no. 2 (May 1988): 176–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1988.tb00639.x.

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28

MURRAY, W. M. "A trireme namedIsis:thesgraffitofrom Nymphaion." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 30, no. 2 (October 2001): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.2001.tb01371.x.

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29

Simonsen, Kathryn. "Demaenetus and the Trireme." Mouseion: Journal of the Classical Association of Canada 9, no. 3 (2009): 283–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mou.2009.0016.

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30

Wallinga, H. T. "The Trireme and History." Mnemosyne 43, no. 1-2 (1990): 132–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852590x00081.

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31

Coates, John F. "The Trireme Sails Again." Scientific American 260, no. 4 (April 1989): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/scientificamerican0489-96.

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32

Greenhill, Basil. "Book Review: Building the Trireme." Journal of Transport History 10, no. 1 (March 1989): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002252668901000108.

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33

Papalas, Anthony J. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TRIREME." Mariner's Mirror 83, no. 3 (January 1997): 259–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.1997.10656646.

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34

Tilley, Alec. "Three men to a room – a completely different trireme." Antiquity 66, no. 252 (September 1992): 599–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00039326.

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Olympias and all other trireme reconstructions have been based on a misinterpretation of the Greek terminology, according to the author, a dedicated student of ancient ship design and former naval officer.

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35

Coates, J. F. "Reconstructing the ancient Greek trireme warship." Endeavour 11, no. 2 (January 1987): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0160-9327(87)90244-4.

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36

Morrison, John. "The British sea trials of the reconstructed trireme, 1–15 August 1987." Antiquity 61, no. 233 (November 1987): 455–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00073026.

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The reconstructed trireme (Coates & Morrison 1987; March issue, 87–90) was launched in the Aegean this summer. Here is the first first-hand report for many centuries as to how a great classical Greek warship actually rows and sails.

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37

Casson, Lionel. "A trireme for hire(Is. 11. 48)." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 1 (May 1995): 241–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800041872.

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In the extensive cast of characters named in Isaeus'On the Estate of Hagniasare two brothers, Chaereleos and Macartatus. The speaker, their brother-in-law, is anxious to impress upon the members of the court that neither was a rich man. ‘You are all my witnesses,’ he asserts, ‘that…they were not in the class of those who perform liturgies but rather of those who possess a modest estate.’ Chaereleos on his death left land worth no more than 3000 drachmas. Macartatus left nothing at all. ‘For you know,’ the speaker reminds his audience, ‘that he sold his land, bought a trireme, manned it, and sailed off to Crete, (you know it) because it was by no means a covert act—indeed, it furnished a topic for discussion in the Assembly, namely that he might cause a state of war instead of peace between us and the Spartans.…It turned out…that he died along with this property of his that he sailed off with. For he lost everything, both the trireme and his life, in the war’.(Is. 11.48–9)

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38

Itzhack, E., D. Cvikel, and Y. Me–Bar. "Damaging a trireme by ramming: The kinetics." Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports 57 (September 2024): 104678. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2024.104678.

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39

Morrison, John. "The second British sea trials of the reconstructed trireme, 20 July–5 August 1988." Antiquity 62, no. 237 (December 1988): 713–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x0007513x.

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ANTIQUITY reported last year on the start of the British project ‘to teach yourself how to sail a classical warship’. The second season's trials, benefitting from the lessons of the first, took place in the summer, and it begins to come clear that the classical reports of the trireme's astonishing performance are well founded.

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40

Morrison, John. "The Sea trials of the trireme: Poros 1987." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 17, no. 2 (May 1988): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1988.tb00638.x.

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41

Morrison, John. "Comment on‘The Athenian trireme’ by A. F. Tilley." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 17, no. 2 (May 1988): 177–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1095-9270.1988.tb00640.x.

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42

Murray, W. "A trireme named Isis: the sgraffito from Nymphaion." International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 30, no. 2 (December 2001): 250–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/ijna.2001.0364.

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43

Morrison, John. "Ancient Greek measures of length in nautical contexts." Antiquity 65, no. 247 (June 1991): 298–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00079795.

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John Morrison reported in Antiquity (61: 455–9; 62: 713–14) on the sea-trials of his reconstructed trieres (trireme) Olympias, tests which explored the capacities in the water of this most feared of ancient fighting craft. Here he looks critically at two ancient Greek measurements, the units of length to which the trieres was built, and the units of distance over which she sailed.

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44

Trippé, Natacha. "Sur une inscription de Cyzique." Revue des Études Anciennes 110, no. 2 (2008): 383–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rea.2008.6589.

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This study of a Kyzikos epigram, kept by the Anthologia Palatina, first examines the place where the stone was displayed, in Kyzikos or in Delphi, before studying more in depth the information that lies within. It appears that thanks to the exhibition of a stylis, that is to say a trireme ornament, the prestigious city of the Proponile coast highlights its maritime strength, under the protection of Athena and Apollo.

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45

Papalas, Anthony. "POLYCRATES OF SAMOS AND THE FIRST GREEK TRIREME FLEET." Mariner's Mirror 85, no. 1 (January 1999): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00253359.1999.10656724.

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46

Andrews, James A. "Cleon's Ethopoetics." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 1 (May 1994): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800017183.

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In 427 B.c. the Athenian assembly passed a decree bearing on the recently suppressed revolt on the island of Lesbos. All citizens in Mytilene, the city which had led the revolt, were to be executed and their women and children sold into slavery. A trireme was swiftly dispatched to Paches with instructions to execute the decree. But the Athenians had arrived at their decision in a fit of anger; and when presently their ργ subsided, they experienced grave misgivings over an action which now seemed in their own estimation cruel and excessive. They earnestly sought to reconsider the matter, and so within the space of a day they convened once more to debate Mytilene (3.36).

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47

Jordan, Borimir, J. S. Morrison, and J. F. Coates. "The Athenian Trireme: The History and Reconstruction of an Ancient Greek Warship." American Historical Review 94, no. 3 (June 1989): 726. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873785.

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48

Simonsen, Kathryn, J. S. Morrison, J. F. Coates, and N. B. Rankov. "The Athenian Trireme: The History and Reconstruction of an Ancient Greek Warship." Phoenix 55, no. 3/4 (2001): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1089141.

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49

Williams, Hector, J. S. Morrison, and J. F. Coates. "The Athenian Trireme: The History and Reconstruction of an Ancient Greek Warship." Classical World 82, no. 3 (1989): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350374.

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50

Burgoyne, R. M., J. S. Morrison, and J. F. Coates. "The Athenian Trireme: The History and Reconstruction of an Ancient Greek Warship." Geographical Journal 153, no. 2 (July 1987): 276. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/634905.

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