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1
Silva, Angela Moreira Domingues da. "Ditadura e justiça militar no Brasil : a atuação do Superior Tribunal Militar (1964-1980)." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/8816.
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The present study aims to analyzing the behavior of the Superior Military Court (STM in portuguese), the second instance of the Brazilian Military Justice, between the years of 1964 and 1980, in the process of construction of a new juridical order and in the judgment of military, political and political-military crimes. Since the coup of March 31st 1964, the STM has participated in the process of juridical-political punishment installed then. By editing the Institutional Act No. 2, in 1965, the Castelo Branco’s government has delegated to the Military Justice the trial of crimes against national security, seeking to solve problems generated by the tangle of legislation that defined by then the attributions of the STM e the Federal Supreme Court (STF in portuguese) in the judgment of offenses in the 'revolutionary' political conjuncture. According to the methodology adopted in this study, the Military Justice, as a whole, and the STM, in particular, have acted in this period by three distinct approaches: as a Corporative Justice (CJ), i.e., by judging military crimes; as a Regime Justice (RJ), directed towards the prosecution and trial of opponents to the regime, in cases of attacks against national security and against the administrative probity; and as a Political-corporative Justice (PCJ), by judging people charged with military offenses, but with a political motivation. Throughout the thesis, it was tried also to follow the manner the Court has behaved vis-à-vis the political and juridical changes that had inflicted in its structure and competence. As shown by this study, the impact of laws on the functioning of the STM is not immediate. The sluggishness of the justice and the procedural dynamics generated a lag between the governmental proposals and the judgments. One of the direct consequences of this phenomenon was the fact that the STM, mostly by acting as regime Justice, had to deal, simultaneously, with national security laws that would superpose and coexisted in the same juridical realm. It was verified that the decision-making pattern of the STM to judge each category tended to reproduce the decision of the Military Audits. This fact allows us to relativize the widespread thesis that the Court acted as a place of greater serenity and complacency towards those who were found guilty in the first instance.
O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a atuação do Superior Tribunal Militar (STM), segunda instância da Justiça Militar brasileira, entre os anos de 1964 e 1980, no processo de construção de uma nova ordem jurídica e no julgamento de crimes militares, políticos e político-militares. Após o golpe de 31 de março de 1964, o STM teve importante participação no processo de punição jurídico-política então instaurado. Com a edição do Ato Institucional nº 2, em 1965, o julgamento de crimes contra a segurança nacional foi transferido para a Justiça Militar, buscando reordenar problemas gerados pelo emaranhado legislativo que definia até então as atribuições do STM e do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) no julgamento de delitos vinculados à conjuntura política 'revolucionária'. Segundo a metodologia adotada neste trabalho, a Justiça Militar como um todo, e o STM em particular, atuaram nesse período por meio de três lógicas distintas: como Justiça corporativa (JC), ou seja, julgando crimes militares; como Justiça do regime (JR), direcionada para o processo e julgamento de opositores do regime, em casos de atentado contra a segurança nacional e contra a probidade administrativa; e como justiça político-corporativa (JPC), julgando incriminados em delitos militares, mas por motivação política. Ao longo da tese, buscamos também acompanhar a maneira como o Tribunal se comportou frente às mudanças políticas e jurídicas, que incidiram em sua estrutura e competência. Como demonstramos no trabalho, o impacto da produção legislativa sobre o labor do STM não foi imediato. A morosidade da justiça e a dinâmica processual geraram um descompasso temporal entre as propostas governamentais de modificação da estrutura jurídica e os julgamentos. Uma das consequências diretas desse fenômeno foi o fato de o STM, principalmente ao atuar como Justiça do regime, ter que lidar, ao mesmo tempo, com leis de segurança nacional que se superpunham e coabitavam o mesmo campo jurídico. Verificamos, ainda, que o padrão decisório do STM ao julgar em cada uma das categorias tendia a reproduzir as decisões das Auditorias Militares, dado esse que nos permite relativizar a difundida tese de que o Tribunal atuou como um espaço de maior serenidade e complacência para com os condenados em primeira instância.
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Moreno, Jorquera Marcela del Pilar. "Justicia militar : entre la reforma y la derogación : necesidad de un procedimiento ajustado a los principios de bases del ejercicio del a jurisdicción." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2012. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/113186.
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Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales)No autorizada por el autor para ser publicada a texto completo
A fin de delimitar el objeto de este trabajo y atendida la evolución histórica, social y estructural que ha tenido cada una de las instituciones a las que resulta aplicable la regulación penal y procesal que establece el Código de Justicia Militar, nos limitaremos al Ejército, especialmente en lo referente al ámbito disciplinarios; sin perjuicio de ello, muchas de las conclusiones en las que culminará este trabajo debieran considerarse para la Fuerza Aérea y para la Armada de Chile. Mención especial merece Carabineros de Chile por cuanto, tratándose de una Institución que habitualmente se relaciona con el mundo civil resulta en si cuestionable la aplicación de la normativa militar a su caso particular. Hipótesis de trabajo. El Ejército se funda sobre tres grandes pilares: obediencia, jerarquía y disciplina, principios presentes en el nuevo proceso de modernización de la Institución, pero, a fin 6 de consolidar este proceso resulta necesario que se adecúe el sistema de Justicia Militar en tiempos de paz a las normas establecidas en la Constitución , integrando a su respecto los principios de inamovilidad e independencia y asegurando de esta forma a los integrantes de la Institución la existencia de un procedimiento acorde con la Constitución y los estándares establecidos en los documentos internacionales que Chile ha suscrito
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Noziglia, Reyes Pablo Iszachar, and Matus Sergio Jonathan Silva. "Análisis crítico del actual procedimiento de justicia militar y propuesta superadora." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2008. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/106821.
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Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales)El tema de la presente memoria de grado no escapa a esta realidad, pues la justicia militar en Chile (específicamente el Código de Justicia Militar), desde hace ya mucho tiempo necesita tanto una revisión crítica, como una reforma, tanto en su parte procesal como en su parte penal, al tratar de las diversas conductas tipificadas como delito militar. Las razones que nos llevan a realizar este trabajo son de variada naturaleza y obedecen a muchos motivos, las que podemos resumirlas en las siguientes: - Nuestro actual Código de Justicia Militar data del año 1925, y desde aquella fecha no ha sido objeto de reforma sustancial alguna, lo que hace de este cuerpo legal una ley anquilosada, empantanada en viejas doctrinas y que no muestra una consecuencia sistémica con procedimientos similares en cuanto a sus fines y aspiraciones. La evolución que ha experimentado el Derecho después de la segunda Guerra Mundial, en lo que se refiere a la concepción y fines de la pena; las garantías procesales; evolución del llamado Derecho Internacional de los Derechos Humanos; las nuevas ideas del ejercicio de la democracia, así como del rol del Estado en esta, etc. La evolución que el propio Derecho Penal Militar ha experimentado desde el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta nuestros días, la concepción jurídica actual de delito militar; sus requisitos; personas que pueden cometer delitos militares, etc. Queremos brindar a través del presente texto, una revisión crítica del actual Código de Justicia Militar, contrastarlo con los principios contenidos en nuestra carta fundamental, y examinar cual es el sistema adoptado en derecho comparado
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Paniagua, Corazao Valentín. "Terrorismo y Tribunales Militares." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/108856.
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Câmara, Heloísa Fernandes. "STF na ditadura militar brasileira : um tribunal adaptável?" reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFPR, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1884/48195.
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Orientador : Prof. Dr. Egon Bockmann MoreiraTese (doutorado) - Universidade Federal do Paraná, Setor de Ciências Jurídicas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito. Defesa: Curitiba, 22/06/2017
Inclui referências : f. 243-268
Resumo: Durante os primeiros anos do regime militar (1964-1985), houve um processo contínuo de modificação do direito, fosse através da criação de novos tipos normativos (como o ato institucional) ou pela alteração da constituição e das leis. Esse processo de tentativa de controle do tempo e da narrativa constitucional também levou a significativas alterações no judiciário, e, especialmente, no STF. Desta forma, poder-se-ia indagar se o tribunal foi controlado pelo Executivo federal, de maneira a corroborar suas decisões. A criação do controle abstrato e concentrado de constitucionalidades (representação de inconstitucionalidade), em 1965, parece ser um exemplo do fortalecimento da Corte como forma de apoiar a arena da oposição ao Congresso Nacional, pois conferiria poder ao tribunal para declarar nulidade das leis, inclusive nas de âmbito federal. O processo das representações de inconstitucionalidade se mostra como uma fonte importante para acompanhar a maneira com que a Corte identificou suas funções e, também, como seus ministros decidiram os casos que chegavam a ela. Na análise das 65 representações julgadas, entre 1965 e 1968, o tribunal se mostrou comprometido com a função de decidir sobre a Constituição, ao mesmo tempo em que tentou se resguardar contra as alterações que diminuíssem sua autonomia. Dessa maneira, este trabalho traz novos elementos para avaliar a atuação histórica do STF, bem como a relevância e o uso do controle de constitucionalidade como mecanismo de resolução de conflitos políticos. Palavras-chave: Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF). Ditadura militar. Controle de constitucionalidade. Ato institucional.
Abstract: During the early years of the military regime (1964-1985) there was a continual process of amending the law either through the establishment of new normative acts (such as the institutional act), or by amendment to the constitution and laws. This process of attempting to control time and constitutional narrative also led to compelling changes in the judiciary, and especially in the Supreme Court. In this way one could ask if the court was controlled by the federal executive power, in order to corroborate its decisions. The establishment of abstract and concentrated control of constitutionality (a direct action on unconstitutionality) in 1965 seems to be an example of strengthening of the Court as a way of conferring an arena of opposition to the National Congress, since it gives the court the power to declare laws, including federal laws, as null and void. The process of representations of unconstitutionality is an important source to follow the way the Court sees its functions, and also, as its Justices rule on the cases. In the analysis of the 65 representations judged and decided between 1965 and 1968, the Court is already committed to the duty of deciding based on the Constitution, while at the same time trying to protect itself against changes that may diminish its autonomy. Along this line, this work brings new elements to evaluate the historical performance of the Supreme Court, as well as the relevance and use of the constitutionality control as a mechanism for the resolution of political conflicts. Keywords: Supreme Court (STF). Military Dictatorship. Constitutional Review. Institutional Act.
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Biraghi, Amanda <1996>. "Le "questioni irrisolte" del Tribunale Militare Internazionale per l'Estremo Oriente." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/18956.
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Il 12 novembre 1948 il Tribunale Militare Internazionale per l’Estremo Oriente terminò la lettura del proprio verdetto, condannando 25 politici e alti ufficiali dell’Impero giapponese per i crimini commessi dal Giappone durante la Seconda guerra mondiale. Il processo, tenutosi a Tokyo, è uno tra i più famosi esempi di “giustizia di transizione”. Partendo da un’analisi del procedimento giudiziario, l’elaborato evidenzia come le eccessive interferenze politiche delle nazioni sponsor abbiano portato al condono di numerosi crimini commessi dall’esercito imperiale, precludendo al Giappone la possibilità di assumersi a pieno le proprie responsabilità di guerra e riconciliarsi con le vittime della sua aggressione. Lo studio si prefigge di mostrare come le mancanze del Tribunale abbiano portato alla creazione di “questioni irrisolte”, ed espone in che modo esse abbiano influito sulle relazioni tra il Giappone ed i suoi vicini nell’area asiatica. A tal fine verrà evidenziato il nesso tra il fallimento giudiziario del Tribunale di Tokyo e l’attuale crisi diplomatica e commerciale con la Corea del Sud.
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McDermott, James. "The work of the Military Service Tribunals in Northamptonshire, 1916-1918." Thesis, University of Northampton, 2009. http://nectar.northampton.ac.uk/2792/.
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Military Service Tribunals were established following the passing of the first Military Service Act, 1916, to consider applications for exemption from men deemed thereby to have enlisted. Given that conscription itself was an entirely novel mechanism to early twentieth century Britons, there existed no criteria or known models against which the function of these bodies might have been measured or standardized. Gifted a marked degree of independence by Government, even to the point of determining the nature and quality of evidence they should consider in adjudicating cases, they represented a uniquely autonomous stage in the processes that took men from civilian to military life. Being comprised entirely of civilians, drawn from the communities upon which this new coercion fell, the Tribunals were also the visible, accessible face of Government policy. Their sittings became in effect the sole ‘official’ forums in which the human cost of industrial-scale warfare might be rehearsed without circumspection. Though charged with keeping the national interests of the country foremost in mind, many tribunalists appreciated, or discovered, that local issues and concerns represented no less fundamental a part of those interests than did the maintenance of the New Armies. This thesis, utilizing a rare, near-complete body of Appeals Tribunal records, examines the minutiae of the exemption process. It considers to what extent the contradictions inherent in a ‘system’ staffed by volunteers, implementing legislation that aimed towards an as-yet undefined manpower policy were, or could be, resolved. It also tests largely negative assumptions regarding the attitudes, motives and preconceptions of tribunalists in discharging their role. Finally, it assesses the validity of two prevalent, though conflicting, judgements upon the Tribunals collectively: that either they were too receptive to localist pressures in exempting far more men than had been anticipated by the architects of conscription, or, that in demonstrating an unswervingly middle-class empathy with militarist values, they fell far short of the judicial impartiality required of them by legislation
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Giménez, Montero Judith. "La posición de las víctimas de graves crímenes internacionales ante los tribunales militares internacionales y los tribunales penales internacionales." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/457527.
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La presente tesis examina la posición de las víctimas de graves crímenes internacionales en los procedimientos iniciados ante los tribunales militares internacionales, el Tribunal Militar Internacional de Nuremberg (en adelante, Tribunal de Nuremberg) y el Tribunal Militar Internacional de Tokio (en adelante, Tribunal de Tokio), por un lado, los tribunales penales internacionales ad hoc, es decir el Tribunal Penal Internacional para la Antigua Yugoslavia (en adelante, TPIY) y el Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda (en adelante, TPIR), junto con el Tribunal Especial para Sierra Leona (en adelante, TSL), por otro. Adicionalmente, se estudia la posición de las víctimas de graves crímenes internacionales en los procedimientos seguidos ante la Corte Penal Internacional (en adelante, CPI), las Salas Extraordinarias en las Cortes de Camboya (en adelante, ECCC por sus siglas en inglés) y el Tribunal Especial para el Líbano (en adelante, TEL).
Para ello, esta tesis empieza analizando el concepto de víctima a través del estudio del soft law y de las resoluciones de los tribunales objeto de estudio en torno a dicho concepto. Adicionalmente, la presente tesis examina la evolución que ha sufrido el régimen de los derechos reconocidos a dichas víctimas en los procedimientos iniciados ante los tribunales internacionales descritos anteriormente, previo análisis del contexto histórico-político en el que fueron establecidos dichos tribunales que son presentados como órganos jurisdiccionales de protección de las víctimas y como fundamento del Derecho penal internacional. Igualmente, se estudia la posición que se reconoce a las víctimas que participan en los procedimientos iniciados ante la CPI, las ECCC y el TEL y que solicitan una reparación por el daño sufrido, respecto de la posición de las víctimas ante los tribunales militares internacionales, los tribunales penales ad hoc y el TSL.
En conclusión, el estudio realizado en la presente tesis responde a la pregunta sobre si las víctimas de los crímenes bajo la competencia de la CPI, las ECCC y el TEL tienen acceso al sistema de justicia penal internacional que promueven y si dicho acceso permite la restauración de la dignidad de estas víctimas y el resarcimiento por el daño sufrido. Finalmente, la presente tesis identifica los problemas detectados, en la práctica, durante el ejercicio de los derechos reconocidos a estas víctimas, así como presenta los retos a los que se enfrentan la CPI, las ECCC y el TEL en el proceso para garantizar el sistema de justicia penal internacional que promueven y previsto en sus tratados constitutivos, así como en sus normas procedimentales.La present tesi examina la posició de les víctimes de greus crims internacionals en els procediments iniciats davant els tribunals militars internacionals, el Tribunal Militar Internacional de Nuremberg (d´ara endavant, Tribunal de Nuremberg) i el Tribunal Militar Internacional de Tòquio (d´ara endavant, Tribunal de Tòquio), per una banda, i els tribunals penals internacionals ad hoc, és a dir el Tribunal Penal Internacional per l´Antiga Iugoslàvia (d´ara endavant, TPIY) i el Tribunal Penal Internacional per Ruanda (d´ara endavant, TPIR), juntament amb el Tribunal Especial per Sierra Leona (d´ara endavant, TSL), per una altra banda. Addicionalment, s´estudia la posició de les víctimes de greus crims internacionals en els procediments seguits davant la Cort Penal Internacional (CPI), les Sales Extraordinàries en les Corts de Cambotja (d´ara endavant, ECCC per les seves sigles en anglès) i el Tribunal Especial pel Líban (d´ara endavant, TEL). Inicialment aquesta tesi analitza el concepte de víctima a través de l´estudi del soft law i de les resolucions dels tribunals objecte d´estudi entorn a aquest concepte. Així mateix, la present tesi examina l´evolució soferta en el règim dels drets reconeguts a aquestes víctimes en els procediments iniciats davant els tribunals internacionals esmentats anteriorment, previ anàlisi del context històric-polític en el que van ser establerts aquests tribunals que són presentats com a òrgans jurisdiccionals de protecció de les víctimes i com a fonament del Dret penal internacional. Addicionalment, s´estudia la posició reconeguda a les víctimes que participen en els procediments iniciats davant la CPI, les ECCC i el TEL i sol.liciten una reparació pel dany sofert respecte de la posició de les víctimes en els tribunals militars internacionals, els tribunals penals ad hoc i el TSL. En conclusió, l´estudi realitzat per la present tesi respon a la pregunta sobre si les víctimes dels crims sota la competència de la CPI, les ECCC i el TEL tenen accés al sistema de justícia penal internacional que promouen i si aquest accés permet la restauració de la dignitat d´aquestes víctimes i el rescabalament pel dany sofert. Finalment, la present tesi identifica els problemes detectats, a la pràctica durant l´exercici dels drets reconeguts a aquestes víctimes, al mateix temps que es presenten els reptes als quals s´enfronten la CPI, les ECCC i el TEL en el procés per garantir el sistema de justícia penal internacional que promouen i previst en els seus tractats constitutius, així com a les seves normes procedimentals.
This study examines the role of victims of serious international crimes in the procedures before the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal, the Tokio International MilitaryTribunal, the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunals, i.e. the International Criminal Tribunal in the Former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal in Rwanda, and before the Special Tribunal for Sierra Leona. This study also analyzes the role of victims of serious international crimes in the procedures before the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon. This study seeks first to analyze the concept of victim through the soft law and the international case law in relation to that concept. Additionally, this study examines the victims´ rights evolution in international criminal proceedings starting with an insight into the historical and political background of these international tribunals. The study considers these tribunals a source of protection for victims of serious international crimes, which have also contributed to the construction of the International Criminal Law. It also examines the approach of grantig victims of serious international crimes with a participatory right in the international criminal proceedings, as well as a right to claim compensation before the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon as compared to the International Militar Tribunals, the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunals and the Special Tribunal for Sierra Leona. To that end, this study answers a question whether victims of serious international crimes under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon have access in meeting its primary goal of providing justice to victims, and whether this access allows the recovery of victims´dignity, and the right to claim compensation. Finally, this study presents some practical drawbacks that have been identified implementing the rights recognized to these victims, as well as the challenges faced by the International Criminal Court, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia and the Special Tribunal for Lebanon in the process of granting international criminal justice.
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Novati, Daniela. "Réticences des Etats et érosion de la compétence de la Cour pénale internationale." Thesis, Dijon, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013DIJOD003.
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L’échec de l’impérativité du droit international pénal et la fragilité de la justice pénale internationale qui en résulte ne dépendent pas du choix normatif d’un modèle de juridiction, ad hoc ou conventionnel, mais simplement des défaillances et des réticences des États à l’égard de la norme choisie. Ce constat d’évidence trouve sa confirmation dans le processus de mise en place et de fonctionnement de la Cour pénale internationale, fâcheusement contournée à faire prévaloir sur la lutte contre l’impunité une lutte pour la « justiciabilité » des auteurs des crimes les plus graves qui heurtent la conscience de l’Humanité : crimes contre l’humanité, crime de génocide, crimes de guerre, crime d’agression. L’obstacle qu’elle doit essentiellement surmonter est en effet que sa compétence peut être délibérément mise en échec à tout moment, directement ou indirectement, par tout État avant tout soucieux de sa propre souveraineté, qu’il soit ou non partie au Statut de Rome. L’observation des stratégies étatiques montre d’une part que la faculté de renoncer à l’exercice de sa propre compétence répressive se traduit par une négation de l’impérativité des engagements souscrits auparavant, certains Etats se désolidarisent de la répression dont ils se sont désistés. D’autre part, et à l’inverse, l’exercice légitime de sa compétence répressive par un Etat peut très facilement lui permettre de glisser vers une obstruction chronique de la juridiction internationale, voire ou déni du droit impératif qui la régit. En l’absence d’une réelle reconnaissance de la juridiction internationale, les conséquences de telles attitudes sont d’une ampleur qui dépasse l’imagination. Seul un comportement coopératif et constructif, affranchi des compromis égoïstes et opportunistes des États, pourrait parer au risque actuel d’une érosion progressive de l’architecture punitive partagée mise en place par les États eux-mêmes lors de la création de la Cour pénale internationale et ainsi de garantir que soient punis à coup sûr les auteurs de crimes insupportablesThe failure to make international criminal law imperative and the resulting fragility of international criminal justice should not be understood as the consequence of a normative choice toward a jurisdictional model, be it ad hoc or conventional. Rather, it derives from the State's weaknesses and reluctance to abide by the chosen norm. This is clearly confirmed by the very way the International Criminal Court was implemented, functions and is being sadly circumvented. Instead of bolstering the fight against impunity, it focuses on the fight for the “justiciability” of the perpetrators of the most serious crimes, resulting in subsequent negative effects on Humanity’s consciousness: crimes against humanity, crime of genocide, war crimes and crime of aggression. Owing to the fact that a State's primary concern is its own sovereignty, the biggest obstacle the Court has to overcome remains that at any moment, directly or indirectly, its competence can be intentionally overruled by any State, signatory or not of the Treaty of Rome. Observing State strategies shows that relinquishing one’s repressive authority is generally seen through a negation of formerly made commitments: some States dissociate from the repression monopoly they disclaim. Conversely, the legitimate exercise of a State’s repressive authority can easily result in regular obstruction of international jurisdiction, and even the refusal of the imperative law that governs it. Without any genuine recognition of international jurisdiction, such attitudes have undeniable serious consequences that far outreach the imagination. The only solution is cooperative and constructive behavior, free of opportunistic and selfish compromises of States. This behavior could protect against the current risk of the progressive erosion regarding shared punitive organization which States themselves implemented through the creation of the International Criminal Court. The result would guarantee the punishment of perpetrators of unbearable crimes
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Junior, Walter Cruz Swensson. "Os limites da liberdade: a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal no julgamento de crimes políticos durante o regime militar de 1964 (1964-1979)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-10072007-112654/.
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Durante o regime militar de 1964, o Supremo Tribunal Federal não atuou de maneira uniforme. Fatores internos e externos interferiram nas decisões do tribunal. Resultantes do enfrentamento entre os militares e os movimentos de oposição; e de contradições internas do STF. As oscilações dessa dinâmica resultaram em momentos de independência de atuação do STF e de expansão e retração dos direitos civis. No trabalho foram analisados os julgamentos de crimes políticos pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) durante o regime militar de 1964. 137 habeas-corpus (HC) interpostos no STF, no período de abril 1964, após o golpe militar até o Ato Institucional nº 5 (AI-5) e 292 recursos ordinários criminais (RCR) impetrados no período de 1964, após o golpe militar, a 1979, antes da anistia. Com a análise dos julgamentos podemos perceber as tensões, as rupturas e o ideário político do Supremo Tribunal FederalDuring the military regimen of 1964, the Supremo Tribunal Federal did not act in way uniform. Internal and external factors intervened with the decisions of the court. Resultant external factors of the confrontation between the military and the movements of opposition, and internal factors of the STF. The oscillations of this dynamics resulted at moments of independence of the STF and expansion and retraction of the civil rights. In the work I analyzed the sentences of the politic crimes by Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) during the military regime of 1964. 137 habeas-corpus (HC) petitioned in the STF, in the period of April 1964, after the military coup, until the Institucional Act nº 5 (AI-5) and 292 Recursos Ordinarios Criminais (RCR) petitioned in the STF in the period of 1964, after the military coup, the 1979, before the amnesty. With the analysis of the sentences we can perceive the tensions, the ruptures and the politic conduct of the STF
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Mbogna, Brice Landry. "Délits politiques et jugements au Tribunal Militaire de Pampelune (1936-1950)." Angers, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013ANGE0053.
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Cette thèse analyse la Justice Militaire comme instrument de répression politique et sociale, né dans le sillage de la Guerre Civile espagnole à partir de 1936. La violence juridique était la conséquence du franquisme, né des révolutions sociales au cours du XXe siècle. L'analyse aborde l'application des discours juridique et politique et ses conséquences entre 1936 et 1950. A partir de procès-verbaux de sensibilités partisanes, elle cerne les normes politique et juridique espagnoles en vigueur et l'appréhension des délits attribués aux républicains. L'analyse met donc en évidence les modes opératoires de la violence politique et sociale du franquisme à l'échelle régionale, nationale et internationale, tout en soulignant un discours dans lequel les partisans de la République espagnole étaient perçus comme une caractéristique du trouble social. Les franquistes font de la justice militaire le moteur de la répression, oscillant entre non-respect des Droits de l'Homme et indignation de l'opinion internationale. Du point de vue de la société espagnole, cette thèse contribue à l'histoire de la répression des classes, telle qu'elle se décline sous le franquisme le long du XXe siècle. Dans un premier temps, la vengeance radicalise les phalangistes, avec l'apparition d'entités politiques aux pratiques et référentiels proches du nazi-fascisme. Franco concentre ensuite ses efforts sur la répression des républicains à travers des procès fallacieux, tout en affirmant qu'il est respectueux des Droits de l'Homme. Il maintiendra cette posture aussi bien pour sa période d'activité répressive intense (1936-1944) que lors de sa confrontation avec la communauté internationale (1945-1950)
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Gedoz, Cassiano. "O supremo tribunal federal e o alcance da lei da anistia: As disputas de um processo inconcluso." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2013. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/4297.
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Em 21 de outubro de 2008, a Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (OAB) protocolou no Supremo Tribunal Federal uma Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental (ADPF 153), na qual questionava a interpretação consolidada do artigo 1º do parágrafo 1º da Lei de Anistia nº 6.683, de 28 de agosto de 1979. Na interpretação que se questiona, a anistia caracteriza-se por ser recíproca, estando anistiados, portanto, também, os representantes do Estado brasileiro que cometeram crimes de tortura, morte e desaparecimento de pessoas durante o período da ditadura civil-militar (1964-1985). O desfecho da ADPF 153 deu-se à 28 e 29 de abril de 2010, com a votação em plenário, na qual sete ministros do Supremo votaram contra, e dois a favor da proposição da OAB, ficando a lei de 1979 inalterada para os efeitos requeridos, principalmente a possibilidade de julgamento dos crimes perpetrados durante o regime de exceção. Nesta pesquisa, contemplamos a ADPF 153, centrando-se de uma análise histórica, a partir das manifestações dos seus envolvidos. O julgamento demonstrou que nele interagiram não apenas questões jurídicas, mas que o passado histórico era objeto constante de debate, principalmente nos votos dos ministros que indeferiram a ação. A tentativa da OAB, ao propor a reinterpretação da Lei de Anistia à luz dos preceitos constitucionais vigentes, é requerer a persecução penal dos agentes públicos que tenham cometido crimes de tortura, morte e desaparecimento durante o regime ditatorial. Esta tentativa, no entanto, encontrou uma disputa sobre o passado muito marcante durante o julgamento da Arguição. A maior parte das manifestações utilizou-se de argumentações de caráter histórico, levando constantemente os envolvidos a apropriações e disputas pela memória do passado, em um processo no qual as dimensões do âmbito jurídico, do social, do político e do histórico entram em confluência.
In 2008, the Lawyers Association of Brazil (LAB) filed in the Supreme Federal Bound Tribunal (SFBT) an Argumentation of Noncompliance of Fundamental Precept (ANFP 153), in which it was questioned the consolidated interpretation of the 1st article of the1st paragraph of the Amnesty Law number 6.683, from August 28th, 1979. In that, the amnesty is defined to be reciprocal, being amnestied, in this way, also, the representatives of the Brazilian State who committed crimes of torture, death and people disappearance during the Military Dictatorship period (1964-1985). The denouement of the ANFP 153 happened on April 28th and 29th, 2010, with the voting in plenary, of the LAB proposition, in which seven ministers voted against the filed action, and two of them voted in favor of it – making the law of 1979 unchanged for the required effects – among them, the possibility of judgment of the perpetrated crimes during the exception regime. In this research, we behold the ADF 153, bringing into focus the historical analysis, starting with those who were involved on the manifestations. The judgment demonstrates that it does not interact only with Juridical questions, but the historical past was a constantly object to debate. Mainly, in Ministers’ votes that rejected the action. The attempt of OAB, while proposing the reinterpretation of the Annesty Law based on the effectives ones, was requesting the penal executions for those who committed the torture, death and disappearances crimes during the Military Dictatorship Period. Otherwise this attempt found a remarkable past contest during the arguments judgment. T\he most manifestations were used historical reasons. Constantly leading people involved to appropriation and fights around past memory, in a process which juridical, social, politics and historical matter’s scopes gets in confluence.
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Santos, Fabricia Cristina de Sá. "Direito e autoritarismo: o Supremo Tribunal Federal e os processos de habeas-corpus entre 1964-1969." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2868.
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Previous issue date: 2008-11-17Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo
The main goal of this work is to examine the position of the Supreme Court (STF) regarding habeas-corpus requests during the first years of the Military Regime in Brazil (1964-1969). The principal question that we tried to answer was, in the face of the gradual installation of authoritarianism and the suspension of the Right of the State, beginning with the Coup of 1964, how the ministers, whose constitutional duty was to guarantee the protection of civil rights under the aegis of the Brazilian Judiciary, were able to position themselves and vote. Also, whether the voting of the STF ministers in such processes, would follow standards from such different factors regarding the means of recommendation and nomination of judges for the STF; their different professional background, public careers and political paths of those ministers prior to their placement on the Supreme Court. In order to respond to these questions, the study adopted the following processes: raising and analyzing the bibliographical material in the fields of Law and Political Science, related to the period and to the institution of habeas-corpus; quantitative and qualitative analysis of 238 processes of habeas-corpus which had been brought to the STF between 1964 and 1969, and the examination of biographical data in the professional and public areas of the ministers who composed the Supreme Court during the period in question. The data collected received statistical treatment and, with a base of career models developed, starting from the biographical information of the ministers, we could verify the weight of the political factors and the importance of the professional paths in explaining the bases of the votes issued by the ministers. The results allowed us to conclude that there was a great weight from external factors on the votes of the ministers changes in the judicial structure, internal factors weight of the vote by the court recorder, and on the career path (magistrate or politician). Research results showed that the Supreme Court (STF) adopted an intermediate posture, given the fact that there was no direct and open confrontation with the government. The court justices made an effort to use available judicial openings to grant the largest possible number of habeas corpus. However, as institutional acts and decrees were closing around the authoritarian circle, the court had its performance possibilities reduced until 1969 when the military suspended the writ of habeas corpus itself
Esta pesquisa se insere no campo de estudos políticos sobre o Poder Judiciário e tem como objetivo principal analisar os votos dos Ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) no julgamento dos pedidos de habeas-corpus durante os primeiros anos do Regime Militar no Brasil (1964-1969). A principal demanda que procuramos responder foi se, diante da instalação gradual do autoritarismo e da suspensão do Estado de Direito, a partir do Golpe de 1964, como se posicionaram e votaram os ministros integrantes do órgão de cúpula do Judiciário brasileiro, que tem por função constitucional garantir a proteção dos direitos civis de liberdade. Também, se os votos dos ministros do STF em tais processos, obedeceriam a padrões decorrentes de diferentes fatores, como a forma de indicação e nomeação de juízes para o STF; suas diferentes formações profissionais, carreiras públicas e trajetórias políticas dos referidos ministros até sua chegada ao Supremo Tribunal Federal. Para responder a estas perguntas, a pesquisa adotou os seguintes procedimentos: levantamento e análise bibliográfica nos campos do Direito e da Ciência Política, relativa ao período e ao instituto do habeas-corpus; análise quantitativa e qualitativa de 238 processos de habeas-corpus, que deram entrada no STF entre 1964 e 1969 e o levantamento dos dados biográficos e da trajetória profissional e pública dos ministros que compunham o Supremo Tribunal Federal no período em questão. Os dados coletados receberam tratamento estatístico e, com base em modelos de carreira , desenvolvidos a partir das informações biográficas dos ministros, verificamos o peso dos fatores políticos e a importância das trajetórias profissionais na explicação dos padrões de votos emitidos pelos ministros. Os resultados nos permitem concluir que houve grande peso sobre os votos dos ministros dos fatores externos mudanças no ordenamento jurídico, fatores internos peso do voto do relator, e da trajetória de carreira (magistratura ou política)
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Bock, Adam R. "ESTABLISHING POST-CONFLICT JUSTICE THROUGH U.S. OCCUPATION: MILITARY TRIBUNALS AS A MEANS OF TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/32795.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedThis thesis examines post-conflict justice in Iraq following the U.S. invasion, specifically, the legitimacy of the Iraq High Criminal Court and its first deliberation, the Al-Dujail trial of Saddam Hussein. It asks How can the United States infuse transitional justice through Western forms of judicial procedures into the democratic transition of non- Western nations under U.S. military occupation The analysis begins with International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg as a model of transformative post-conflict justice. Then it turns to the cloudier legacy of the Tokyo Trials, where the internal contradictions of this approach gathered force in the non-Western context and laid bare the shortcomings of the Nuremberg model. Finally, it examines the Iraqi tribunal, which demonstrated many of the shortcomings of earlier tribunals, to the detriment of the United States and the new Iraqi government. This thesis does not concern itself with the guilt or innocence of the former Iraqi dictator. The purpose is to better understand how the Coalition Provisional Authority established legal jurisdiction and to review the issues surrounding Saddams trial. Finally, it suggests judicial processes that could be employed in non-Western cultures to support the transition from an insurgent post-conflict environment to peace.
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TIEGHI, SAMUELE. "LE CORTI MARZIALI DI SALO'. IL TRIBUNALE MILITARE REGIONALE DI GUERRA DI MILANO (1943-1945)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/232577.
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THE COURTS-MARTIAL OF SALO '
THE REGIONAL MILITARY COURT OF MILAN
(1943-1945)
THE RESEARCH INTENDS TO HIGHLIGHT THE WORK DONE BY THE REGIONAL MILITARY COURT OF MILAN DURING THE HISTORICAL PERIOD OF THE ITALIAN SOCIAL REPUBLIC, IN PARTICULAR TO THE COURT PROCEEDINGS FILED REGARDING THE CASES OF DESERTION AND ABSENCE WITHOUT LEAVE TO MILITARY SERVICE .
HOWEVER, RESEARCH CONCERNS MORE BROAD TOPICS BASED ON THREE DIFFERENT LEVELS:
A)THE OPERATION OF MILITARY JUSTICE IN THE ITALIAN SOCIAL REPUBLIC
B)JUDICIAL ACTION OF CRIMES TO THE JURISDICTION OF THE COURTS OF REGIONAL MILITARY
C)THE CASE OF THE REGIONAL MILITARY COURT IN MILAN THROUGH THE FUNDS DEPOSITED AT THE STATE ARCHIVES OF MILAN.
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Takeda, Kayoko. "Sociopolitical aspects of interpreting at the international military tribunal for the far east (1946-1948)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/8769.
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Este estudio se basa en la premisa de que la interpretación es una actividad social y que por tanto necesita describirse y explicarse en referencia al contexto cultural, político y social del escenario en que el intérprete opera. Se estudian los aspectos sociopolíticos de la interpretación en el Tribunal Militar Internacional para el Lejano Oriente (TMILO, 1946-1948) mediante una investigación archivística e histórica de la organización de la interpretación y un estudio de caso del comportamiento de los lingüistas (especialistas del idioma) que trabajaron en el proceso de interpretación.Tras exponer resumidamente la organización de la interpretación, este estudio analiza las características propias de interpretar en el TMILO. En primer lugar, investiga por qué el tribunal organizó la interpretación de forma que tres grupos diferentes social y étnicamente se encargaban de tres funciones diferentes: los ciudadanos japoneses actuaban de intérpretes en el procedimiento, los nisei (Japoneses- americanos de segunda generación) monitorizaban la actuación de los intérpretes, y oficiales militares caucasianos, en calidad de peritos lingüísticos, decidían las discrepancias en las traducciones e interpretaciones. Este estudio desvela que la carencia de lingüistas americanos competentes condujo al uso de ciudadanos japoneses como intérpretes; y que dicha estructura jerárquica funcionaba como una muestra de autoridad y para impedir la "mala fe" que, supuestamente, albergaban los intérpretes japoneses y los monitores nisei.
En segundo lugar, se aplica el concepto de "normas negociadas" para examinar cómo se desarrollaron los procesos de interpretación durante el primer año del TMILO en que ninguno de los lingüistas había recibido formación como intérprete profesional y los usuarios de la interpretación no estaban familiarizados con su funcionamiento. Este examen subraya el aspecto interactivo de la creación de normas y las limitaciones cognitivas del intérprete como un factor de dicho proceso.
Por último, se examina la ambigua y compleja posición de los monitores nisei. Fueron contratados por un gobierno que les había tratado injustamente como "enemigos ajenos", en un juicio contra los antiguos líderes de la patria de sus padres; y usaban habilidades arraigadas en su herencia para trabajar como monitores.
Se estudia el comportamiento de los lingüistas durante los testimonios de Hideki Tojo y otros testigos japoneses centrándonos en la naturaleza de las interjecciones de los monitores y de los intérpretes y las interacciones entre los lingüistas y otros participantes del juicio. Algunos de los resultados apoyan la hipótesis que conecta el comportamiento de los lingüistas con su posición provisional en la constelación de poder de este escenario.
En último lugar de la jerarquía, los intérpretes japoneses hablan en contadas ocasiones por cuenta propia y casi nunca ponen objeciones a las interjecciones aparentemente innecesarias o incluso erróneas de los monitores. Dada la situación intermedia de los monitores en el sistema de interpretación, sus aparentemente excesivas interjecciones en japonés pueden explicarse como una muestra de autoridad hacia los intérpretes japoneses y como un mensaje al tribunal (que no entendía japonés) de que estaban trabajando con eficacia corrigiendo errores de interpretación. La menor frecuencia de interjecciones en inglés por parte de estos monitores puede ser debida a la consideración por la preocupación de sus patrones por la falta de tiempo. El perito lingüístico no se involucraba en ninguna actividad espontánea, pero su presencia al lado de la fiscalía y sus anuncios de resoluciones de disputas lingüísticas en el tribunal debe haber reforzado la imagen de que el ejército estadounidense estaba al mando.
Los resultados de este estudio refuerzan la idea de que la interpretación es una práctica social. La influencia de los aspectos sociopolíticos del escenario se hace evidente en la organización de la interpretación. Además, la información disponible sugiere que el comportamiento de los lingüistas era consecuente con su posición relativa en la jerarquía. El autor espera que algunos de los temas tratados en este estudio, como la confianza, la ética, las relaciones de poder y las normas negociadas, sean revisados para una mayor comprensión de los temas relacionados con el idioma en nuestra sociedad actual.
This study is based on the premise that interpreting is a social activity, which therefore needs to be described and explained with reference to the social, political and cultural context of the setting in which the interpreter operates. Sociopolitical aspects of interpreting at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE, 1946-1948) are studied through historical and archival research of the interpreting arrangements and a case study on the behavior of linguists (language specialists) who worked in the interpreting process during the testimonies of Hideki Tojo and other Japanese witnesses. Three sets of concepts are applied to analyze three salient features of interpreting at the IMTFE. Based on the notions of "trust, power and control", the historical and political context of the IMTFE and the social and cultural backgrounds of each linguist group are examined to explore why the tribunal devised the interpreting arrangements in which three ethnically and socially different groups of linguists engaged in three different functions: interpreter, monitor and language arbiter. The concept of "negotiated norms" is applied to discuss the interactional aspect of how the interpreting procedures developed over the initial stage of the trial, with the interpreters' cognitive constraints as a factor in that process. Cronin's notion (2002) of "autonomous and heteronomous interpreters" is drawn on to discuss the complex position of the Japanese American linguists who worked as monitors. The nature of interjections by the monitors and interpreters and the interactions between the court and each linguist group during the interpreted testimonies of Japanese witnesses are examined. Findings of this analysis support the hypothesis which links interpreters' choices, strategies and behavior to their awareness of where they stand in the power constellation of the interpreted event.
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Alves, Taiara Souto. "Dos quartéis aos tribunais : a atuação das auditorias militares de Porto Alegre e Santa Maria no julgamento de civis em processos políticos referentes às leis de segurança nacional (1964-1978)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/17669.
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O presente trabalho analisa, a partir das fichas contidas nos livros chamados "Rol dos denunciados", a atuação das Auditorias Militares de Porto Alegre e Santa Maria em julgamentos de supostos crimes contra a Lei de Segurança Nacional no período entre 1964 e 1978. Avalia, com base nos documentos disponíveis, as questões relacionadas às ações de oposição à ditadura denunciadas às Auditorias Militares de Porto Alegre e de Santa Maria, à existência de uma possível relação entre as ações de oposição à ditadura julgadas por essas Auditorias e aquelas ações analisadas pela historiografia e por livros de memória a respeito do Rio Grande do Sul, à concentração dos processos em determinados períodos, à coincidência entre esses períodos e aqueles em que a repressão foi mais agressiva, ao perfil dos denunciados entre 1964 e 1978 por infringir as Leis de Segurança Nacional em ambas as Auditorias, às semelhanças ou distinções em relação ao perfil de outros processados no resto do país e à conexão entre a Justiça Militar e o aparato repressivo da ditadura. Conclui que os julgamentos das ações de oposição à ditadura concentraram-se em dois períodos: entre 1964 e 1966, em Santa Maria, e em 1965 e 1966 em Porto Alegre no contexto histórico da primeira "Operação Limpeza", e em 1970, na Auditoria de Porto Alegre, ligados à repressão dos grupos de luta armada. Quanto ao perfil dos denunciados, conclui que enquanto na Auditoria Militar de Porto Alegre o padrão de perfil dos indivíduos em processos políticos era conforme com o padrão nacional, ou seja, majoritariamente homens com até 25 anos de idade, os denunciados na Auditoria Militar de Santa Maria eram homens mais velhos, majoritariamente acima dos 30 anos de idade. Conclui ainda que a Justiça Militar representou a última instância 'legal" de repressão, convergindo informações obtidas por meio da espionagem realizada pelos diversos órgãos de coleta de informações e das investigações feitas pela polícia política (Departamento de Polícia Federal - DPF-, Departamento de Ordem Política e Social - DOPSDestacamento de Operações de Informações - Centro de Operações de Defesa Interna - DOICODI, Delegacias de Polícia e quartéis) por meio dos Inquéritos Policiais Militares, resultando posteriormente em processos judiciais contra os denunciados.This study analysis, from files contained in books called "Rol dos denunciados", the Porto Alegre and Santa Maria's militaries auditoria actuation in trials of supposed crimes against the National Security Law during the period between 1964 and 1978. It balances, based on those records available, the issues related to: rebellious operations against the military dictatorship denounced to the Porto Alegre and Santa Maria's militaries auditoria; existence of potential relationship between these rebellious operations brought to justice by these militaries auditoria and those rebellious operations analyzed by historical writing and in books of memories about Rio Grande do Sul; concentration of trials in particular periods of time; coincidence of these particular periods of time and those periods when military repression was more offensive; profile of denounced suspects between 1964 and 1978 for transgression against the National Security Law in both militaries auditoria; similarities and contrasts in relation to others denounced suspects profile in the rest of country; connections between Military Justice and the dictatorship repression instruments. It concludes that trials of rebellious operations against dictatorship were intensified during two periods of time: between 1964 and 1966, in Santa Maria, and between 1965 and 1966, in Porto Alegre, in the historical context of the first military operation called "Operação Limpeza"; and in 1970, in Porto Alegre military auditoria, which were connected to the military repression of rebellious armed groups. As to the profile of denounced suspects, it concludes that while in the Porto Alegre military auditoria the standard profile of individuals in politic trials was similar to the national standard, it is, majority 25-years-old men, individuals from Santa Maria military auditoria were older men, majority older than 30-years-old. This study also concludes that the Military Justice represented the final legal instance of repression, congregating information obtained through espionage carried out by a variety range of organs responsible for collecting information and by investigations carried out by the politic official police (Departamento de Polícia Federal - DPF-, Departamento de Ordem Política e Social - DOPS-, Destacamento de Operações de Informações - Centro de Operações de Defesa Interna - DOI-CODI, Delegacias de Polícia e quartéis) by means of military police inquiry, later resulting in trials against denounced suspects.
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Valério, Otávio Lucas Solano. "A toga e a farda: o Supremo Tribunal Federal e o Regime Militar (1964-1969)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2139/tde-16082011-164739/.
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O tema desta dissertação é a relação entre Supremo Tribunal Federal e executivo militar no período de institucionalização do regime militar brasileiro (1964-1969). O trabalho examina (i) o papel desempenhado pelo Supremo durante tal período, (ii) as causas e os mecanismos pelos quais o tribunal foi enquadrado no espírito da Revolução, e (iii) como o regime militar de 1964 interferiu no exercício pela corte de suas funções de poder político e protetor dos direitos e garantias individuais. A pesquisa foca os acórdãos proferidos pelo Supremo entre 1964 e 1969. A dissertação está dividida em duas grandes partes. A primeira parte tem por objetivo contextualizar o leitor, descrevendo, entre outros tópicos, (i) o impacto da doutrina da segurança nacional no direito e no ordenamento jurídico, e (ii) a importância do bacharéis da UDN para história da corte durante tal período. A segunda parte do trabalho é o coração da dissertação. O capítulo 2 explica o novo direito constitucional brasileiro criado pelo preâmbulo do Ato Institucional nº 1. O capítulo 3 analisa dezenas de decisões proferidas pelo Supremo entre o Ato Institucional nº 1 (9.4.1964) e o Ato Institucional nº 2 (27.10.1965). Demonstra como a jurisprudência do Supremo evoluiu da incompetência declarada pela própria corte para julgar os habeas corpus ajuizados pelos inimigos da Revolução à concessão de dezenas desses habeas corpus, mesmo contra os interesses do executivo militar. Os militares responderam editando o Ato Institucional nº 2, pelo qual o número de ministros foi aumentado de 11 para 16 e a competência da justiça comum para julgar habeas corpus relativos a crimes políticos foi transferida para a justiça militar. O capítulo 4 explica as conseqüências do Ato Institucional nº 2 para a jurisprudência do STF, revelando que, mesmo com a nomeação de novos ministros pelos presidentes militares, dezenas de habeas corpus continuaram a ser concedidos em favor dos adversários do regime. Em resposta, o presidente Costa e Silva editou o Ato Institucional nº 5, aposentando à força três ministros e proibindo a concessão pelo judiciário de novos habeas corpus em casos de crimes políticos. Em 1969, o número de ministros foi reduzido pelos militares de 16 para 11. Em conclusão, a dissertação comprova que o processo de enquadramento do Supremo executado pelos militares foi finalmente concluído em 1969.This paper addresses the relationship between the Brazilian Supreme Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal) and the executive branch during the organization of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1969). It examines (i) the role played by Supremo during such period, (ii) the causes and mechanisms whereby the court was framed in the spirit of the Revolution, and (iii) how the military regime of 1964 interfered in the exercise by the court of its functions of police maker and protector of personal rights and guarantees. The research focus on the rulings rendered by Supremo between 1964 and 1969. This paper is divided in two main parts. The first one contextualizes the reader, describing, among other matters, (i) the impact of the national security doctrine (doutrina da segurança nacional) in Law and in the legal system, and (ii) the significant role played by the UDN bachelors of Law for the history of the court during such period. The second part is the heart of the paper. Chapter 2 explains the new Brazilian Constitutional Law created by the prologue of Ato Institucional nº 1. Chapter 3 analyses tens of Supremo rulings rendered between Ato Institucional nº 1 (4.9.1964) and Ato Institucional nº 2 (10.27.1965). It addresses how Supremos case law shifted from denying its own jurisdiction to rule on the writs of habeas corpus filed by the enemies of the Revolution to granting tens of such habeas corpus, even against the will of the military regime. The military responded enacting Ato Institucional nº 2, whereby the number of justices was increased from 11 to 16 and the jurisdiction of the civil courts to rule on habeas corpus regarding political offenses was transferred to the military courts. Chapter 4 explains the consequences of Ato Institucional nº 2 to Supremos case law, revealing that, despite the appointment of new justices by the military presidents, tens of habeas corpus continued to be granted in benefit of the political opponents of the regime. President Costa e Silva responded enacting Ato Institucional nº 5, forcing the retirement of three justices and forbidding the granting by the judiciary of new habeas corpus regarding political offenses. In 1969, the number of justices was reduced by the military from 16 to 11. In conclusion, this paper proves that the framing of Supremo Tribunal Federal carried out by the military regime was finally accomplished in 1969.
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Sedgwick, James Burnham. "The trial within : negotiating justice at the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, 1946-1948." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42658.
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This dissertation explores the inner-workings of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (IMTFE). Commonly known as the Tokyo trial, Tokyo tribunal, or Tokyo IMT, the IMTFE brought Japan’s wartime leadership to justice for aggression, crimes against humanity, and war crimes committed during World War II. Using rare sources in three languages from public and private collections in eight countries, this dissertation presents a multi-perspective experiential history of the IMTFE in operation. By placing the court in a distinct international moment that produced the United Nations, the Nuremberg trial, the Genocide Convention, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, among other outgrowths of global community, this work explores the IMTFE as both a groundbreaking judicial undertaking and a pioneering multilateral institution. Other scholars use overly reductive and judgmental constructs based on outside-looking-in perspectives to assess the court’s legal or moral legitimacy without appreciating or detailing its nuance and complexity. This dissertation prefers an inside-out view to explain the trial, not judge it. It describes the IMTFE as a collective endeavour and experience behind the scenes. Chapters review the personal, emotional, administrative, logistical, legal, political, and global dimensions of internationalism in action. Justice emerged as a contested encounter inside an involute web of intimate and external factors; transitional and transnational forces. Outside pressures – including postwar idealism, decolonisation, and the Cold War – meshed with and filtered through the intrinsic elements of ‘being international’ on the ground: social interaction, personal responses, and professional engagement. This ‘trial within’ influenced every aspect of IMTFE processes and outcomes, and the complexity of its internal dynamics best explains enduring criticism and memory of the court as a political trial or manifestation of victors’ justice. Although a unique historical moment, the IMTFE reveals basic, foundational truths about the essence of all international organisations and other modes of ambitious global governance. Ultimately, this dissertation uses the IMTFE to reinterpret modern internationalism as a complex, messy, and negotiated encounter rather than a staid set of promises and ideals: a process and experience that ultimately – inevitably – compromised principles for politics, and form for function.
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Reynolds, Kevin Patrick. "That justice be seen : the American prosecution's use of film at the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7595/.
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This dissertation examines the use of motion-picture film by the American Prosecution before and during the 'Trial of the Major War Criminals' at the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal (IMT) in Germany, 1945-1946. My research is based on never before used material including newly discovered film, official papers, and private letters. I argue that investigating the use of film, more than any other medium, enables us to comprehend the American Prosecution's vision of justice after the Second World War. I focus on three crucial themes: the political, juridical and moral concerns of the American planners and prosecutors. Although much historical scholarship focuses on American designs to 're-educate' Germans, I show that the American planners of Nuremberg felt that the education of Americans was also essential. The trial was designed to draw a distinction between Nazi 'barbarism' and 'Western civilization' and presented an opportunity that Americans used to promote their political values at home as well as abroad. They used film to affirm and showcase - to millions of their fellow citizens - some of the values and methods of liberal democracy. The American planners and prosecutors viewed the Nazi defendants as responsible representatives of the German people and used the controversial doctrine of 'conspiracy' to facilitate the new principle of individual accountability in international law. Additionally, they also proclaimed that planning and waging 'aggressive' war had constituted, years before the Nazis came to power, criminal activity. Yet representing 'conspiracy' and 'aggression' with film graphically exposed the limits of law in dealing with unprecedented injustice. The particular form of spectacle arising from the American use of film at Nuremberg has remained overlooked by scholarship in a variety of relevant fields. The American Prosecution staged a form of morality play with film. The aim, however, was not the redemption of the Nazi defendants; it was, rather, only to condemn and punish them. The Americans confronted the defendants with images of atrocity, as well as images of themselves. This technique functioned as a theatrical device in which onlookers felt that they could examine the defendants for signs (or the absence) of remorse. This spectacle enabled the presentation of a particularly powerful moral case against the defendants and the Nazi ideology they had espoused. This dissertation, therefore, offers a new contribution to our understanding of the visual culture of legal procedure by using an historical case-study of transitional justice after the Second World War.
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Khalifa, Ahmed Fathy. "Les techniques d'imputation devant les juridictions pénales internationales : réflexion sur la responsabilité pénale individuelle." Thesis, Poitiers, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012POIT3017.
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La création de juridictions internationales pour juger les responsables d'un crime international pose la question des techniques d'imputation. Il s'agit de la mise en oeuvre du principe de la responsabilité pénale individuelle (RPI) en droit international. D'une part, le DPI emprunte les techniques traditionnelles aux droits pénaux internes. Il s'agit des techniques dépendantes de la consommation du crime international : les formes différentes de « commission » et de « complicité ». Sont empruntées, aussi, d'autres techniques traditionnelles d'imputation qui sont indépendantes de la consommation du crime : la tentative et l'incrimination de quelques actes de complicité. Ces techniques correspondent aux exigences de la RPI, d'où la confirmation du principe. D'autre part, le DPI adopte des nouvelles techniques d'imputation pour faire face à la nature collective du crime international. Se fondant sur l'idée de « groupe », des techniques associatives sont mises en place : la responsabilité pour l'appartenance à une organisation criminelle ou bien de la responsabilité des actes du groupe à travers l'entreprise criminelle commune ou le contrôle conjoint sur l'action du groupe. En même temps, le fait que les crimes sont souvent commis par des « structures hiérarchiques » est pris en compte pour envisager des techniques structurelles ; à savoir la responsabilité pour commission indirecte par le contrôle d'une organisation ou de la responsabilité du supérieur hiérarchique pour les crimes commis par ses subordonnés. Chacune de ces techniques s'écarte de ce que l'on entend généralement par la RPI, d'où la métamorphose du principe. Une reconstruction de la notion est à l'ordre du jourThe establishment of International criminal tribunals raises the question of techniques of attributing criminal liability. Having the individual as « subject », the principle of individual criminal responsibility is at issue. On the one hand, International criminal law borrows traditional techniques of imputing liability from national law. Not only those techniques that depend on the completion of an international crime; as forms of perpetration and complicity, but also those that attribute responsibility independently of the completion of international crime; as attempt and specific incrimination of some forms of complicity. Individual criminal responsibility in its traditional connotation is confirmed. On the other hand, International criminal law forges new techniques of imputing liability to accommodate the collective nature of international crimes. Based on the idea of « group » action, associative techniques are introduced. As such, the responsibility for membership in criminal organisation, or even the responsibility for group crimes through notions like « joint criminal enterprise » or « joint control » are applied. In the meanwhile, the structural aspect of entities committing international crimes is taken in consideration. Superiors who manipulate organisations under their control are considered as indirect perpetrators. Also, superiors who fail to stop or to punish crimes committed by their subordinates are held responsible. Each one of these new techniques of imputing responsibility metamorphoses one or more aspects of what is generally intended by the principle of individual criminal responsibility. Reconstructing the notion seems due
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Zen, Cássio Eduardo. "As companhias militares privadas e o direito internacional criminal." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2012. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/100929.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Ciências Jurídicas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito, Florianópolis, 2012Made available in DSpace on 2013-06-25T23:59:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 313550.pdf: 3812814 bytes, checksum: 967959373da2ac7ee6be3e8bb40ab311 (MD5)
Este trabalho trata das Companhias Militares e de Segurança Privadas, tema o qual vem ganhando relevância no direito e nas relações internacionais, mas ainda não foi recebido adequadamente por tais ciências. A questão das CMSPs é estudada a partir do marco teórico que existem no direito internacional sujeitos ainda não reconhecidos, dentre os quais se encontrariam tais empresas. Para distinguir as CMSPs de outros sujeitos, é realizado um estudo tanto histórico, quanto conceitual de tais empresas e do mercenarismo de um modo mais amplo. Em seguida, busca-se analisar como o direito internacional tenta dar conta de tal fenômeno novo, restando demonstrada a insuficiência dos instrumentos de direito internacional atuais para tratar das CMSPs e a necessidade de aprovação e reforço dos projetos atuais. Finalmente, testam-se as hipóteses de aplicação de institutos do direito criminal internacional a tais CMSPs, possibilitando de certa maneira a sua recepção pelo direito, como novos sujeitos, uma vez que detentores de obrigações.
Abstract : This dissertation studies the Private Military and Security Companies, a subject which is gaining relevance in international law and international relations, but has not yet been given a proper reception by those sciences. The issue of the PMSCs is studied from the starting point that there are unrecognized subjects in international law and these corporations are one of them. To distinguish PMSCs from other subjects, a historical and conceptual research is done, not only regarding these companies but also regarding mercenarism within a broader sense. Furthermore, it is sought to analyze how international law attempts to deal with such new phenomenon, resting proven the insufficiency of international law instruments to deal with CMSPs and the need to approve and enforce the current projects on the subject. Finally the possibilities of applying international criminal law mechanisms to PMSCs are tested, allowing somehow for its reception in law, as new subjects, for they hold obligations under international criminal law.
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Ingram, Janessa. "Cold War in the Courtroom: The International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg and the Development of the Cold War." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/371.
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The International Military Tribunal (IMT) at Nuremberg was the only international trial for Nazi war criminals following World War II. This study examines the development and proceedings of the IMT in the context of the development of the Cold War in order to show the trial as a turning point in American-Soviet relations.
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Gemählich, Matthias. ""Notre combat pour la paix" : la France et le procès de Nuremberg 1945/46." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H075.
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La thèse analyse la contribution de la France au procès des grands criminels de guerre devant le Tribunal militaire international (TMI) de Nuremberg en 1945/46 sur le plan politique ainsi que juridiqueThe dissertation examines the French contribution to the Trial of the Major German War Criminals before the International Military Tribunal (IMT) at Nuremberg in 1945/46 in its political and judicial dimension
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Silva, Claudiane Torres da. "O Tribunal Regional do Trabalho na cidade do Rio de Janeiro durante a ditadura civil-militar (1964-1979)." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/14216.
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The purpose of this research is to think of the lawsuits filed by workers' unions in the city of Rio de Janeiro which included part of the jurisprudence of the Regional Labor Court of the First Region, observing the collective judgments made in the second instance of Labour Justice. Materials and legal dialogues found were observed in the collective judgments of the Regional Labor Court highlighting the main labor issues during the years 1964 and 1979 related to labor law in Brazil. With the chronological crop year 1964, when there was the coup that overthrew President João Goulart, until 1979 when the political détente process, we can see a change in the working class action in the context of the new unionism, the research also aims to analyze the performance of the labor judiciary agents during the civil-military regime observing the practice of labor judiciary on the political and economic project adopted in the civil-military regime that reached specifically the interests of workers.
A proposta dessa pesquisa é pensar as ações trabalhistas impetradas pelos sindicatos patronais e dos trabalhadores na cidade do Rio de Janeiro que compreendia parte da jurisprudência do Tribunal Regional do Trabalho da Primeira Região, observando os acórdãos coletivos produzidos na segunda instância da Justiça do Trabalho. Foram observadas matérias e diálogos jurídicos encontrados nos acórdãos coletivos do Tribunal Regional do Trabalho ressaltando as principais questões trabalhistas durante os anos de 1964 e 1979 referentes ao direito do trabalho no Brasil. Com o recorte cronológico dos anos de 1964, quando ocorreu o golpe que depôs do presidente João Goulart, até 1979 quando no processo de distensão política, percebe-se uma mudança na atuação da classe trabalhadora no contexto do novo sindicalismo, a pesquisa também pretende analisar a atuação dos agentes do judiciário trabalhista durante o regime civil-militar observando a prática da magistratura trabalhista diante do projeto político e econômico adotado no regime civil-militar que atingia, especificamente, os interesses dos trabalhadores.
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Santos, Darlan Roberto dos. "Autobiografia e julgamento em Feliz ano velho, de Marcelo Rubens Paiva." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2006. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/3387.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O presente estudo tem como objeto de análise Feliz Ano Velho (1982), do escritor Marcelo Rubens Paiva. Partindo de considerações acerca da escrita memorialística, nosso intuito é apontar possíveis leituras da obra em questão. A principal delas refere-se à cena judiciária na autobiografia, na qual o autor realiza uma dupla empresa: a inquisição de si mesmo e do regime militar. Nesse tribunal metafórico, as motivações de Marcelo seriam a culpa pelo próprio infortúnio – a paralisia corporal, após o mergulho em uma lagoa, e a revolta diante do desaparecimento do pai, ocorrido durante o período ditatorial brasileiro, nos anos 1970. Também faz parte de nossa pesquisa, a investigação das estratégias empreendidas pelo autobiógrafo, em sua busca por um veredicto satisfatório de seus leitores⁄juízes. O questionamento do paradigma da verdade e o desvendamento de uma retórica da sinceridade servem de embasamento neste nosso segundo objetivo.
This study has as subjective Feliz Ano Velho (1982), by writer Marcelo Rubens Paiva. Leaving of reflections concerning the memory writing, our intention is to point possible readings of the workmanship in question. The main one of them mentions the judiciary scene to it in the autobiography, in which the author carries through a double company: the inquisition of itself exactly and the military regimen. In this metaphoric court, the motivations of Marcelo would be the guilt for the proper misfortune - the corporal paralysis, after the diving in a lagoon, and the revolt ahead of the disappearance of the father, occurred during the brazilian ditatorial period, in years 1970. Also it is part of our research, the inquiry of the strategies undertaken for the autobiographer, in its search for a satisfactory verdict of its readers⁄ judges. The questioning of the paradigm of the truth and the clarification of a rhetoric of the sincerity serve of basement in this our as objective one.
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Camargo, Arthur Mesquita. "A utilidade das informações contábeis como suporte à governança no âmbito patrimonial : um estudo sobre o Superior Tribunal Militar." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2014. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/17069.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Economia, Administração e Contabilidade, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Administração, Mestrado Profissional em Administração Pública, 2014.Submitted by Ana Cristina Barbosa da Silva (annabds@hotmail.com) on 2014-11-25T17:12:05Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_ArthurMesquitaCamargo.pdf: 1879915 bytes, checksum: 469237a878fb5df29afba474a9fac997 (MD5)
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Os movimentos de reconstrução do modelo administrativo estadista iniciaram no momento em que se constatou a necessidade de redefinir o papel do Estado. Inicialmente, este modelo propôs a reestruturação do modelo de gestão burocrático weberiano para um modelo mais gerencial. Nesse cenário, surgiam técnicas na administração pública que prezavam por instrumentos com grande semelhança aos do setor privado, o qual possuía o modelo ideal de gestão. Esse movimento possui a preocupação de avaliar e tomar decisões de uma forma mais racional e lógica. Neste modelo, o papel das informações contábeis é essencial no alcance deste objetivo na medida em que a boa Governança só pode ser feita com o adequado nível de informações. Assim, esta dissertação levantou o seguinte questionamento: qual o nível de utilização das informações contábeis que dão suporte à governança no âmbito patrimonial do Superior Tribunal de Militar, em especial, nos aspectos relacionados à administração participativa, tomada de decisão e na responsabilização? Para responder este questionamento, foram realizadas entrevistas com diversos stakeholders que atuam diretamente na governança patrimonial do Tribunal e após as entrevistas, realizou-se a análise dos dados através da análise de conteúdo. Com os resultados obtidos, conclui-se que quanto mais próximo do fenômeno econômico está o usuário, maior é o nível de utilidade da informação contábil e concluiu-se também que o nível de utilidade da informação contábil também varia de acordo com o eixo da governança analisado. ________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The movements of rebuilding the administrative model statesman began when it was found the need to redefine the role of the state. Initially, this model proposed restructuring of the Weberian bureaucratic management model to a more managerial style. In this scenario, techniques appeared in public administration that prized instrument with great similarity to the private sector, which had the ideal management model. This movement has the concern to assess and make decisions in a more rational and logical manner. Thus, in this model the role of accounting information has become essential in driving this new management model the extent that good governance can only be made with the appropriate level of information. Thus, this work raised the question: what level of use of accounting information that support governance in equity under the Superior Court of Military, especially in aspects of participative management, decision making and accountability? To answer this question, interviews with various stakeholders who work directly in equity and governance of the Court after the interviews were conducted, there was the analysis of the data through content analysis. With the obtained results, it is concluded that the closer the economic phenomenon is the user, the greater the level of usefulness of accounting information and it is also concluded that the level of usefulness of accounting information also varies according to the axis of governance analyzed.
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Lebarbe, Philippe. "Les tribunaux militaires et les evenements de la commune de paris de 1871." Reims, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996REIMD003.
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Apres avoir presente le but de son travail, indique les questions qu'il s'est pose pour elaborer sa these et precise les sources d'archives (service historique de l'armee de terre), l'auteur dans un chapitre preliminaire fait un rappel des evenements de la commune de 1870 a 1871. Il presente le code de justice militaire de 1857 qui regit la procedure devant les conseils de guerre saisis des faits insurrectionnels par le gouvernement d'adolphe thiers. Dans la premiere partie, il precise dans quelles conditions a ete mise en place la repression judiciaire : - les executions sommaires, - les conditions de detention, - les lois modificatives au code de justice militaire. Dans la seconde partie, l'auteur fait l'etude des conseils de guerre : statistiques, condamnations etc. . . A partir des documents extraits des dossiers des prevenus. Il conclut que les jugements rendus etaient parfaitement legaux. Dans la conclusion generale, apres avoir situe les debats politiques et parlementaires amenant a l'amnistie des insurges en 1880, l'auteur termine en se demandant, si avec d'autres dispositions dans le code de justice militaire, les verdicts auraient ete les memes ?After having presented the aims of his work, outlined the points that he had raised to elabored his thesis and detailled the archive sources (the army historical servi ce), the author recounts the events of the commune from 1870 to 1871 in a introductory chapter. He presents the 1857 military code of justice which governs the procedure of the "conseil de guerre" that were referred the insur rectionary events by the adolphe thiers government. In the first section, the author outlines the conditions under which the judicial supression was set up : - summary executions, - conditions of detention, - the legal modifications to the military code of justice. In the second section the author studies the "conseil de guerre" : statistics, sentences etc. . . From documentation found in the prisoner's files, he covers each appeal tri bunal : "conseil de revision" "cour de cassation" in the separate chapters. He concludes that the judgements passed were perfectly legal. In the general conclusion, after situating the political and parliamentary debates that led to the amnestry of those involved in the 1880 uprising, the author finishes by posing the question ; with different clauses within the military code of justice, would the verdicts still have been the same ?
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Hernani, Alvarez Daniel Wenceslao, and Ortiz Oscar Armando Mautino. "Implementación de un órgano de control de gestión del tribunal de disciplina policial." Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12404/19771.
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Con el presente proyecto proponemos una alternativa de mejoramiento en el
sistema de justicia en materia administrativa disciplinaria, teniendo en cuenta que,
existe una brecha preocupante, que se materializada en la inacción de la última
instancia administrativa disciplinaria, el Tribunal de Disciplina Policial con la tardía
resolución de expedientes sometidos a su competencia, lo que conlleva a la
declaratoria desmedida de caducidad y prescripción. Cuando este debería ser el
más idóneo y eficaz por ser la máxima instancia como hemos referido.
En el trascurso del estudio, hemos advertido que existe un evidente descontrol por
parte del Tribunal de Disciplina Policial respecto a los plazos, así como de la
eficiencia y eficacia en la resolución de los casos, muchas veces evidenciado por un
aparente exceso y extralimitación de su autonomía tanto funcional como
administrativa, que conlleva a que no se ejerza control ni cuestionamiento a la
gestión, por ende a sus resultados, lo que menoscaba no sólo el esfuerzo de los
entes inferiores, como la Inspectoría General y todos sus órganos, sino también, de
todos los efectivos policiales, que perciben negativamente la justicia administrativa
disciplinaria; además los resultados podrían ser perjudiciales para la propia
ciudadanía ya que esta ineficacia, puede reflejarse, por una parte, al mantener
dentro del seno institucional, a efectivos policiales trasgresores de nuestras normas,
y por otra parte, afectando los derechos fundamentales de aquellos que esperan
justicia, al no haberse determinado plenamente su responsabilidad.
Frente a esto se propone un modelo innovador de control, mediante la ampliación
de funciones de la Oficina General de Integridad Institucional, a efectos que ejerza
control sobre la gestión administrativa del Tribunal de Disciplina Policial,
específicamente, sobre el avance y resolución de los expedientes administrativos disciplinarios sometidos a competencia. Precisándose que ambos órganos
dependen orgánicamente del Ministro del Interior, y que las funciones de control y
supervisión sobre los diversos órganos que conforman ese sector, está ya precisada
y normada legalmente a favor de la Oficina General de Integridad Institucional, no
existiendo al respecto, disposiciones legales que colisionen o se trasgredan.
Además, no se requiere la dación o emisión de normas complejas, siendo
únicamente, la vía que consolide una Resolución Ministerial que amplíe las
funciones que el caso amerita.
Concluimos en que de ejecutarse nuestra propuesta, se reducirá considerablemente
la carga procesal administrativa, y se resolverán el mayor número de expedientes
dentro de los plazos de ley. Estas acciones de control mejorarán la gestión del
Tribunal de Disciplina Policial, así como de su propio personal, a quienes se les
comprometerá a ejercen su función a cabalidad, transparencia y sobre todo en el
control de resultados, lo que tendrá un impacto positivo en el personal de la PNP y
la sociedad en general.
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Torres, Mateus Gamba. "Política, discurso e ditadura : o Supremo Tribunal Federal nos julgamentos dos recursos ordinários criminais (1964-1970)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/106454.
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A presente pesquisa trata das relações entre o Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) e a ditadura civil-militar ocorrida no Brasil. O STF, como órgão máximo da justiça brasileira, estabelece em suas decisões um discurso de autonomia e imparcialidade. As fontes utilizadas para pesquisa e percepção desse discurso são recursos ordinários criminais julgados pelo Supremo entre 1964 e 1970. Esse era o único recurso que podia ser julgado por um tribunal civil, no caso o STF, e a última possibilidade de decisão por parte dos réus processados por crimes contra a segurança nacional. A tese divide-se em quatro capítulos, correspondendo a quatro lapsos temporais imbricados com decisões político-legislativas (do AI-1 ao AI-2, do AI-2 à Constituição de 1967, da Constituição ao AI-5 e após o AI-5). São analisadas questões relacionadas aos atos institucionais e às decisões judiciais do STF desde 1964, que demonstram que, apesar de o discurso de imparcialidade dos julgadores manter-se durante o governo autoritário, é visível a influência de questões políticas relacionadas à ditadura nos acórdãos pesquisados.The present research is about the relations between the Supreme Court and the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil. The Supreme Court, as the most important organ of the Brazilian justice, establishes in its decisions a speech of independence and impartiality. The sources used for research and perception of this speech are ordinary criminal reviews judged by the Supreme between 1964 and 1970. This was the only judicial review that could be tried by a civilian court (in that case the STF), and the last possibility for a decision on the part of the defendants prosecuted for crimes against national security. The thesis is divided into four chapters, corresponding to four temporal lapses related with political-legislative decisions (from AI-1 to AI-2, from AI-2 to the Constitution of 1967, from the Constitution to AI-5 and after the AI-5). The analysis of the issues related to the institutional acts and the judgements of the Supreme Court since 1964 demonstrates that, although the speech of impartiality of judges remained throughout the period of the authoritarian Government, the influence of policy issues related in the dictatorship in the judgments that were surveyed was clear.
31
Fuentealba, Hernández Alvaro Luciano. "La judicatura laboral en el gobierno de la junta militar (1973-1974)." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2005. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/106774.
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Tesis (magister en derecho)En efecto, la pregunta base de esta investigación consistió en determinar si en ese proceso de transformación institucional se produjo o no una intervención del nuevo gobierno en el Poder Judicial, y cuáles fueron las consecuencias de tal intervención, tanto al interior de dicho Poder, cuanto en el movimiento sindical y las relaciones laborales.
32
Le, Merle Mathilde. "Les tribunaux du Gouvernement militaire en zone française d’occupation en Allemagne (1946-1956) : Vivre et agir en régime totalitaire." Thesis, Orléans, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019ORLE3018.
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Alors même que se déroulaient à Nuremberg et dans les zones d’occupation britannique et américaine des procès passés à la postérité, se tenaient en zone française d’occupation nombre de procès demeurés longtemps confidentiels. Toutefois ce furent un peu plus de 2100 présumés criminels de guerre, hommes et femmes, qui furent déférés de 1946 à 1956 devant les tribunaux de Gouvernement militaire puis les tribunaux de la Haute-Commission alliée. Accusés sur le fondement de la loi n°10 du Conseil de contrôle, ils eurent à répondre principalement de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l’humanité mais également, et ce de manière exceptionnelle, de crime contre la paix. Couvrant un spectre large de responsabilité, allant de celle de simples citoyens à celle de dignitaires du parti national-socialiste et de membres des camps de concentration en passant par celle d’industriels mais également de professionnels de santé ou du droit, la riche jurisprudence des tribunaux de Gouvernement militaire de la zone française d’occupation, empreinte de naturalisme juridique, a permis de définir un certain nombre de standards devant impérativement être respectés par les individus, y compris dans un Etat totalitaire et quel qu’ait été l’état du droit interne, sous peine d’engager leur responsabilité pénaleEven if the trail in Nuremberg and the British and American occupation zones passes into posterity, those in the French Zone rested confidential for a long time. However, there were over 2100 presumed war criminals, men and women, who appeared from 1946 to 1956 before the military government courts and then the Allied High Commission courts. Charged under the Control Council Law Number 10, they were held liable for war crimes, crimes against humanity and in an exceptional case, for crimes against peace. Covering a wide range spectrum of responsibility, ranging from that of ordinary citizens to that of the National Socialist Party officials and members of concentration camps through to that of industrialists, as well as, that of legal and healthcare practitioners, the rich case law of Military Government Courts in the French zone of occupation, marked by the natural law, allowed to define a number of standards that all should respect, even a totalitarian State and what ever was the state of the internal law, otherwise, under penalty of criminal responsibility
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Silva, Marina Ribeiro da. "Justiça de Transição e Poder Judiciário : o relatório da Comissão Nacional da Verdade e a atuação do Supremo Tribunal Federal entre 1964 e 1969 /." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/157224.
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Esta pesquisa pretende analisar a percepção expressa pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade acerca da atividade jurisdicional desenvolvida pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, durante os anos da Ditadura Militar brasileira. Órgão de cúpula do Judiciário, o Supremo Tribunal Federal foi profundamente afetado pelos Atos Institucionais editados pelo Poder Executivo militarizado. A investigação, à semelhança daquela realizada pela comissão de verdade, tomará o interregno compreendido entre 1964 e 1969 como marco temporal, e se preocupará com o estudo dos habeas corpus de caráter político que chegaram ao Tribunal nestes primeiros anos da ditadura militar. Objetivando descortinar os critérios utilizados pela Comissão Nacional da Verdade, em seu relatório final, ao vaticinar que o Supremo Tribunal Federal, em consonância com todo o Poder Judiciário brasileiro, compactuou com as arbitrariedades e graves violações de direitos humanos perpetradas pelo Regime Militar, adotaremos uma abordagem multimétodo. Em um primeiro momento, serão levantadas fontes jurídico-históricas referentes à utilização da garantia do habeas corpus no Brasil e ao impacto que os Atos Institucionais editados durante a Ditadura Militar tiveram sobre o Supremo Tribunal Federal. Posteriormente, na segunda parte da pesquisa, buscaremos apreender o que é uma comissão de verdade, ferramenta de Justiça Transicional, e como a Comissão Nacional da Verdade, utilizando-se de métodos e materiais próprios, entendeu o funcionamento do Supremo Tribunal Federal nos primeiros anos do período de exceção brasileiro.
This research aims to analyze the perception expressed by the National Truth Commission on the judicial activity of the Supreme Federal Court, during the years of dictatorship the Brazilian military. Judiciary umbrella body, the Supreme Court was deeply affected by the Institutional Acts issued by the Executive Branch militarized. The research, like that carried out by the truth commission, will take the interregnum between 1964 and 1969 as a timeframe, and be concerned with the study of the political nature of habeas corpus which reached the Court in these early years of the military dictatorship. Aiming to uncover the criteria used by the National Truth Commission in its final report to predict that the Supreme Court, in line with all the Brazilian Judiciary, agreed with arbitrariness and serious human rights violations perpetrated by the military regime, adopt one multi-method approach. At first, legal and historical sources referring will be raised to the use of the habeas corpus guarantee in Brazil and the impact that the Acts Institutional edited during the military dictatorship had on the Supreme Court. Later, in the second part of the study, we seek to grasp what a truth commission, transitional justice tool, and as the National Truth Commission, using methods and materials themselves, understand the functioning of the Supreme Court in the early years Brazilian exception period.
34
Coelho, Sérgio Reis. "Sociedades plurais e universalismo : possibilidades de fundamentação da jurisdição penal internacional / Sérgio Reis Coelho ; orientadora, Katya Kozicki." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da PUC_PR, 2008. http://www.biblioteca.pucpr.br/tede/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=926.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Paraná, Curitiba, 2008Bibliografia: f. 138-146
O objetivo deste trabalho é tratar da fundamentação que está na base do Tribunal Penal Internacional, a partir da inter-relação entre a teoria dos direitos humanos e a jurisdição penal internacional e tendo por pressuposto a análise de seus aspectos histó
The objective of this paper is to treat of the fundamentation that is in the base of the International Penal Tribunal, starting from the interrelation between the theory of the human rights and the international criminal court and having as presupposition
35
Lawrence, Greta. "The United States and the concentration camp trials at Dachau, 1945-1947." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/286027.
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After much debate during the war years over how best to respond to Nazi criminality, the United States embarked on an ambitious postwar trial program in occupied Germany, which consisted of three distinct trial sets: the International Military Trial at Nuremburg, the Nuremberg Military Tribunals, and military trials held at the former concentration camp at Dachau. Within the Dachau military tribunal programme, were the concentration camp trials in which personnel from the Dachau, Mauthausen, Buchenwald, Flossenbürg, and Dora-Mittelbau concentration camps were arraigned. These concentration camp trials at Dachau represented the principal attempt by the United States to punish Nazi crimes committed at the concentration camps liberated by the Americans. The prosecutors at Dachau tried 1,045 defendants accused of committing violations of the 'laws of war' as understood through 'customary' international and American military practice. The strain of using traditional military law to prosecute the unprecedented crimes in the Nazi concentration camps was exposed throughout the trials. To meet this challenge, the Dachau concentration camp courts included an inventive legal concept: the use of a 'criminal-conspiracy' charge-in effect arraigning defendants for participating the 'common design' of the concentration camp, 'a criminal organization'. American lawmakers had spent a good deal of time focused on the problem of how to begin the trials (What charges? What courts? Which defendants?) and very little time planning for the aftermath of the trials. Thus, by 1947 and 1948, in the face of growing tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union, the major problem with the Dachau trials was revealed -the lack of long term plans for the appellate process for those convicted. After two scandals that captured the press and the public's attention, the United States Congress held two official investigations of the entire Dachau tribunal programme. Although the resulting reviews, while critical of the Army's clemency process, were largely positive about the trials themselves, the Dachau trials faded from public memory.
36
Schöpfel, Ann-Sophie. "La France et le procès de Tokyo : l'Engagement de diplomates et de juges français en faveur d'une justice internationale 1941-1954." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LORR0111/document.
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Face aux atrocités perpétrées par les armées allemandes et japonaises, les Alliés en viennent à la même conclusion durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale : la meilleure réponse à la barbarie se situe dans une justice exemplaire. Châtier les plus hauts dignitaires nazis et japonais est jugé de la plus haute importance. Ces idéaux élevés de justice se trouvent pourtant être vite compromis avec les réalités d’après-guerre. Invitée par les États-Unis à juger les grands criminels de guerre japonais, la France accepte de participer au Tribunal militaire international pour l’Extrême-Orient. De mai 1946 à décembre 1948, vingt-huit prévenus comparaissent devant un collège de juges de onze nationalités différentes pour répondre de leurs responsabilités dans la guerre du Pacifique. La présence de la France à ce procès est motivée par des enjeux politiques : le nouveau gouvernement français espère reconquérir l’Indochine ; ce procès international lui offre une scène inattendue pour affirmer son prestige en Extrême-Orient. Mais les délégués français vont se comporter de manière imprévisible à Tokyo. À partir de sources inédites, cette thèse se propose de suivre leur engagement en faveur d’une justice internationale. Elle apporte ainsi une nouvelle perspective sur le procès de Tokyo et sur l’histoire de la justice transitionnelleAlarmed by the magnitude of the atrocities perpetrated in Europe and in Asia, the Allies demonstrated their resolve to punish those responsible for such acts in 1945. From 1945 to 1948, prominent members of Nazi Germany and the Japanese Empire were prosecuted at the Nuremberg and the Tokyo International Military Trials. In Japan, the United States invited France to participate in the Tokyo trial. This trial offered her an unexpected opportunity to build prestige in the Far East; during World War II, France had lost her richest colony, Indochina, and hoped to regain it. France wanted to prove that she was a nation of rights in Asia where decolonization was gaining ground. But it is hardly surprising that her delegates did not protect the national interest. On the contrary, they just wished to improve the fairness of the Tokyo trial. Based on unpublished sources, this thesis aims to understand their commitment to international justice. It sheds new light on the Tokyo trial and on the history of transitional justice
37
Silva, Saunders Pablo. "Crítica a la concepción de Ley Penal en Blanco del Tribunal Constitucional : un análisis a partir de la jurisprudencia sobre el artículo 299 no.3 del Código de Justicia Militar." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2019. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/170268.
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Memoria para optar al grado de Licenciado en Ciencias Jurídicas y SocialesAunque se suele afirmar que las leyes penales en blanco constituyen, ante todo, una técnica legislativa, pocos autores han intentado extraer consecuencias analíticas de esta aserción. En general, su estudio se concentra en las denominadas leyes penales en blanco “propias”, debido a que son las únicas que tensionan la garantía de la lex scripta. Estudiar estas figuras a partir de la técnica legislativa, sin embargo, obliga a emprender un análisis no directamente sobre ellas, sino que sobre su tertium genus: las remisiones normativas. Soslayar este punto de partida puede conducir a errar sobre la clase de remisión que entraña un determinado tipo penal y, en consecuencia, errar sobre su constitucionalidad. El presente trabajo constituye un análisis crítico de las sentencias dictadas por el Tribunal Constitucional, entre el 2006 y el 2016, que recayeron sobre aquellos requerimientos de inaplicabilidad por inconstitucionalidad en contra del delito de incumplimiento de deberes militares del artículo 299 N°3 del Código de Justicia Militar. Desde el primer requerimiento en adelante, en noviembre de 2006, habiendo sobrados motivos para hacerlo, nadie parece haber cuestionado el desacierto de nuestro Tribunal Constitucional al calificar al citado precepto como penal en blanco. Lo particular de este análisis, además de controvertir esa calificación, se ve reflejado en el lugar desde donde se levanta el discurso crítico: la lex certa; ya que aquella es la manifestación del principio de legalidad penal que se ve tensionada con la cada vez más frecuente técnica legislativa de remisión normativa
38
Bouvier, Charlotte-Lucie. "La mémoire et le droit des crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l'humanité depuis la seconde guerre mondiale : comparaison Allemagne fédérale / France." Thesis, Poitiers, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014POIT3018/document.
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A rebours de la croyance populaire qui veut que le temps efface les blessures, le constat s'impose de l'omniprésence de la mémoire comme matrice des orientations décidées par nos gouvernants. Soixante-dix ans après la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, elle occupe l'espace public dans toutes ses composantes et pousse à l'adoption de lois de reconnaissance des victimes et de sanction des discours de négation. Parallèlement, le législateur doit répondre à ses engagements conventionnels et satisfaire aux exigences de la justice pénale internationale. Mais ici encore, les contingences politiques sont fortes, qui sclérosent la réflexion juridique et conduisent à l'élaboration de dispositions controversées. Ce phénomène, ostensible en France, l'est moins chez notre voisin allemand, pourtant tributaire d'un lourd héritage mémoriel. Cette observation peut surprendre celui qui ne tient pas compte des évolutions conjointes mais divergentes des deux Etats depuis 1945, quant à la « gestion » des crimes internationaux par nature et de leurs suites ; d'où l'utilité d'une approche transversale, historique et comparative de ces questionsContrary to the popular belief that the time clears injuries, the finding must be made of the omnipresence of the memory as a matrix of guidelines decided by our leaders. Seventy years after the World War II ended, it occupies public space in all its components and drives the adoption of laws recognizing victims and punishing speech of negation. Meanwhile, the legislature must meet its conventional obligations and the requirements of international criminal justice. But again, the political contingencies are strong, which block legal thinking and lead to the creation of controversial provisions. This phenomenon, striking in France, is less at our german neighbor, yet reliant on a heavy legacy memorial. This observation may surprise those who do not consider the joint but divergent evolutions of the two states since 1945, on the « treatment » of international crimes by nature and their consequences ; hence the usefulness of a transverse, historical and comparative approach to these issues
39
Sansico, Virginie. "La répression politique devant les tribunaux de l’Etat français : Lyon, 1940-1944." Lyon 2, 2008. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2008/sansico_v.
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De son instauration en juillet 1940 à son effondrement quatre ans plus tard, le régime de Vichy n’a eu de cesse de mobiliser la Justice afin d’en faire un instrument de répression au service de ses objectifs politiques. Au cœur du dispositif se trouve le tribunal correctionnel, autour duquel est peu à peu créé un maillage de juridictions d’exception au fonctionnement et aux compétences variés et évolutifs, tels les sections spéciales, le tribunal d’Etat ou les cours martiales. S’y trouvent confrontés tant les ennemis naturels de Vichy, communistes et Juifs, que les éléments jugés déstabilisateurs pour le régime, tels les auteurs de délits d’opinion ou encore les réfractaires au travail obligatoire, et surtout, en nombre croissant, les résistants. L’évolution de ce système répressif se caractérise par une radicalisation progressive. Elle est la fois le fruit d’une logique propre à l’Etat français et d’une adaptation au contexte international. Elle est en outre la conséquence de la montée des oppositions et de la radicalisation de leurs méthodes d’action. Ces différents paramètres amènent le régime de Vichy à accroître les sanctions encourues devant les juridictions répressives tout en restreignant les échappatoires légales. Par ailleurs, l’insatisfaction des autorités face à une action jugée toujours insuffisante des magistrats professionnels les conduit à introduire peu à peu dans le dispositif en place des « juges » non professionnels, choisis sur des critères politiques. Ayant hérité du cadre judiciaire de la troisième République duquel il s’est tout d’abord accommodé, l’Etat français l’a progressivement remodelé, lui donnant ainsi une identité politique nouvelleFrom his establishment until his collapse four years later, the Vichy regime didn’t stop using Justice as an oppressing tool dedicated to political objectives. At the heart to this system, there is the tribunal correctionnel, around which several courts have been created, as the sections spéciales, the tribunal d’Etat or the cours martiales. Various enemies of Vichy are brought before these courts : natural enemies, like communists and Jews ; people considered as destabilizing persons, like those who had “bad” opinion or those who refused compulsory work ; and, more and more, Resistants. The particularity of this oppressive system was his gradual toughening. This was the consequence of both political evolution proper to the regime and world war two stages. Moreover, Vichy had to conform the judiciary oppressive system to growing oppositions and violent acts that members of the Resistance commited. So he made penalties harsher and harsher, with less and less legal ways to get away. Always dissatisfied with professional judges, he appealed to more and more non professional judges, selected according to their political opinions. Therefore, first using the republican judiciary system, the Vichy regime had restructured this tool step-by-step to give it his own political identity
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Suárez, López de Castilla Camilo. "Un estudio sobre justicia constitucional dialógica a partir de las respuestas del legislador a las decisiones del Tribunal Constitucional peruano sobre el contenido del delito de función militar y policial." Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12404/14526.
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La presente investigación pretende indagar en el concepto y características
del concepto de justicia constitucional dialógica, sobre la base de un estudio
de las repuestas del legislador a las sentencias del Tribunal Constitucional
en las que, interpretando el artículo 173 de la Constitución, define el delito
de función militar y policial. Actualmente, la idea de Estado Constitucional
ampliamente aceptada en nuestro medio se asienta sobre la base de que la
última palabra sobre asuntos de constitucionalidad la tienen las más altas
instancias jurisdiccionales. En el caso del Perú, el Tribunal Constitucional.
Las teorías dialógicas proponen quitarle la última palabra en materia de
constitucionalidad al Tribunal Constitucional, toda vez que entienden que la
interpretación constitucional es un proceso sostenido en el tiempo en el que
participan en plena igualdad varios actores (jueces, legislador el gobierno,
el pueblo). Se ha entendido que una manifestación de esta visión de la
justicia constitucional permite al legislador emitir una normativa igual a la
anteriormente declarada inconstitucional. En el Perú, aunque formalmente
se podría entender que la última palabra en materia constitucional la
ostenta el Tribunal Constitucional, ha habido varios casos de insistencia
legislativa respecto de leyes declaradas inconstitucionales. En el presente
trabajo se analizan las respuestas legislativas en materia de definición delito
de función militar y se advierte que no cumplen con los estándares de la
justicia dialógica.Tesis
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Gallo, Carlos Artur. "A história no banco dos réus : leis de impunidade, memória da repressão política e as decisões da Suprema Corte na Argentina e no Brasil." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/143129.
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No contexto da Guerra Fria, o Brasil e a Argentina tiveram suas estruturas de poder ocupadas por ditaduras civis-militares alinhadas aos preceitos da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional (DSN). Impactando na organização política, social, cultural e econômica dos países referidos, os militares no poder foram responsáveis por um incremento no uso da violência, de modo que, como saldo da repressão há um número significativo de pessoas que foram presas, torturadas, mortas e/ou desaparecidas por agentes da repressão. Em junho de 2005, na Argentina, e em abril de 2010, no Brasil, a Corte Suprema desses países levou a julgamento causas que tratavam da possibilidade de processar e punir os envolvidos nos crimes cometidos pelo aparato repressivo, sendo produzidas decisões bastante diferentes: na Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación (CSJN), a maioria dos Ministros declarou a nulidade das “leis de impunidade”, uma vez que mantê-las contrariaria a normativa internacional dos direitos humanos vigente; no Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), também pela maioria dos votos, foi decidido que a interpretação de que a Lei da Anistia de 1979 havia anistiado aos repressores era correta e estava de acordo com a nova Constituição. Tendo esses elementos como ponto de partida, esta tese analisou o impacto que os processos de transição brasileiro e argentino tiveram no novo cenário político iniciado com o fim dessas ditaduras. Fazendo uso do método comparado de análise, a pesquisa parte do pressuposto de que o modo como se deu a transição (mais negociada ou mais abrupta) repercute na manutenção de legados autoritários na nova democracia, influenciando na forma como o Judiciário se manifesta sobre questões relacionadas à punição das violações aos direitos humanos praticadas pela ditadura. Em síntese, a comparação dos casos selecionados para este estudo permitiu observar que o tipo de transição ocorrido impactou, de fato, no modo como uma agenda política sobre o tema das violações foi elaborada nesses países. No contexto argentino, onde se deu uma transição abrupta, as elites civis e militares no poder tiveram sua capacidade de resguardar garantias políticas duradouras reduzida e foi fortalecida a causa dos direitos humanos. No caso brasileiro, onde ocorreu uma transição bastante negociada, os termos dos pactos que garantiram a saída das Forças Armadas do poder puderam ser mantidos em longo prazo, sendo reforçados por um conjunto de legados autoritários que garantem a impunidade dos envolvidos com a repressão. Ainda que mudanças conjunturais possam repercutir no estabelecimento de políticas de memória em cada contexto, tendo em vista que, mesmo na Argentina, a trajetória dessas políticas específicas foi marcada por avanços e recuos, é fato que, em contextos como o brasileiro, é mais difícil formular políticas sobre o tema, uma vez que não se realize uma ruptura com resquícios da ditadura que se mantêm convivendo com a democracia.In the context of the Cold War, Brazil and Argentina had their power structures occupied by civilians and military dictatorships aligned with the requirements of National Security Doctrine (NSD). Impacting the political, social, cultural and economic organization of these countries, the military in power were responsible for more use of violence, so that, as the balance of the repression there is a significant number of people who were arrested, tortured, killed and/or disappeared by agents of repression. In June 2005, in Argentina, and in April 2010, in Brazil, the Supreme Court of these countries put on trial cases that addressed the possibility of prosecuting and punishing those involved in the crimes committed by the repressive apparatus, several decisions being produced: in the Supreme Court de Justicia de la Nación (SCJN), most Ministers declared the nullity of "impunity laws", since keeping them contrary to international rules of the current human rights; the Federal Supreme Court (FSC), also by majority vote, it was decided that the interpretation of the Amnesty Law of 1979 had pardoned the repressors was correct and was in accordance with the new Constitution. Taking these elements as a starting point, this thesis analyzed the impact that the Brazilian transition and Argentina had the new political scene started with the end of these dictatorships. Making use of the comparative method of analysis, the research assumes how the transition was (most traded or most abrupt) affects the maintenance of authoritarian legacy in the new democracy, influencing the way the judiciary manifests about issues related to the punishment of human rights violations committed by the dictatorship. In summary, comparison of the cases selected for this study allowed us to observe that the type of transition occurred impacted, in fact, the way a political agenda about the subject of violations was developed in these countries. In the Argentine context, where there was an abrupt transition, civilian and military elites in power had their capacity reduced to safeguard permanent political guarantees and it was strengthened the cause of human rights. In Brazil, where there was a transition fairly negotiated, the terms of the agreement that ensured the output of the Armed Forces from the power could be maintained in the long run, they were reinforced by a set of authoritarian legacies that guarantee the impunity of those involved in the repression. Although changes may reflect the establishment of memory policies in each context, given that even in Argentina, the trajectory of these specific policies was marked by advances and retreats, the fact is that, in contexts such as Brazil, it is more difficult to formulate policies about the topic, since it is not carried out a break with remnants of the dictatorship remain living with democracy.
Durante la Guerra Fría, Brasil y Argentina tuvieron sus estructuras de poder ocupadas por dictaduras cívico-militares vinculadas a la Doctrina de Seguridad Nacional (DSN). Teniendo impacto en la organización política, social, cultural y económica de los dos países mencionados, los militares en el poder fueron responsables por incrementar la aplicación de la violencia, de manera que, como saldo de la represión, hay un número significativo de personas que fueron detenidas, torturadas, muertas y/o desaparecidas por los agentes de la represión. En junio de 2005, en Argentina, y en abril de 2010, en Brasil, la Corte Suprema de estos países ha llevado a juicio casos sobre las posibilidades de procesar y punir a los involucrados en los crímenes del aparato represivo, siendo producidas decisiones muy diferentes: la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación (CSJN) ha declarado, por la mayoría de los votos de sus Ministros, la nulidad de las “leyes de impunidad”, una vez que mantenerlas era algo contrario a la normativa internacional de derechos humanos vigente; el Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), al contrario, ha declarado, también por la mayoría de los votos, que la interpretación de que la Ley de Amnistía de 1979 había amnistiado a los represores era correcta y estaba de acuerdo con la nueva Constitución. Impartiéndose de esos elementos, esta tesis hace un análisis del impacto de los procesos de transición a la democracia en el nuevo escenario político empezado con el final de las dictaduras. Aplicando el método comparado, la investigación plantea que la manera como se ha desarrollado la transición (más negociada o más abrupta) repercute en la manutención de legados autoritarios en la nueva democracia, reflejando en el modo como el Poder Judicial va a manifestarse sobre la punición de las violaciones a los derechos humanos llevadas a cabo por la dictadura. En síntesis, la comparación de los juicios ha permitido observar que el modelo de transición ha impactado, de hecho, en la manera como fue elaborada una agenda política sobre las violaciones en estos países. En Argentina, donde ocurrió una transición abrupta, las élites civiles y militares en el poder tuvieron minimizada su capacidad de resguardar garantías políticas duraderas, haciéndose fuerte en este contexto la causa de los derechos humanos. En Brasil, la transición ha sido muy negociada, de manera que los términos de los pactos que han garantizado que las Fuerzas Armadas dejarían al poder pudieron mantenerse en el nuevo régimen, siendo fortalecidos por un conjunto de legados autoritarios que sostienen la impunidad de los involucrados con la represión. Aunque cambios de contexto puedan generar impacto en el establecimiento de políticas de memoria en cada país, como se puede verificar en el caso argentino, donde la trayectoria de esas políticas está marcada por avances y retrocesos, queda evidente que, en países como Brasil, es más complicado formular políticas sobre la temática en cuanto no se realice una ruptura con fragmentos de la dictadura que se mantienen en la democracia.
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Abass, Abou. "Les actions autoritaires du Conseil de sécurité en Afrique depuis la fin de la guerre froide : sanctions, activités à caractère militaire et action pénale." Aix-Marseille 3, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007AIX32032.
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Organe de l’ONU chargé de la responsabilité principale du maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales, le Conseil de sécurité dispose de pouvoirs importants. Il est compétent pour mener deux types d’actions. Le premier type renvoie les actions coopératives ou consensuelles entreprises sur une base purement coopérative et consensuelle dans le strict respect de la souveraineté des Etats et du consentement de tous les acteurs impliqués dans les situations traitées). Le second correspond aux actions autoritaires, entreprises en application des prérogatives autoritaires du Conseil, de manière discrétionnaire et unilatérale sans que leur validité dépende du consentement ad hoc de sujets extérieurs au Conseil. En raison des blocages que le Conseil a connu durant la guerre froide, le recours aux actions autoritaires n’a pas été très fréquent dans sa pratique de l’époque. Depuis sa réactivation au début des années 1990, il a entrepris un grand nombre d’actions autoritaires un peu partout dans le monde et, notamment en Afrique, devenue son terrain d’action privilégié. A travers cette thèse, nous avons cherché à voir si les réalités sociopolitiques propres à l’ordre régional africain confèrent aux actions étudiées des spécificités, si l’application du droit dérivé issu des résolutions pertinentes du Conseil relatives à Afrique comporte des spécificités découlant directement desdites réalités. Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons procédé à la conceptualisation de la notion d’actions autoritaires, à l’identification de l’ordre régional africain et de ses particularités, à l’explicitation de l’actualité du sujet et, surtout, à l’étude fouillée des trois principales formes des actions autoritaires pertinentes : les sanctions, les activités à caractère militaire et l’action pénale. La conclusion finale est que si les actions autoritaires du Conseil en Afrique ne sont pas totalement dépourvues d’originalités, celles-ci ne vont pas jusqu’à constituer des spécificités juridiques substantielles. Plutôt, elles sont seulement à la base de spécificités circonstancielles, dictées par la nécessité d’adapter les actions opérationnelles de l’ONU à certaines réalités géopolitiques de l’ordre régional africain : multiplicité, complexité et régionalisation croissante des conflits africains ; existence d’une importante demande d’interventions de l’ONU ; ou le rang occupé par l’Afrique au sein des priorités du Conseil dans l’après-guerre froide. De ce fait, les spécificités des actions autoritaires du Conseil restent marginales. Elles sont circonstancielles et non juridiques. Enfin, leur bilan en demi-teinte représente les mêmes tendances que celui des actions équivalentes dans les autres régions du globe, le tout en faisant des actions relativement banalesAs the UN organ in charge of the primary responsibility for the maintenance of the international peace and security, the Security Council has important powers. It is competent to conduct two main types of actions : cooperative or consensual actions consisting in activities of the maintenance of international peace and security which the Council takes on a purely cooperative and consensual basis, from one hand, and authority actions whose main features reside in the facts that they are conducted in application of the coercive powers of the Council, on discretional and unilateral backgrounds, and that their validity does not depend on any recent consent of subjects external to the Council. As a result of the blockages the Council has experimented during the Cold War, recourse to the authority actions has been rather scarce in the its practice during this period. Since its reactivation at the beginning the 1990s, the Council has taken a big number of authority actions in different regions of the Word, especially in Africa which has become a privileged ground of action of the UN. Through this dissertation, we have tried to see whether the socio-political realities of the African regional order confer to the relevant UN actions some specificity, and thus verify if the application of the secondary law represented by the relevant resolutions of the Security Council related to Africa has some specificities directly resulting from the said realties. To answer these questions, we have first onceptualised the notion of authority actions, before identifying the African regional order and its particularities, showing the actuality of the subject and, particularly by making a detailed study of the relevant authority actions : sanctions, military activities and prosecution of international crimes. The final conclusion is that, if the authority actions of the Council are not totally deprived of originalities, these do not go as far as constitutingsubstantial legal specificities. Rather, they are only limited to some incidental specificities dictated by the necessity of adapting the UN operational actions to some socio-political realities of the African regional order : multiplicity of conflicts, complexity and increasing regionalisation of African conflicts; existence of an important demand for UN interventions; and the place occupied by Africa in the priorities of the Security Council. Hence, the specificities of the Security Council’s authority actions in Africa are rather marginal. They are incidental and not juridical. Last, the halftone balance of the relevant actions reflects the same tendencies as in the equivalent actions related to other regions of the globe, all of this contributing to make these actions relatively unspecific
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Jovanović, Miloš. "Légitimité et légitimation du recours à la force dans l'après-guerre froide : Étude de cas : l'intervention militaire de l'OTAN contre la République fédérale de Yougoslavie (1999)." Paris 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA010325.
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La fin de la guerre froide a engendré des croyances nouvelles quant à la nature du système international émergeant. Le récit dominant du monde post-bipolaire reposait sur l'affirmation selon laquelle les relations entre États étaient désormais fondées sur le respect de la justice et du droit international et corrélativement, sur l'abandon de la politique de puissance. En ce sens, la rupture post-bipolaire a été qualifiée de rupture morale. Au rebours de cette vision dominante de l'ère post-bipolaire, l'hypothèse principale du présent travail de recherche soutient que la caractéristique fondamentale de la période de l'après-guerre froide réside dans l'émergence d'un nouveau cadre idéologique qui facilite la légitimation d'agissements étatiques fort constants, c'est-à-dire fondés sur la politique de puissance et la loi du plus fort. L'hypothèse principale est démontrée à partir d'un cas d'étude précis: l'intervention militaire de l'OTAN contre la RFY en 1999.
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Park, Erica. "The Trials of a Comfort Woman." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/113.
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The trials of a comfort woman was never revealed after the conclusion of WWII. More than half a century has passed before the name was uttered on the international stage. Why the sudden break of silence? What is the response of the Japanese government. In this paper, we discuss the issue of the comfort women and the the political implications it holds on Japan. Japan's failure to accept wartime reparation, largely due to Allied intervention, has resulted in the widening gap between Japan and Asia. This paper focuses on the combination of increased US influence as a result of the San Francisco Treaty of 1951 and Japan’s fervent nationalistic identity served to widen the gap between Japan and other East and Southeast Asian nations, making reconciliation over the issue of comfort women a problem that remains unresolved to this day.
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Amaral, Murilo Naves. "O direito a verdade versus o esquecimento : o julgamento da Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental Nº 153, à luz das dimensões políticas da justiça de transição e dos direitos e garantias fundamentais da Constituição Federal de 1988." Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, 2014. https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/13217.
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As can be seen in the history of political and institutional transitions occurred in Brazil , the construction of the national democratic reality , not always occurred within a context in which the fundamental rights and guarantees were observed and respected by established authorities. Actually, the transition periods were not able to stop the advance of power by dominant groups in order to provide the popular sectors greater democratic participation in the construction of the Brazilian political and legal system. Therefore, this paper demonstrates, based on the judgment of ADPF 153 by the Supreme Court, like the brazilian state authorities are still hostages of dominant interests at the expense of a broader action in favor of the lower classes. To better understand what it is that judgment, it is demonstrated that the goal of ADPF 153 was require interpretation according to the Constitution the law 6.683/79, which granted amnesty to end the dictatorship both those who acted on behalf of the regime, such as those countered if the military government. The purpose of making the interpretation according to the Constitution of that law had the intention to exclude from the amnesty process the agents of repression who committed numerous crimes in favor of the dictatorial government, with a view that can never be configured as political crimes, considering that these are behaviors that violate human rights. Although it has served to broaden the debate, the trial ADPF 153 exposed the existing bonds in Brazilian institutions in respect to confronting issues of class, since the military regime in Brazil was characterized as the imposition of a government whose main purpose was to protect the interests of dominant groups who were threatened with the implementation of social policies occurred by labor leaders during the 1950s and 1960s. In this context, it is essential to demonstrate the need to build a suitable transitional justice to the consolidation of a democratic regime, by filing its dimensions and prosecution of criminal prosecution against those who committed crimes against humanity during the period in which the military were in power. For that, it is necessary to recognize the impact of international human rights treaties over domestic law, so that it is possible to implement measures that seek the ultimate breakup of the most authoritarian stage of history. Furthermore, this study, despite observing the maintenance of an authoritarian state bias in driving, even after the return of civilian government to power, also aims to analyze the small steps that can be checked with respect to the policies adopted in relation to victims of the dictatorship, such as facilitation payments arising from civil reparations. Finally, it notes the need to build on the limitations of the judiciary, a transitional process with the participation of groups representing the demands of civil society, as collective actors that are represented by social movements and the political leaders who are committed to democratic development.Conforme se pode verificar no histórico de transições políticas e institucionais ocorrido no Brasil, a construção da realidade democrática nacional, nem sempre se deu dentro de um contexto em que os direitos e garantias fundamentais fossem observados e respeitados pelas autoridades instituídas. Na realidade, os períodos de transição não foram capazes de impedir o avanço de poder dos grupos dominantes, de maneira a propiciar aos setores populares uma maior participação democrática na construção do sistema político e jurídico brasileiro. Diante disso, o presente trabalho demonstra, a partir do julgamento pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal da Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental nº 153 (ADPF 153), como as autoridades estatais brasileiras ainda se encontram reféns dos interesses dominantes em detrimento de uma atuação mais ampla em favor das camadas populares. Para entender melhor do que se trata esse julgamento, cabe demonstrar que o objetivo maior da ADPF 153 foi requerer a interpretação conforme a Constituição da lei 6.683/79, que anistiou ao final da ditadura tanto aqueles que atuaram em prol do regime, como aqueles que se contrapuseram ao governo militar. A finalidade de se fazer a interpretação conforme a Constituição da referida lei teve como intuito excluir do processo de anistia os agentes da repressão que cometeram inúmeros delitos em nome do governo ditatorial, tendo em vista que não podem jamais se configurar como crimes políticos, considerando que se tratam de condutas violadoras de direitos humanos. Embora tenha servido para ampliar o debate, o julgamento da ADPF 153 expôs as amarras existentes nas instituições brasileiras em relação ao enfrentamento das questões de classe, uma vez que o regime militar no Brasil caracterizou-se como a imposição de um governo, cujo intento principal foi proteger os interesses dos grupos dominantes que se achavam ameaçados diante a implementação de políticas sociais ocorridas por governantes trabalhistas durante as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Em face de tal cenário, é imprescindível demonstrar a necessidade de se construir uma justiça de transição apta à consolidação de um regime democrático, mediante o preenchimento de suas dimensões e a instauração da persecução penal contra aqueles que cometeram crimes contra a humanidade durante o período em que os militares estiveram no poder. Para tanto, torna-se necessário o reconhecimento da incidência dos tratados internacionais de direitos humanos sobre o direito interno, de maneira que seja possível implementar medidas que busquem o rompimento definitivo da fase mais autoritária da história do país. Além disso, o presente trabalho, apesar de observar a manutenção de um viés autoritário na condução estatal, mesmo após a volta do governo civil ao poder, almeja analisar também, os pequenos avanços que podem ser verificados no que tange às políticas adotadas em relação às vítimas da ditadura, como por exemplo, a facilitação de pagamentos oriundos de reparações civis. Por fim, observa ainda, a necessidade de se construir, diante as limitações do poder judicial, um processo transicional com a participação de grupos que representam as demandas da sociedade civil, como os atores coletivos que são representados pelos movimentos sociais e as lideranças políticas que estejam comprometidas com o desenvolvimento democrático.
Mestre em Direito Público
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Devouèze, Nelly. "Le droit à l'intégrité physique et mentale dans la jurisprudence internationale pénale." Thesis, Paris 5, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA05D008.
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Le droit international pénal est né de l'engagement de la responsabilité pénale individuelle des principaux criminels de la Seconde guerre mondiale. Aux Tribunaux de Nuremberg et de Tokyo, ont succédé dans les années 1990 les deux juridictions ad hoc pour l'ex-Yougoslavie et le Rwanda, créées par le Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies, avant l'avènement d'une juridiction indépendante, permanente et à vocation universelle en 1998 : la Cour pénale internationale. Parmi les actes sous-jacents constitutifs de crimes de guerre, de crimes contre l'humanité et de génocide, une constante apparaît : l'intégrité physique et mentale. En l'absence de définition uniforme dans les systèmes juridiques nationaux, cette notion se définit sur la base des dispositions statutaires et se précise grâce à la jurisprudence des juridictions internationales pénales. Érigeant un véritable droit à l'intégrité physique et mentale en matière de génocide et de crimes de guerre, la jurisprudence des Tribunaux ad hoc utilise également la notion pour compléter la liste des actes sous-jacents constitutifs de crimes contre l'humanité et définir d'autres infractions. Les Chambres vont même jusqu'à protéger cette intégrité en dehors de toute incrimination. Car au-delà de l'intégrité physique et mentale des victimes se pose la question de l'intégrité physique et mentale des autres acteurs impliqués dans les conflits et les procès : soldats et personnel humanitaire, témoins, accusés.L'étude du droit à l'intégrité physique et mentale dans la jurisprudence internationale pénale permet de constater l'émergence d'un droit inconnu des systèmes juridiques nationaux en tant que tel. Ce droit soulève des questions de sécurité juridique tout en démontrant l'autonomie du droit international pénalThe roots of international criminal law may be found in the individual criminal liability of the major criminals of the Second World War. The Nuremberg and Tokyo International Military Tribunals were followed in the 1990's by the two ad hoc Tribunals for Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, created by the United Nations Security Council, and then in 1998 by an independant and permanent tribunal with a universal vocation : the International Criminal Court. Among the underlying acts of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, a leitmotif stands out : physical and mental integrity. Without a uniform definition in national legal systems, this notion is defined on the basis of statutory provisions and becomes clear in the international criminal tribunals' case law. Establishing an autonomous right to physical and mental integrity in terms of genocide and war crimes, the case law of ad hoc tribunals alsouses the notion to complete the liste of underlying acts of crimes against humanity and to define some other crimes. Chambers are also protecting this integrity without any incrimination. Because beyond physical and mental integrity of victimes, arises the question of the physical and mental integrity of other actors of conflicts and proceedings : soldiers, humanitarian workers, witnesses and accused.Studying the right to physical and mental integrity in international criminal case law uncovers the emergence of a right unknown to national legal systems as such. This right raises questions of legal certainty as much as demonstrates the autonomy of international criminal law
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Kuner, Janosch O. A. "The war crimes trial against German Industrialist Friedrich Flick et al - a legal analysis and critical evaluation." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_1823_1363782732.
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This research paper is an analysis of the case United States v Flick et al which took place in 1947 in Nuremberg, Germany. Friedrich Flick, a powerful German industrialist, and several high ranking officials of his firm were tried by a United States military tribunal for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the Third Reich. The
proceedings and the decision itself are the subject of a critical examination, including an investigation of the factual and legal background. The trial will be regarded in the historical context of prosecutions against German industrialists after World War II. Seen from present-day perspective, the question will be raised whether any conclusions can be drawn from the Flick case in respect of the substance of present-day international criminal law.
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Renaudie, Virgile. "L'articulation du droit international et du droit français : illustration par les responsabilités du militaire et de l'Etat français en cas de commission de crimes contre la paix et la sécurité de l'humanité." Limoges, 2005. http://www.unilim.fr/theses-doctorat/2005LIMO0504/html/index-frames.html.
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L'entrée en fonction de la Cour pénale internationale, le 1er juillet 2002, est l'aboutissement d'un mouvement en faveur de la répression des crimes de droit international, initié au début du 20ème siècle. L'instauration de cette juridiction, conforme aux canons du droit criminel, et l'identification d'un noyau dur de crimes et de valeurs constituent de véritables facteurs de mutation de la société internationale, qui incitent à réévaluer son degré d'évolution et ses règles de fonctionnement. L'exemple des responsabilités du militaire et de l'Etat français en cas de commission de crimes contre la paix et la sécurité de l'humanité constitue alors une hypothèse permettant d'apprécier les défis que devront relever les institutions internationales et nationales, dans un domaine faisant l'objet d'une attention toute particulière. L'intensification des rapports ainsi observés entre la société internationale et les sociétés nationales fait apparaître des interactions entre les droits et entre les institutions. Ceci incite donc à s'interroger sur une redéfinition des systèmes juridiques de responsabilité de l'individu et de l'Etat, sur l'articulation des différents droits en interaction et sur une rationalisation de la coopération des organes juridictionnels nationaux et internationauxThe establishment of the International Criminal Court, on July 1st 2002, is the outcome of a movement for prosecution of international law crimes, initiated at the beginning of the 20th century. The establishment of this jurisdiction according to the standards of criminal law, and the identification of a tough core crimes and values are real factors for a transformation of international society. They encourage to revalue the degree of evolution and the rules of functioning. The example of the responsibilities of the military and the french State in case of perpetration of crimes against peace and security of humanity makes a hypothesis which allows to appreciate the challenges that national and international institutions will have to take up in a very particular field. The increasing relationships between international society and national societies points at interactions between the rights and the institutions. This fact prompts to consider a new definition of juridical systems concerning the responsibility of the individual and of the State, as well as the articulation of various interacting rights and the possible rationalization of the cooperation between national and international jurisdictional structures
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Mouzer, Frédérique. "Les relations entre le gouvernement intérimaire rwandais et la communauté internationale (8 avril-18 juillet 1994)." Thesis, Normandie, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018NORMLH23.
Full textAbstract:
L’analyse des relations entre le gouvernement intérimaire rwandais et la communauté internationale durant le génocide de 1994 met en évidence la primauté du facteur politique voire géopolitique sur la prise en compte de considérations strictement juridiques et humanitaires de la part de l’ONU et des États tiers les plus impliqués dans cette crise (Belgique, France, États-Unis). La marginalisation progressive du gouvernement intérimaire sur la scène internationale, au moment où il sollicite une aide extérieure pour mettre fin aux massacres, ne s’est pas accompagnée d’un renforcement des effectifs et du mandat de la Mission des Nations Unies pour l’Assistance au Rwanda (MINUAR), qui constituait pourtant la principale demande des autorités rwandaises au Conseil de sécurité. Ce désengagement de la communauté internationale s’est effectué au détriment de la sécurité et de la protection des populations civiles menacées. Dans le même temps, la criminalisation de ce gouvernement a contribué à faire entériner l’acceptation d’une issue militaire au conflit souhaitée par la rébellion du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), au mépris des accords de paix et de partage du pouvoir d’Arusha signés en 1993. La présomption de culpabilité à l’égard du camp gouvernemental a par la suite fortement impacté la justice internationale, le Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda (TPIR) ayant échoué dans sa mission consistant à juger tous les auteurs de crimes commis en 1994 et à favoriser la réconciliation nationale, du fait de son manque d’impartialité et d’indépendance tant au niveau des poursuites et de l’instruction que du rendu de ses jugements et de leur pleine applicationAn analysis of relations between the interim government of Rwanda and the international community during the genocide of 1994 demonstrates how political, even geopolitical, factors were given priority over strictly judicial and humanitarian considerations by the UN and the third-party states most implicated in this crisis (Belgium, France, the USA). The progressive marginalisation of the interim government on the international scene, at the time when it was soliciting external help to put a stop to the massacres, did not see a reinforcement of staff or of the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), which nonetheless constituted the principal demand of the Rwandan authorities to the Security Council.This disengagement on the part of the international community happened to the detriment of the security and protection of the civil population under threat. At the same time the criminalisation of this government contributed to the endorsement of a military outcome to the conflict ; the outcome desired by the rebellion of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), contravening the Arusha Accords signed in 1993. The presumption of guilt attached to the government camp subsequently had a strong impact on international justice, as the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) had failed in its mission of judging all the perpetrators of crimes committed in 1994, and of favorising national reconciliation, due to its lack of impartiality and independence as much at the level of investigation and prosecution as at the level of the delivery of the judgments and their enactment
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Cantelli, Idalgo. "Il Tribunale militare territoriale di Bologna (1945-1948)." Doctoral thesis, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/2158/1275239.
Full textAbstract:
L’attività del Tribunale militare di Bologna nei primi anni del secondo dopoguerra è sedimentata in 8075 fascicoli conservati nell’Archivio di Stato della Spezia. In una duplice prospettiva di storia giuridica e storia sociale, l’analisi delle carte permette di descrivere i complessi meccanismi giuridici e garantistici del diritto penale militare, ma anche gli strumenti di censimento e di sorveglianza tipici della burocrazia castrense. I giudici militari, pur applicando i codici promulgati in epoca fascista, analizzano i singoli casi valutandone le circostanze, soppesando le testimonianze e – in alcuni casi – adoperando il proprio potere discrezionale in un’ottica favorevole al reo.
La storia giudiziaria permette di misurare la situazione di penuria materiale vissuta nel dopoguerra, con la miriade di furti di generi minuti, e l’allentarsi dei freni morali che emerge dai resoconti delle rapine. Su un versante opposto, dai racconti di molti imputati per diserzione emergono atteggiamenti di resilienza ostinata davanti a situazioni materiali disastrose. Dai fascicoli emerge anche la rappresentazione che i cittadini hanno delle istituzioni e degli «ordinamenti» politici, giuridici e militari. La transizione politico-istituzionale del 2 giugno 1946 è vissuta da molti coscritti come una palingenesi, una rivoluzione dei rapporti sociali: è possibile individuare la matrice di queste idee in subculture locali veicolate da letteratura grigia come volantini e settimanali politici.
Si è prestata attenzione al fenomeno del rifiuto della chiamata di leva del marzo 1946, inquadrandolo nei rapporti coevi tra forze armate e istituzioni politiche: il rinnovamento delle forze armate e la necessità di non comprimere i diritti dei militari di leva sono oggetto di discussione e di scontro politico già negli anni di transizione tra fascismo e Repubblica.
La molteplicità delle fonti del diritto utilizzate nel rito militare mostra come la sopravvivenza dei codici si coniugasse con istanze di riforma legate al passaggio al nuovo regime democratico. L'opera dei giudici si confronta sia con le animate discussioni dei giuristi sia con la giurisprudenza delle corti di legittimità (Corte di Cassazione e Tribunale supremo militare).
L’analisi delle sentenze emesse nel 1948 mostra come a partire da quell’anno i giudici si interroghino sull’applicazione da dare all’art. 103 della Costituzione, relativo ai limiti giurisdizionali dei tribunali militari. L’art. 103 sarà oggetto di una lunghissima diatriba politica e giurisprudenziale, che inaugura un percorso – pluridecennale, travagliato e non teleologico – di democratizzazione della giustizia militare.
In appendice vengono presentate alcune statistiche prodotte a partire dal censimento degli 8075 fascicoli conservati nelle 129 buste con anno di costola 1945-1948.