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1

Lehmann, Hartmut. "The Persecution of Witches as Restoration of Order: The Case of Germany, 1590s–1650s." Central European History 21, no. 2 (June 1988): 107–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890001270x.

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From the late sixteenth to the late seventeenth century many of the territories and cities in Central Europe were the scene of witchcraft trials. As recent research shows, it was especially in the years around 1590, 1610, and 1630, and again in the 1650s, that many parts of Germany were overwhelmed by what might be called a tidal wave of witch-hunting, with thousands upon thousands of victims: women mostly, yet also men and children. So far, despite a large number of detailed studies, there is no convincing explanation of why witch-hunting should have played such a prominent role in Germany from the 1590s to the 1650s.
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2

Rowlands, Alison. "The Witch-cleric Stereotype in a Seventeenth-Century Lutheran Context*." German History 38, no. 1 (June 13, 2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz034.

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Abstract This article enhances our understanding of the development and dynamism of early modern witch stereotypes by focusing on the stereotype of the witch-cleric, the Christian minister imagined by early modern people as working for the devil instead of God, baptizing people into witchcraft, working harmful magic and even officiating at witches’ gatherings. I show how this stereotype first developed in relation to Catholic clerics in demonology, print culture and witch-trials, then examine its emergence in relation to Protestant clerics in Germany and beyond, using case studies of pastors from the Lutheran territory of Rothenburg ob der Tauber from 1639 and 1692 to explore these ideas in detail. I also offer a broader comparison of beliefs about Protestant witch-clerics and their susceptibility to formal prosecution with their Catholic counterparts in early modern Germany, showing that cases involving Protestant witch-clerics were part of a cross-confessional phenomenon that is best understood in a comparative, Europe-wide perspective. In addition to showing how the witch-cleric stereotype changed over time and spread geographically, I conclude by arguing that three distinct variants of this stereotype had emerged by the seventeenth century: the Catholic ‘witch-priest’ and Protestant ‘witch-pastor’ (who were supposedly witches themselves) and the overzealous clerical ‘witch-master’, who was thought to do the devil’s work by helping persecute innocent people for witchcraft. Despite these stereotypes, however, relatively few clerics of either confession were tried and executed as witches; overall, patriarchy worked to protect men of the cloth from the worst excesses of witch persecution.
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3

Gerhild Scholz Williams. "The Trial of Tempel Anneke: Records of a Witchcraft Trial in Brunswick, Germany, 1663 (review)." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 4, no. 1 (2009): 124–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.0.0138.

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4

KNUTSEN, GUNNAR W. "Norwegian witchcraft trials: a reassessment." Continuity and Change 18, no. 2 (August 2003): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416003004582.

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Twenty years have passed since Hans Eyvind Næss published what remains the only complete study of Norwegian witchcraft trials. This article considers the work done since that time, and surveys the state of research on witchcraft trials in Norway. Drawing on a recent registration of all known extant witchcraft trial records in Norway as well as recent research, I show how there was a much higher degree of regional differences within Norway than Næss allowed for, as well as a much greater degree of diabolism (the charge that witches took Satan as their lord) in Norwegian trials.
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5

Osgood, Russell K., and Peter Charles Hoffer. "The Salem Witchcraft Trials: A Legal History." William and Mary Quarterly 57, no. 2 (April 2000): 430. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674485.

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6

Steinberg, Arthur, and Peter Charles Hoffer. "The Salem Witchcraft Trials: A Legal History." American Journal of Legal History 42, no. 4 (October 1998): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/846048.

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7

Reis, Elizabeth, and Peter Charles Hoffer. "The Salem Witchcraft Trials: A Legal History." Journal of American History 85, no. 2 (September 1998): 652. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2567784.

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8

Roper, Lyndal. "Witchcraft and Fantasy in Early Modern Germany*." History Workshop Journal 32, no. 1 (1991): 19–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/32.1.19.

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9

Jütte, Daniel. "Survivors of Witch Trials and the Quest for Justice in Early Modern Germany." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 50, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 349–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-8219590.

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This article explores the trauma that early modern witchcraft trials inflicted on survivors and their communities. The point of departure is the case of Margareth Los, a widow accused of witchcraft in 1520s Württemberg. Subjected to brutal torture, Los was acquitted provisionally after three years in jail. Remarkably, she had the strength to produce an account of her ordeal and to bring her case before the highest court of justice in the Empire. The historical literature on witch trials has long been polarized by the quest for the most “accurate” death tolls. However, the social cost of witch hunts cannot be assessed by the number of death sentences alone. As Los’s case illustrates, witch hunts often had inconclusive outcomes, leaving the accused in a legal limbo that could last for years or even decades. Only one outcome was always the same: witch trials left behind a population of uprooted, dispossessed, and traumatized individuals.
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10

Kern, Edmund M. "An End to Witch Trials in Austria: Reconsidering the Enlightened State." Austrian History Yearbook 30 (January 1999): 159–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006723780001599x.

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For a Long time, scholars of witch-hunting presented Enlightenment political reforms as a kind of ”cure” for the “craze” of witchcraft, but despite these efforts, relatively little attention was truly paid to the end of witch-hunting. Without were formulated, historians attributed changes in state policy to an emerging skepticism and rationalism within the judicial and political elites of Europe.1 At times, scholars focus upon specific, local trials in which a loss of confidence emerged among those hearing witchcraft cases, but somewhat more frequently, they examine specific regions in which, they claim, scientific values and attitudes fostered skepticism among the elites formulating policies on the crime of witchcraft.2 Although there is an undeniable validity to both approaches, their conclusions are not without controversy. Several scholars have pointed out that judicial skepticism toward the crime of witchcraft emerged even before widespread intellectual change, and they have noted that the centralization of judicial administrations led to a decrease in the number and intensity of trials well in advance of enlightened thinking.
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11

de Blécourt, Willem. "Witchcraft, Gender and Society in Early Modern Germany." Church History and Religious Culture 90, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 435–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124110x542716.

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12

Sneddon, Andrew. "Select document: Florence Newton's trial for witchcraft, Cork, 1661: Sir William Aston's transcript." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 164 (November 2019): 298–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.55.

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AbstractThis article examines the sole extant and complete set of signed witness statements for an Irish witchcraft trial. These testimonies were given at Florence Newton's trial for witchcraft at Cork assizes in September 1661, and were signed by the presiding judge, Sir William Aston. The Aston manuscript has been annotated and transcribed in its full, original form for the first time, providing historians with a unique document with which to explore one of the few Irish witchcraft trials. This article also provides suggestions for new ways of looking at the case, and more importantly demonstrates that Newton was not, as once thought, put to death for witchcraft under the 1586 Irish Witchcraft Act but died during her trial. Furthermore, taken in the context of early modern European witchcraft, the case is shown to be an important example of a witch trial occurring in a highly gendered, contested, post-conflict society.
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13

Bever, Edward. "Witchcraft Prosecutions and the Decline of Magic." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 40, no. 2 (October 2009): 263–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2009.40.2.263.

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Witchcraft prosecutions in Europe rose dramatically during the late sixteenth century, peaked in the middle third of the seventeenth century, and declined rapidly thereafter, gradually ceasing altogether by the end of the eighteenth century. The rise was driven by the dissemination of the late-medieval demonology and the “scissors effect” of rising population and constricting resources; the peak reflected the governing elite's “crisis of confidence” in the prosecutions and the demonology. The trials ended because the elite's skepticism about the magnitude of the threat posed by witchcraft gave way to disbelief in the power of magic altogether. The “crisis of confidence” manifested not only the victory of a long-standing tradition of skepticism and contemporary experience with the cruelty and injustices of the trials but also changes in popular behaviors and practices that the trials brought about. The growing acceptance of the new mechanical philosophy was less a cause than a consequence of the decline of witchcraft.
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14

Eidinow, E. "Patterns of Persecution: 'Witchcraft' Trials in Classical Athens." Past & Present 208, no. 1 (July 19, 2010): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtq001.

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15

Mara-McKay, Nico. "Witchcraft Pamphlets at the Dawn of the Scottish Enlightenment." Canadian Journal of History 56, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.56-3-2020-0038.

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In 1563, witchcraft was established as a secular crime in Scotland and it remained so until 1736. There were peaks and valleys in the cases that emerged, were prosecuted, were convicted, and where people were executed for the crime of witchcraft, although there was a decline in cases after 1662. The Scottish Enlightenment is characterized as a period of transition and epistemological challenge and it roughly coincides with this decline in Scottish witchcraft cases. This article looks at pamphlets published in the vernacular between 1697 and 1705, either within Scotland or elsewhere, that focused on Scottish witches, witchcraft, or witch hunting. Often written anonymously, these popular pamphlets about witches, witchcraft, and witch trials reveal the tensions at play between various factions and serve as a forum for ongoing debates about what was at stake in local communities: chiefly, the state of one’s soul and the torture and murder of innocents.
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16

McManus, Edgar J., and Peter Charles Hoffer. "The Devil's Disciples: Makers of the Salem Witchcraft Trials." American Journal of Legal History 41, no. 4 (October 1997): 516. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/846115.

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17

Sneddon, Andrew. "Witchcraft Belief and Trials in Early Modern Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 39, no. 1 (December 2012): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/iesh.39.1.1.

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18

Hall, Alaric. "Research Article: Getting Shot of Elves: Healing, Witchcraft and Fairies in the Scottish Witchcraft Trials." Folklore 116, no. 1 (April 2005): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0015587052000337699.

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19

Roper, L. "Witchcraft, Nostalgia, and the Rural Idyll in Eighteenth-Century Germany." Past & Present 1, Supplement 1 (January 1, 2006): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtj019.

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20

Gragg, Larry, and Peter Charles Hoffer. "The Devil's Disciples: Makers of the Salem Witchcraft Trials." American Historical Review 102, no. 3 (June 1997): 877. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171639.

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21

Minkema, Kenneth P., Peter Charles Hoffer, and Elaine G. Breslaw. "The Devil's Disciples: Makers of the Salem Witchcraft Trials." William and Mary Quarterly 54, no. 3 (July 1997): 642. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953857.

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22

BRINKMAN, INGE. "WAR, WITCHES AND TRAITORS: CASES FROM THE MPLA'S EASTERN FRONT IN ANGOLA (1966–1975)." Journal of African History 44, no. 2 (July 2003): 303–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008368.

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Accusations, trials and executions of witches and sell-outs frequently occurred at the MPLA's Eastern Front in Angola (1966–75). These events do not fit the general self-portrayal of the MPLA as a socialist, secular movement that was supported by the Angolan population without recourse to force. The people interviewed, mostly rural civilians from south-east Angola who lived under MPLA control, suggested many links between treason and witchcraft, yet at the same time differentiated between these accusations. Witchcraft cases were often initiated by civilian families and the accused were mostly people who had a long-standing reputation of being a witch. While the MPLA leadership was often suspicious of the accusations of witchcraft, many civilians regarded the trials of witches as more legitimate than those of treason. Civilians held that the accusation of treason was often used by the guerrillas to get rid of political or personal rivals and/or to control the population. The accusations showed few patterns and cannot be interpreted as deliberate attempts to overcome structural forms of domination, of chiefs over followers, men over women or old over young.
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23

Ostling, Michael. "‘Poison and Enchantment Rule Ruthenia.’ Witchcraft, Superstition, and Ethnicity in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth." Russian History 40, no. 3-4 (2013): 488–507. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04004013.

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How shall one understand the evidence adduced before the Kraków court against an alleged witch in 1713: that “she has lived in Ruthenia”? This article unpacks the context and effects of the early modern Polish stereotype of Ruthenian magic. Both superstition and ethnicity could be used as resources for what David Chidester calls “sub-classification,” the categorization of others as less than fully human. Both humanist poetry and ribald satire made use of such sub-classification to construct German Lutheran “heretics” as learned practitioners of literate black magic, in contrast to simple Ruthenians who, in their comic country-bumptiousness, made poor candidates for a thorough-going demonization. The Witch Denounced, a (likely Jesuit) anti-witch-trial polemic of the 17th century, deploys such ethnic stereotype to defend merely superstitious Polish and Ruthenian “witches,” redirecting attention toward the threat of heretical Reform. Thus the accused Kraków witch was both victim and beneficiary of an ethnic slur – a stereotypical image that helped place her under suspicion but classified that suspicion in terms of ignorant superstition not diabolical witchcraft.
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24

Davies, Owen. "Newspapers and the Popular Belief in Witchcraft and Magic in the Modern Period." Journal of British Studies 37, no. 2 (April 1998): 139–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386156.

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The newspaper archive is, potentially, the largest untapped source of material concerning the popular belief in witchcraft and magic for the period after the formal cessation of the witchcraft trials in 1736. Several historians have successfully exploited the newspaper archive to examine popular customs in the modern period. However, little use has been made of newspapers to examine magical beliefs in the period defined by the decline of learned belief in witchcraft during the early eighteenth century and the eventual demise of popular belief in witchcraft two centuries later. Writing some fifty years ago, L. F. Newman noted that many witchcraft cases “only appear in the local Press of each district and extensive search is necessary to trace cases.” Newman hoped that his own very brief search would act as a catalyst for more intensive studies. Unfortunately, no one has conducted such work, and our understanding of the extent and influence of witchcraft and magic in the modern period is much the poorer for it. The present discussion, which seeks to begin that task, is based on short searches through various newspapers from around the country, the following up of secondary references, and an extensive, systematic ongoing survey of Somerset newspapers.As Gustav Henningsen has observed, the newspaper has an important advantage over the folklore record in that it “always shows us the tradition in a concrete social context” and also provides a definite chronological basis. The combined exploration of folkloric sources and newspapers provides great potential for the regional study of witchcraft and magic in defined cultural settings.
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25

Kivelson, Valerie A. "Witchcraft with a Novgorodian Flair? A Research Note." Canadian–American Slavic Studies 47, no. 3 (2013): 321–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04703026.

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This article surveys the few witchcraft trials from the Novogrod region that survive in central archives of the Razriadnyi prikaz from the seventeenth century to determine whether or not there is some particular skew to the cases from that region. Although the number of cases is very small, they all show an uncommon willingness on the part of community members to accept benign, medical explanations for the use of roots and grasses instead of attributing malevolent supernatural powers to those ingredients and their users.
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26

Hurter, S. R. "Elusive or Illuminating: Using the Web to Explore the Salem Witchcraft Trials." OAH Magazine of History 17, no. 4 (July 1, 2003): 60–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/17.4.60.

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27

Kononenko, Natalie. "Katheryn DYSA. Ukrainian Witchcraft Trials. Volhynia, Podolia, and Ruthenia, 17th." Cahiers du monde russe 62, no. 62/4 (December 1, 2021): 675–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/monderusse.12737.

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28

Parish, Helen. "“Paltrie Vermin, Cats, Mise, Toads, and Weasils”: Witches, Familiars, and Human-Animal Interactions in the English Witch Trials." Religions 10, no. 2 (February 23, 2019): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020134.

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This article explores the role played by the relationship between witch and familiar in the early modern witch trials. It positions animal familiars at the intersection of early modern belief in witchcraft and magic, examining demonologies, legal and trial records, and print pamphlets. Read together, these sources present a compelling account of human-animal interactions during the period of the witch trials, and shed light upon the complex beliefs that created the environment in which the image of the witch and her familiar took root. The animal familiar is positioned and discussed at the intersection of writing in history, anthropology, folklore, gender, engaging with the challenge articulated in this special issue to move away from mono-causal theories and explore connections between witchcraft, magic, and religion.
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29

Latner, Richard B. "Witches, History, and Microcomputers: A Computer-Assisted Course on the Salem Witchcraft Trials." History Teacher 21, no. 2 (February 1988): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/493580.

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30

Shmakov, Aleksandr, and Sergey Petrov. "Economic Origins of Witch Hunting." Studies in Business and Economics 13, no. 3 (December 1, 2018): 214–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sbe-2018-0044.

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Abstract A number of events taking place in the twenty-first century such as mass arrests of members of the Iran President Mahmud Ahmadinezhad's executive office accused of witchcraft make one doubt that witch hunt trials remained in the far Middle Ages. It is religious motives that are usually considered the main reason for anti-witchcraft hysteria. When analyzing the history of anti-witchcraft campaigns we came to the conclusion that in the majority of cases witchcraft was a planned action aimed at consolidating the state power and acquiring additional sources of revenue. By using economic instruments we tried to reveal some general regularities of witch hunt in various countries as well as conditions for this institution to emerge and for ensuring its stability by the state power We show that witch hunt was an instrument of implementing institutional transformations aimed to consolidate the political power or to forfeit wealth by the state power.
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31

Monter, William, and Gerhild Scholz Williams. "Defining Dominion: The Discourses of Magic and Witchcraft in Early Modern France and Germany." American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (October 1997): 1147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170670.

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32

Wunder, Heide, and Gerhild Scholz Williams. "Defining Dominion: The Discourses of Magic and Witchcraft in Early Modern France and Germany." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 4 (1997): 1469. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543665.

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33

Rowlands, A. "Book Review: Defining Dominion: The Discourses of Magic and Witchcraft in Early Modern France and Germany." German History 16, no. 2 (April 1, 1998): 249–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026635549801600214.

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34

Preston, VK. "Reproducing Witchcraft: Thou Shalt Not Perform a Witch to Live." TDR/The Drama Review 62, no. 1 (March 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00724.

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Monuments and exhibits commemorating the 1692–93 witch trials of Salem, Massachusetts, reveal paradigms of economic, performative, and social reproduction. This approach to the public history of the witch tourist district investigates contemporary assurance that acts (or spells) do not do, taking up tourist sites and souvenirs in “Witch City.”
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35

Laskaris, Isabelle. "Agency and Emotion of Young Female Accusers in the Salem Witchcraft Trials." Cultural and Social History 16, no. 4 (March 4, 2019): 413–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14780038.2019.1585316.

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36

Fox-Horton, Julie. "The Voices of Women in Witchcraft Trials: Northern Europe by Liv Helene Willumsen." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 17, no. 2 (September 2022): 340–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.2022.0030.

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Fox-Horton, Julie. "Ukrainian Witchcraft Trials: Volhynia, Podolia, and Ruthenia, 17th–18th Centuries by Kateryna Dysa." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 16, no. 2 (2021): 255–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.2021.0033.

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38

Pihlajamäki, Heikki. "‘Swimming the Witch, Pricking for the Devil's Mark’: Ordeals in the Early Modern Witchcraft Trials." Journal of Legal History 21, no. 2 (August 2000): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440362108539608.

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Michael D. Bailey. "Beyond the Witch Trials: Witchcraft and Magic in Enlightenment Europe, and: Witchcraft Continued: Popular Magic in Modern Europe (review)." Magic, Ritual, and Witchcraft 4, no. 1 (2009): 100–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mrw.0.0130.

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40

Williams (book author), Gerhild Scholz, and Jean-Michel Sallmann (review author). "Defining Dominion. The Discourses of Magic and Witchcraft in Early Modern France and Germany." Renaissance and Reformation 34, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 77–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v34i1.10852.

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41

Lavrov, Aleksandr. "A 1646 Case of “Ordeal by Water” of Individuals Accused of Witchcraft in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania." Russian History 40, no. 3-4 (2013): 508–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04004014.

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This article analyzes a single withcraft case that was investigated in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. That case appears on the surface to have been typical of the majority of surviving trials. It was a rural trial that reflected the tensions and conflicts in peasant society and did not exhibit any features of learned demonology. Both the accused and accusers came from the same social status (the status was not even specified in the case), the exception being one of the defendants who was the wife of a minor official. The case is, nevertheless, unusual and idiosyncratic in terms of both the accusation against the defendants and the procedure employed to decide their fate. The suspected witches were charged with spoiling the harvest, a charge that was fairly rarely voiced in the witchcraft trials of the Grand Duchy, and were subjected to ordeal by water. In order to understand the logic behind the implementation of the ordeal, the essay draws upon materials from Westphalia and Ancient Rus’ in addition to those stemming solely from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
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42

Sneddon, Andrew. "“Creative” Microhistories, Difficult Heritage, And “Dark” Public History: The Islandmagee Witches (1711) Project." Preternature: Critical and Historical Studies on the Preternatural 11, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/preternature.11.1.0109.

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ABSTRACT This article charts a decade-long project on the trial of the Islandmagee witches in County Antrim (Northern Ireland) in 1711. The project comprised three overlapping and connected phases that negotiated a pathway between researching the history of the trial, its interpretative representation in public discourse, and finding impactful ways to bring this research to wider audiences. It demonstrates that creatively and carefully pitched, microhistories of specific trials can fruitfully add to key historiographical debates in witchcraft studies but when combined with sustained, targeted dissemination and co-produced and collaborative public history, it can open up hidden, but important parts of cultural history and dark heritage to wider audiences. This is especially important in countries such as Northern Ireland that have largely overlooked their witch hunting past and where public remembrance and commemoration of witch trials can be difficult and provoke controversy.
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43

Walinski-Kiehl, Robert S. "The devil's children: child witch-trials in early modern Germany." Continuity and Change 11, no. 2 (August 1996): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416000003301.

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Cet article s'attache aux procès dont furent l'objet les enfants accusés de sorcellerie dans l'Europe des XVIe et XVIIe siècles, ce mode de persécution de la sorcellerie ayant jusqu'à présent peu retenu l'attention des historiens. On s'attache surtout à l'Allemagne, terrain favori, dans l'Europe de l'époque, de la chasse aux sorcières. Des études de cas ont été menées pour certaines régions (Würzburg, Calw et Bamberg) qui ont permis de définir les caractéristiques majeures des procès en sorcellerie touchant les enfants, du point de vue de plusieurs disciplines, comme la sociologie et la psychologie. L'étude suggère que la mise en jugement des enfants accusés de sorcellerie est à rapprocher des ‘croisades morales’ entreprises par les régimes étatiques pour imposer à leurs sujets une discipline sociale et morale.
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Graf, Rüdiger. "Transitional Injustice at Leipzig: Negotiating Sovereignty and International Humanitarian Law in Germany after the First World War." Central European History 55, no. 1 (March 2022): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938921001758.

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AbstractThe article analyzes Allied attempts to try German war criminals after the First World War and the ensuing Leipzig trials. Historians of international law commonly describe these as the first (failed) attempt to break principles of national sovereignty by implementing principles of international humanitarian law, which were later realized at Nuremberg and The Hague. The article brackets the question of the Leipzig trials’ alleged success or failure by situating them not so much within the long-term history of international justice but, rather, within the political and intellectual culture of Weimar Germany. The article shows how the German government tried to use its limited domestic sovereignty in order to enhance its international sovereignty. By asking how German sovereignty was contested, negotiated, and reaffirmed, the article historicizes the Leipzig trials and also addresses the more general question of which conditions facilitate international war crimes trials. Drawing on the literature on transitional justice, this article suggests that contestations over German domestic and international sovereignty after the Versailles Treaty offer a more productive frame to understand the trials than measuring success according to international humanitarian law.
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45

Barnett, Eleanor. "Food and Religious Identities in the Venetian Inquisition, ca. 1560–ca. 1640." Renaissance Quarterly 74, no. 1 (2021): 181–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rqx.2020.312.

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Through Venetian Inquisition trials relating to Protestantism, witchcraft, and Judaism, this article illuminates the centrality of food and eating practices to religious identity construction. The Holy Office used food to assert its model of post-Tridentine piety and the boundaries between Catholics and the non-Catholic populations in the city. These trial records concurrently act as access points to the experiences and beliefs—to the lived religion—of ordinary people living and working in Venice from 1560 to 1640. The article therefore offers new insight into the workings and impacts of the Counter-Reformation.
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Seitz, Jonathan. "“The Root is Hidden and the Material Uncertain”: The Challenges of Prosecuting Witchcraft in Early Modern Venice*." Renaissance Quarterly 62, no. 1 (2009): 102–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/598373.

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AbstractThe rich archival records of the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Venice have yielded much information about early modern society and culture. The transcripts of witchcraft trials held before the Inquisition reveal the complexities of early modern conceptions of natural and supernatural. The tribunal found itself entirely unable to convict individuals charged with performing harmful magic, or maleficio, as different worldviews clashed in the courtroom. Physicians, exorcists, and inquisitors all had different approaches to distinguishing natural phenomena from supernatural, and without a consensus guilty verdicts could not be obtained.
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47

Stephens, Walter. "Learned Credulity in Gianfrancesco Pico’s Strix." Renaissance and Reformation 42, no. 4 (April 9, 2020): 17–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1068573ar.

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In 1522–23, Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola was involved in trials that executed ten accused witches. Soon after the trials, he published Strix, sive de ludificatione daemonum, a meticulous defence of witch-hunting. A humanistic dialogue as heavily dependent on classical literature and philosophy as on Scholastic demonology, Strix is unusually candid about the logic of witch-hunting. A convicted witch among its four interlocutors makes Strix unique among witch-hunting defenses. Moreover, it devotes less attention to maleficia or magical harm than to seemingly peripheral questions about sacraments and the corporeality of demons. It attempts to demonstrate that witches’ interactions with demons happen in reality, not in their imagination, thereby vindicating the truth of Christian demonology and explaining the current surfeit of evils. Strix explicitly reverses Gianfrancesco’s earlier stance on witchcraft in De imaginatione (1501) and supplements the defence of biblical truth he undertook in Examen vanitatis doctrinae gentium (1520).
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48

Turk, Eleanor L. "The Berlin Socialist Trials of 1896: An Examination of Civil Liberty in Wilhelmian Germany." Central European History 19, no. 4 (December 1986): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011146.

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Punctually at 8:00 A.M. on 26 November 1895, teams of police officers in Berlin began to search the homes of nearly eighty members of the Social Democratic Party, and the city offices of their organizations. These surprise raids, over by 10:00 a.m., were ordered by the Prussian Minister of Interior, Ernst Köller, to obtain evidence that the Socialist organizations had been working with one another to promote their political goals. In 1895 it was illegal in Prussia, and in most of the other states of the German Empire, for political associations of any kind to work together. Yet the evidence so efficiently confiscated on that gray November morning ultimately put not only the Socialists on trial, but government policy and the fundamental political rights of German citizens as well. Neither the national constitution nor the federal law codes provided protection for the rights of association or assembly at that time. In the absence of such guarantees, the political organizations had to cope with the particularities of the various state laws.
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RUBLACK, ULINKA. "Alison Rowlands, Witchcraft narratives in Germany: Rothenburg, 1561–1652. (Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 2003.) Pages vii+248. £45.00." Continuity and Change 20, no. 1 (May 2005): 152–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416005255418.

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50

Fulbrook, Mary. "Reframing the Past: Justice, Guilt, and Consolidation in East and West Germany after Nazism." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 294–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000114.

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AbstractOnly a minority of Germans involved in Nazi crimes were prosecuted after the war, and the transnational history of trials is only beginning to be explored. Even less well understood are the ways in which those who were tainted by complicity reframed their personal life stories. Millions had been willing facilitators, witting beneficiaries, or passive (and perhaps unhappily helpless) witnesses of Nazi persecution; many had been actively involved in sustaining Nazi rule; perhaps a quarter of a million had personally killed Jewish civilians, and several million had direct knowledge of genocide. How did these people re-envision their own lives after Nazism? And how did they reinterpret their own former behaviors—their actions and inaction—in light of public confrontations with Nazi crimes and constructions of “perpetrators” in trials? Going beyond well-trodden debates about “overcoming the past,” this paper explores patterns of personal memory among East and West Germans after Nazism.
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