Academic literature on the topic 'Triptolemos (Greek deity) in art'

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Journal articles on the topic "Triptolemos (Greek deity) in art"

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Mshvildadze, Marika. "Diety Nike-Victoria of the late Antique period on the territory of Georgia." Pro Georgia 33, no. 1 (August 10, 2023): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.61097/12301604/pg33/2023/161-168.

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The states on the territory of Georgia were part of the Classical antiquity ecumene. Accordingly, both Iberia and Colchis had close trade-economic and cultural relations with the Roman Empire, from where the deities popular in the empire spread to the territory of Georgia. Among them, a special place is occupied by the ancient god of victory, Nike (Ancient Greek: Νίκη). The name Nike is believed to date back to the pre- Greek period. In Greek mythology, Nike appears as a companion of Zeus and Athena. In Greek art, the deity is mainly depicted with symbols of victory – wings, a crown and a palm branch, but we also find a wingless Nike. In Roman reality, the Victoria (Latin: Victoria) corresponded to Nike. Research has shown that the deity Nike (Victoria) was one of the most widespread cults in late ancient Iberia, which is the result of political and cultural relations with the Greco-Roman world. In late antiquity, the cult of Nike (Victoria) was recorded on the territory of Georgia in the Kingdom of Kartli (Iberia) – on the territory of Greater Mtskheta, Urbnisi, Zhinvali... Since the Hellenistic period, religious syncretism was also reflected on the engraved gems found on the territory of Kartli. Athena-Tikhe-Fortuna- Demeter-Nike depicted in an oval-shaped cornelian intaglio in a fragment of an iron ring. Tomb №27 of Karniskhevi, 2nd-3rd centuries. Nike-Fortuna-Athena is depicted in an oval-shaped white, transparent glass intaglio in an iron seal. Urbnisi necropolis. Tomb №205. 1st-early 2nd century AD. Seals with the image of the deity Nike (Victoria) found in the territory of Georgia belonged to all layers of society. Gemas can be found both individually and in gold, silver and bronze rings. Intaglios with the image of the deity are made of: carnelian, glas, almadine, which are inserted into iron, bronze, silver and gold rings. It is noteworthy that the cult of Nike (Victoria) is mainly prevalent in urban centers. From the above, we can conclude that Nike (Victoria) was popular and in our opinion, mainly among the Romanized population.
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Lusher, Andrew. "Greek Statues, Roman Cults and European Aristocracy: Examining the Progression of Ancient Sculpture Interpretation." Journal of Arts and Humanities 6, no. 12 (December 31, 2017): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.18533/journal.v6i12.1313.

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<p>In 1747 Frederick II of Prussia acquired a rare and highly valuable statue from antiquity and gave it the description of Antinous (the ill-fated lover of the Roman Emperor Hadrian). Although the bronze statue had always been accepted as an original from ancient Greece, the statue eventually assumed the identity of the Roman Antinous. How could Frederick II, an accomplished collector, ignore the blatant style and chronological discrepancies to interpret a Greek statue as a later Roman deity? This article will use the portraiture of Antinous to facilitate an examination of the progression of classical art interpretation and diagnose the freedom between the art historian and the dilettante. It will expose the necessary partition between the obligations of the art historian to provide technical interpretations of a work within the purview of the discipline with that of the unique interpretation made by individual viewers. This article confirms that although Frederick II lived before the transformative scholarship of Winckelmann, the freedom of interpreting a work is an abiding and intrinsic right of every individual viewer. </p>
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Smith, Tyler Jo. "Highland gods: rock-cut votive reliefs from the Pisidian Survey." Anatolian Studies 61 (December 2011): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008814.

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AbstractBetween 1982 and 1996 a group of rock-cut votive reliefs was discovered during archaeological survey in Pisidia under the direction of Stephen Mitchell and the sponsorship of the British Institute (of Archaeology) at Ankara. The types represented include a horseman deity, perhaps Kakasbos, the Dioscuri with ‘goddess’ and the moon-god Men. The reliefs are discussed according to their cults and iconography, and their contribution to art and religion both locally and beyond. As a religious phenomenon, they are further considered in relation to both regional traditions and empire-wide practices. It is suggested that reliefs of this type, that are associated with the protection of mortals, should also be viewed as part of the history of devotional art and added to discussions of rock art that extend beyond the Greek and Roman worlds. A detailed catalogue of the reliefs, organised by iconographic type, concludes the article.
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Dickson, Keith M. "Voice and Sign in Pindar." Ramus 19, no. 2 (1990): 109–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002873.

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We all secretly venerate the ideal of a language which in the last analysis would deliver us from language by delivering us to things.M. Merleau-Ponty,The Prose of the WorldIn a study published some years ago, J.-P. Vernant drew attention to the fundamental distinction Greek thought makes between spoken and all other modes of divination. It is a difference that reflects certain givens of ancient social and political structure, and that has its roots in the marked orientation of Greek society towards open discourse. What he has in mind as a paradigm of oral divination is the question-and-answer format of many ancient oracles. He argues that this provides far more direct and more ‘democratic’ access to the will of deity or the way of things than do styles of consultation dependent on interpretative schemes which, because of their indirect nature, are accessible only to a small and privileged group. The fine art of pyromancy, for instance, deploys a framework of transformational rules and techniques whose complexity removes the interpretation of ‘fire signs’ (empura sēmata) from the realm of ordinary skills and makes it instead the special province of a priestly caste, such as that of the Iamidai at Olympia.
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Steiner, Ann, and Jenifer Neils. "An Imported Attic Kylix from the Sanctuary at Poggio Colla." Etruscan Studies 21, no. 1-2 (November 7, 2018): 98–145. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/etst-2018-0010.

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Abstract This study focuses on an Attic red-figure kylix excavated in a North Etruscan ritual context at a major sanctuary site in the Mugello region at Poggio Colla. Attributed to the Painter of the Paris Gigantomachy (490–460 B. C. E.), the kylix depicts youths boxing. Careful excavation of the site over 20 years allows detailed presentation here of the votive context for the kylix and thus supports a plausible hypothesis for how it was integrated into rituals marking the transition from the first monumental stone temple to its successor at the site, sometime in the late fifth-early fourth century. Placing the kylix in the oeuvre of the painter, his workshop output, and its appearance in Etruria demonstrates that the shape and subject matter were well known to Etruscan audiences; discussion of the relationship of the Attic boxers to imagery in Etruscan tomb painting, black-figure silhouette style pottery, and funerary reliefs reveals links to and differences from Etruscan renderings of similar subject matter. Conclusions confirm the role of the Attic kylix in Etruscan ritual and establish the familiarity of the iconography of the kylix to Etruscan audiences. Although one of the tinas cliniiar, Etruscan Pultuce and Greek Pollux, is identified in fourth-century Etruscan art as an outstanding boxer, this study reveals no obvious link between the imagery on the kylix and the major deity honored at the site, very likely the goddess Uni.
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Sifei, Li. "Tubo-Sogdian Relations along the Silk Road: On an Enigmatic Gold Plaque from Dulan (Qinghai, China)." Iran and the Caucasus 26, no. 4 (November 30, 2022): 309–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20220401.

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In 2018, some tombs that belonged to early Tibetan-related elites at the site of Dulan (Qinghai, China) were disturbed by looters’ activity. One of the gold objects confiscated by local police officers displays a curious composite creature that could be called a winged ichthyocentaurus or triton. This creature includes the torso of a dressed man with a beribboned crown holding a rhyton-like horn and a coiled fish tail. This article discusses the possible function and meaning of this type of composite creatures that appear also on some artifacts from Central Asian archaeological sites and Sino-Sogdian funerary monuments. The iconography of the hybrid creatures seems to be rooted in Greek art. Sogdians possibly transmitted it to the Tibetan Plateau along the so-called Silk Road in the 7th-8th cc. The horn held by the creature is reminiscent of one attribute of the ancient Chinese wind god “Feng Bo” (风伯, “Master of the Wind”) that has been depicted in the funerary milieu since the Han period (202 B.C.-220 A.D.) because of its association with immortality. This object could allow us to identify the iconography of the Sogdian wind deity Weshparkar (Avestan Vayu) who sometimes had a “wind blowing horn” like in the Dulan gold plaque. The study of this specific detail could help to shed light on the multicultural background of early Tibetan societies that definitely had contacts with Central Asia and China along the Silk Road trading network.
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Wachsmann, Shelley, and Donald Sanders. "Reconstructing a late Archaic-period Dionysian ship cart." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 53, no. 3 (2023): 135–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp53-45389.

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The Greek deity Dionysos had a particular affinity for war galleys, a relationship perhaps explained by the Homeric Hymn to Dionysos in which Tyrsenian pirates kidnap him on their galley. Soon grape vines entangle the rigging and some of the pirates attempt to escape their fate by jumping into the sea: Dionysos transforms them into dolphins. This hymn served as an occasional motif in pagan art and may explain the miniaturized replicas of seagoing oared ships that played an integral role in the ancient Dionysian cult. These flimsy Dionysian ship carts moved overland in parades, either on wheels or upon the shoulders of celebrants. While the earliest examples may date to the Late Bronze Age, they are best known from a series of three late Archaic-period representations on black-figure skyphoi, now in museums in Athens, Bologna and London. No two Archaic-period Dionysian ship-cart representations are identical in all details. While perhaps due to painters' whims, this diversity in appearance may reflect changes to the ship carts at each annual appearance, analogous to modern-day parade floats. Due to the two-dimensional nature of these ship-cart images, it is impossible today to determine whether the Dionysian ship carts reflected in them consisted of actual vessels-purpose-built and placed on wagons during the procession, employed solely for the Dionysian celebrations-or floats in the form of miniaturized galleys. This paper supplies context and explains the process of creating a three-dimensional digital reconstruction of a generic Late Archaic-period Dionysian ship cart employing contemporaneous imagery and artifacts.
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Ormand, Kirk. "OVID'S HERMAPHRODITUS AND THE MOLLIS MALE." Ramus 51, no. 1 (June 2022): 74–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rmu.2022.4.

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Figures of intersexed individuals perhaps representing the minor Greek deity Hermaphroditus became, for reasons that are not entirely clear, strikingly popular in Roman sculpture and wall painting in the latter half of the first century CE. Depicting a fully bisexed human body, these figures have resulted in competing interpretations regarding their purpose, meaning, and effect. As it happens, we also have a text from the Augustan period that purports to explain not only the origin of the intersexed Hermaphroditus, but the production of future bisexed individuals, in Ovid's Metamorphoses Book 4. When discussing the sculptures and wall paintings of Hermaphroditus, as a result, scholars have been inevitably drawn to Ovid's narrative. The pull of Ovid is admittedly almost irresistible, and his reputation as a poet who challenges norms, conventions, and genres makes it attractive to see him as creating room for modern notions of gender fluidity. As Georgia Nugent argued more than thirty years ago, however, Ovid's narrative is, in curious ways, a reductive version of the myth, ‘a paradigmatic example of how what is sexually threatening may be textually recuperated and stabilized’. I wish to reanimate Nugent's arguments here, and to suggest that scholars’ regular invocation of Ovid when interpreting the products of Roman art is a mistake, for two reasons: first, the figure Ovid describes is, in fact, not typical of what we see in Roman sculptures and wall paintings; and second, Ovid presents a version of Hermaphroditus’ gender identity that is deliberately less challenging to the stability of sexual binarism—and to traditional gender roles—than are those material depictions. For those of us who wish to advocate for the rights of intersexed individuals, in other words, Ovid is the wrong champion.
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James, Stuart. "Classical Myths and Legends in the Middle Ages and Renaissance:98306H. David Brumble, John Boardman, LCSH Pan, Greek deity, John Boardman. Classical Myths and Legends in the Middle Ages and Renaissance: A Dictionary of Allegorical Meanings. London and Chicago, ILLondonLondon: Fitzroy Dearborn PublishersThames and HudsonThames and Hudson 1998, 1997. xxvi + 421pp, ISBN: 1 57958 020 3 £60.00, ISBN: 0 500 55030 1 £7.95, ISBN: 0 500 20309 1 £8.95 paperback World of Art series." Reference Reviews 12, no. 6 (June 1998): 9–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rr.1998.12.6.9.306.

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Hedreen, Guy. "On the Magnitude of the Gods in Materialist Theology and Greek Art." Journal of Hellenic Studies, August 24, 2021, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426921000021.

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Abstract In this paper, I address one characteristic of Classical Greek votive reliefs that has troubled scholars: the size of the gods. The reliefs depict mortal worshippers approaching gods and goddesses who are, almost invariably, larger in stature than the mortals. Scholars have generally explained the difference in scale to be art historical, rather than theological, in significance. Either the larger scale is a visual expression of the hierarchical superiority of the gods or the images of the gods represent over-life-size statues. In addition, it is widely accepted that votive reliefs are products of unsophisticated religious belief, ignorant of the conceptualization of an imperceptible, non-corporeal deity in Classical philosophy. In this paper, I accept the artistic proposition of votive reliefs at face value: in this genre, the gods are living, visible, material bodies, most often anthropomorphic in form and always larger in magnitude than mortals. I identify one significant parallel for this interpretation within Greek and Roman thought, namely, the conception of gods within the materialist theology developed by the late Classical writer Epicurus and, in part at least, by the fifth-century BC writer Demokritos. In the writings of the Epicureans and, it appears, the atomists, as in the votive reliefs, gods are human in form, very beautiful, self-sufficient, larger than humans in size and known by mortals through visual perception.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Triptolemos (Greek deity) in art"

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Rosenzweig, Rachel. "Aphrodite in Athens : a study of art and cult in the classical and late classical periods /." view abstract or download file of text, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9957572.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1999.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 225-237). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users. Address: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9957572.
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James, Paula. "Unity in diversity a study of Apuleius' Metamorphoses : with particular reference to the narrator's art of transformation and the metamorphosis motif in the Tale of Cupid and Psyche /." Hildesheim ; New York : Olms-Weidmann, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/15604421.html.

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Olsson, Viveca. "The Lenaia vases revisited : image, ritual and Dionysian women /." 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0712/2006502425.html.

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Books on the topic "Triptolemos (Greek deity) in art"

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Schwarz, Gerda. Triptolemos: Ikonographie einer Agrar- und Mysteriengottheit. Horn, Austria: F. Berger, 1987.

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Katie, Scott, and Arscott Caroline, eds. Manifestations of Venus: Art and sexuality. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000.

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Klöckner, Anja. Poseidon und Neptun: Zur Rezeption griechischer Götterbilder in der römischen Kunst. Saarbrücken: Saarbrücker Drückerei und Verlag, 1997.

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Hygieia, die Frau an Asklepios' Seite: Untersuchungen zu Darstellung und Funktion in klassischer und hellenistischer Zeit unter Einbeziehung der Gestalt des Asklepios. Möhnesee: Bibliopolis, 2010.

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Vinzenz, Brinkmann, and Liebieghaus, eds. Die Launen des Olymp: Der Mythos von Athena, Marsyas und Apoll. Frankfurt am Main: Städtische Galerie Liebieghaus, 2008.

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Kasper-Butz, Irmgard. Die Göttin Athena im klassischen Athen: Athena als Repräsentantin des demokratischen Staates. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1990.

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Bettina, Hagen, Winckelmann-Memorialmuseum, and Akademie der Bildenden Künste in Wien., eds. Die Statue eines Dionysos: Ein unbekannt gebliebener Torso aus den Beständen der Gemäldegalerie der Akademie der bildenden Künste Wien ; eine Ausstellung "in progress" ; [Katalog einer Ausstellung im Winckelmann-Museum Stendal]. [Ruhpolding]: Rutzen, 2005.

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Aphrodite: Herrin des Krieges, Göttin der Liebe. Mainz: P. von Zabern, 2009.

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Carpenter, Thomas H. Dionysian imagery in fifth-century Athens. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

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Steiner, Reinhard. Prometheus: Ikonologische und anthropologische Aspekte der bildenden Kunst von 14. bis zum 17. Jahrhundert. München: Boer, 1991.

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