Journal articles on the topic 'Treat of Waitangi (1840)'

In 1840, some of the sovereign nations of Māori signed te Tiriti o Waitangi (the Māori language version of the Treaty of Waitangi) with the British Crown. Hone Heke was the first Māori leader of the northern nation of Ngāpuhi to sign, but by 1844 he was leading a significant revolt against British colonialism in Aotearoa New Zealand by chopping down British flagpoles erected on his lands. While Māori may have initially welcomed the intent of te Tiriti as a means for seeking British help to protect their international borders, the British prioritised the English version of the Treaty which recorded the transfer of sovereignty from Māori to the British. As the British transposed their dominant legal traditions of governance, including bringing to the fore their doctrine of parliamentary supremacy, Māori have been seeking their survival ever since. We extend this by focusing on why the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty needs to adapt to the Treaty’s promise of bicultural power sharing.

Abstract This paper discusses the historical background and significance of the two most important national holidays in New Zealand: Waitangi Day and Anzac Day. Waitangi Day is celebrated on the 6th February and it commemorates the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi between British representatives and a number of Māori chiefs in 1840. Following the signing of the treaty New Zealand became effectively a British colony. Anzac Day is celebrated on 25th April, i.e., on the anniversary of the landing of soldiers of the Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (ANZAC) on the Gallipoli peninsula in Turkey in 1915, during World War One. There are three major differences between these two holidays: the process of those days becoming national holidays, the level of contestation, and the changing messages they have carried. The present study analyzes the national discourse around Anzac Day and Waitangi Day in New Zealand, and attempts to reveal how the official New Zealand government rhetoric about national unity becomes deconstructed. The following analysis is based on a selection of online articles from the New Zealand Herald and Stuff published in Auckland and Wellington, respectively. Both cities are populated by multi-ethnic groups, with Auckland featuring the largest Māori population.

This article examines how socio-legal performance in the public realm might operate to question, expose and exploit social and legal norms that can exist in the everyday. With the tactical deployment of humor – and a particular focus on how the Treaty of Waitangi (1840) may continue to operate as a cultural/political force in Aotearoa/New Zealand today – this article explores the contribution that socio-legal artistic performance might make to reveal the tensions, inherent in the 1840 agreement between British colonizers and Māori, as continuing to affect the very foundations of law in Aotearoa/New Zealand and its everyday contemporary articulations.

This article analyses the Treaty of Waitangi in light of Carl Schmitt's concept of constituent power – the idea that in a democracy the people hold the power to make fundamental political decisions to determine their form of political existence. It finds that in 1840, Māori, as the holders of constituent power, made a fundamental political decision to share authority between themselves and the Crown. This fundamental political decision is a key element of the New Zealand constitution; limiting potential constitutional changes that would override the substance of the decision, and requiring changes to the current legal framework in order to comply with the decision to share authority. This article focuses solely on the conservative implications of characterising the Treaty as a fundamental political decision. It concludes that only a further exercise of constituent power by Māori can legitimately override or significantly change the fundamental political decision in the Treaty.

The Privy Council was New Zealand's final court from 1840 until 2004. Its influence was largely benign, correcting errors of principle and, both in the early days and very recently, affording protection to Māori. But despite important exceptions, its failure to fully acknowledge New Zealand's independent identity, seen most importantly in its refusal during five of its final six decades to acknowledge the true legal effect of the Treaty of Waitangi, delayed the evolution of a distinctive New Zealand jurisprudence.

In this article the author discusses various written agreements that the New Zealand government has entered into with Māori since the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840. It is argued that the legal history of New Zealand is more "multi-textual", and more like Canada, the United States, and Argentina than is often thought. It is argued also that the process of agreement-making has been a continuously evolving one and at the present day is more important than ever. The article distinguishes between various types of Crown-Māori agreements and explores which of them are more Treaty-like than others.

New Zealand has been inhabited by the indigenous Maori people for more than 1000 years. The first European (Pakeha) to see the country, in 1642, was the Dutch explorer Abel Tasman. But the English explorer James Cook, who landed there in 1769, was responsible for New Zealand becoming part of the British Empire and, later, the British Commonwealth. In 1840 the Treaty of Waitangi was signed between Maori leaders and Lieutenant-Governor Hobson on behalf of the British Government. The three articles of the Treaty gave powers of Sovereignty to the Queen of England; guaranteed to the Maori Chiefs and tribes full, exclusive and undisturbed possession of their lands, estates, forests and fisheries; and extended to the Maori people Royal protection and all the rights and privileges of British subjects.

AbstractIn Canada, Treaty 1 First Nations brought a claim against the Crown for land debt owed to them since 1871. In 2004, Crown land in Winnipeg became available that, according to the terms of the settlement, should have been offered for purchase to Treaty 1 Nations. Similarly, in New Zealand, the Waikato-Tainui claim arose from historical Crown breaches of the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi. In 1995, a settlement was reached to address the unjust Crown confiscation of Tainui lands. Despite being intended to facilitate the return of traditional territory, compensate for Crown breaches of historic treaties, and indirectly provide opportunity for economic development, in both cases, settlement was met with legal and political challenges. Using a comparative legal analysis, this paper examines how the state continues to use its law-making power to undermine socio-economic development of Indigenous communities in Canada and New Zealand, thereby thwarting opportunity for Indigenous self-determination.

Learning does not occur in a vacuum and this reality challenges all educators to provide for the differing learning needs that exist because of students’ particular relationship to the course material. Teaching Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the colonial history of Aotearoa New Zealand to adult students of social work and counselling in mainstream tertiary education programmes provides particular challenges and opportunities for tutors and students alike. When teaching this topic, it is essential that the nature of the relationships that exist today between the peoples that represent the signatories of the Tiriti / Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 is explored. Yet, at the same time, the learning needs of all students must be met.The authors have extensive experience in the teaching of Te Tiriti o Waitangi to adult learners. They have found the practice of caucusing helpful in creating a process that affords an opportunity for a transfer of learning to take place. How this process operates is the subject of this research study. In it, the authors identify distinct differences between Maaori and non-Maaori students’ experiences of caucusing. Worthwhile explanations of these differences are provided and linked to literature findings. Excerpts from research relating to the hidden dynamics of white power and domination are provided and assist in increasing an understanding of the intense reactions expressed by students during the transfer of knowledge process. Comments from students are included to highlight the shifts in understanding as the caucusing experience proceeds. The authors suggest that this topic has quite different implications for students within the same classroom, dependent upon whether they are located within the group that has experienced colonisation and domination (Maaori) or the other group, i.e. the colonising group (non-Maaori). They highlight the need to go beyond an intellectual fact-gathering exercise to achieve significant and worthwhile educational outcomes in this topic area.

This article draws upon a Māori metaphor to describe the theoretical framework underpinning the methodology and findings of a research project completed by researchers from the University of Canterbury, New Zealand, in 2010. It explains how and why the project required the research team to synthesise key information from four New Zealand Ministry of Education Best Evidence Synthesis (BES) reports as well as kaupapa Māori research associated with the Ministry's Ka Hikitia Māori Education Strategy. The key messages outlined in this article were designed by the research team to serve as a new tool to assist whānau (family) and iwi (tribe) to actively engage in the New Zealand schooling system and assert their rights in accordance with the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi (1840). Given the large number of Māori children attending Australian schools, the findings of this research may be of interest to Australian educationalists.

Te Tiriti o Waitangi, signed between Māori rangatira (chiefs) and the British Crown in 1840 guaranteed to Māori the ‘full, exclusive and undisturbed possession of their lands’. In the decades that followed, Māori were systematically dispossessed of all but a fraction of their land through a variety of mechanisms, including raupatu (confiscation), the individualisation of title, excessive Crown purchasing and the compulsory acquisition of land for public works. Māori, who have deep cultural and whakapapa (genealogical) connections to the land, were left culturally, materially and spiritually impoverished. Land loss has long been a central grievance for many Māori and the return of land has been a guiding motivation for whānau (extended family), hapū (sub-tribe) and iwi (tribe) seeking redress from the Crown. Since the 1990s, many groups have entered into negotiations to settle their historical grievances with the Crown and while land loss and the deep yearning for its return are central to many Māori claims, precious little land is typically returned to Māori through the settlement process. This paper seeks to critically examine the Treaty settlement process in light of land restitution policies enacted elsewhere and argues that one of the many flaws in the process is the paucity of land returned to Māori.

PurposeSocial enterprise in New Zealand is still in its infancy, with no recognised framework to inform knowledge of current or future developments. In this exploratory paper, the aim is to consider four influences which are shaping the development of social enterprise in New Zealand.Design/methodology/approachA critical‐appreciative lens utilising Habermas' concepts of the lifeworld and system informs the consideration of these influences.FindingsFour distinct cultural and historical influences are proposed as contributing to the scope and “flavour” of social enterprise developing in New Zealand: socio‐cultural norms, e.g. “Kiwi ingenuity”; the neoliberal reforms initiated by successive governments during the 1980s; Crown settlements in relation to breaches of the principles of 1840 Treaty of Waitangi; New Zealanders' as international citizens.Originality/valueThe paper shows how feedback and dialogue across the sectors, at local, national and international levels, is now required to determine how other scholars, practitioners and policy makers perceive this proposed initial framework.

The Treaty of Waitangi conferred upon Her Majesty's new subjects "all the rights andprivileges of British subjects" and that included, in theory, the right to be represented in the infantgovernment. In practice, however, the right of Maori to vote in elections was not taken seriouslyuntil 1858 and the presence of formally elected members in the House of Representatives was not achieved until August 1868. When they did speak in 1868 the first four Maori members spoke inMaori, and no adequate provision was made for the translation of their words, or for the words ofother members to be translated for them. The proceedings of the House were not printed in Maoriand the Maori members' speeches were not translated except when it suited the government of theday.Over the next few decades after 1868 there was only an irregular compliance with the standingorders of the House of Representatives and the Legislative Council that Bills and Acts be prepared inboth Maori and English for the better information of "Her Majesty's subjects of the Native Race".This study traces the extent of the use of the Maori language in the House and in the Council andpoints to a large number of extant Bills and Acts in Maori as well as to the large number whichhave not survived but which are referred to in the New Zealand parliamentary debates. These little-known texts deserve recognition as expressions of legislation in an indigenous tongue reflectingindigenous concerns but they have usually been disregarded in a European-dominated GeneralAssembly.

INTRODUCTION: Globally, indigenous social work educators have pursued decolonisation and the development of decolonising practices as part of the indigenous peoples’ rights movement and based on social work principles of self-determination and social justice. Māori have advanced decolonisation based on the original partnership that was envisaged in the Treaty of Waitangi signed between Māori and the British Crown in 1840. Aotearoa New Zealand social work education has a stated commitment to a Treaty-based partnership approach.METHODS: This research engaged focus groups along with interviews of social work educators from nine of the 19 programmes across Aotearoa New Zealand to explore if, and how, this commitment to a Treaty-based approach was being demonstrated in the real world of practice. A diverse group of participants included Māori, Pākehā, Pasifika, and people identifying with other ethnic groups.FINDINGS: Māori and non-Māori participants gave a range of perspectives relating to practising within a Treaty-based context. The Treaty should be understood historically but also in its contemporary expressions noting the extra demands placed on Māori. Non-Māori had an important role in demonstrating Treaty partnership and confronting White privilege. The Māori cultural approach of Kaupapa Ma ̄ori was a foundation for a Treaty approach, and presented a challenge for non-Māori to learn this. A major challenge for programmes was having sufficient Māori staff.Conclusions: Based on the findings, a Treaty-based teaching and learning framework has been developed to support educators as they advance decolonising practices and the indigenisation of social work education in Aotearoa New Zealand.

Purpose This paper aims to highlight the reasons for the establishment of savings banks in New Zealand, with a primary thesis being that savings banks in New Zealand were intended to operate in a similar way to those in the UK. That is, to provide banking services to the working classes and supply revenue to a cash-strapped government. Savings banks were reasonably successful in meeting the needs of their depositors but provided little revenue to the government. This gives rise to a secondary thesis that, when the Government was presented with the opportunity to establish the Post Office Savings Bank (POSB), they did so with revenue in mind. Design/methodology/approach Contemporaneous scholarly discussion along with newspaper, primary sourced bank and government archives builds an interpretation of why savings banks were established in New Zealand. This interpretation is presented in the form of a narrative, which tells the story of the rise of private savings banks in New Zealand and their eventual stagnation when the POSB was introduced. Findings Savings banks in New Zealand were initiated by Governor Grey primarily to provide an alternative source of development funding. New Zealand savings banks, initially modelled on UK and New South Wales variants, also appear to have been designed to meet the needs of the working classes, with deposits limited to £50 a year and a maximum balance set of £100 in total. However, as the requirement to invest in Government debt was removed from their founding legislation, they mainly provided mortgages to their local communities. To some extent, this situation was remedied in 1867 when the POSB was established, as it was required to invest as directed by the Government. Originality/value The narrative highlights the importance of savings banks and the POSB to both the people and government of New Zealand. This research adds to the discussion surrounding the purpose of savings banks and details the contributions made by both savings banks and the POSB in colonial New Zealand. As previous publications were in the main commissioned by various savings banks, this work provides an independent academic analysis of the first savings banks in colonial New Zealand in the period from the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 until New Zealand became a dominion in 1907.

The purpose of this article is to analyse and describe fundamental individual rights in relation to the Constitution of Sweden and New Zealand. Basic human rights include the right to dignity, right to liberty and the right to equality. Everyone is equally entitled regardless of origin, race, gender or education. Based on the analysis of several acts concerning the constitutional legislation of both countries it is evident that there is a lack of uniformity the nature of these have been complex and difficult to convey. Concerning Sweden, the Constitution consists of four acts in which the act of government includes standards governing and representing protection of the rights a liberty of a citizen. Constitutional legislation of New Zealand is more complicated because it consists of the Treaty of Waitangi 1840, The New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, numerous laws, statutes setting up by the New Zealand Parliament as well as numerous constitutional customs, which may constitute legal standards and translate into precedent acts of courts. Despite the daily violation of rights in both Sweden and New Zealand, the complex legal systems protect and secure the rights of the people in their countries by introducing a series of laws and other regulations. The government of both countries, as well as public authority and other non-governmental organisations do their best to ensure they are respected and not violated. It should be noted that both Sweden and New Zealand have proven to comply with the obligations imposed on them under their national and international obligations with some undoubtable success, with generally well accepted principles in the whole civilised world.

In Busby v White, James Busby sought to challenge the validity of the Land Claims Ordinance 1841 which treated his pre-Treaty of Waitangi land purchases as "null and void". He had campaigned against the New South Wales statute which preceded the Ordinance, and throughout the 1840s continued to argue against the legislation through political channels, while maintaining his claim to hold the lands under his "native title". By the 1850s holding by "native title" was increasingly precarious as the Government moved to acquire Busby's lands for the purposes of settlement. Busby was forced to law. His aim was to set up the validity of the legislation as a question of law which could be taken to the Privy Council for authoritative resolution. Busby v White was the second attempt to establish a platform for appeal. As in his earlier claim, Busby v McKenzie, the Supreme Court avoided a determination on the merits, thus thwarting Busby's strategy of appealing to London. Although no substantive decision was delivered, the extensive argument was fully reported in The Southern Cross newspaper, from which the Lost Cases Project has recovered it. Its interest today is in arguments which question the course set by R v Symonds (1847) on the nature of native property in New Zealand and the subsequent relegation of the Treaty of Waitangi to legal limbo in Wi Parata v Bishop of Wellington (1877).

Em 1840 foi assinado, na Nova Zelândia, então colônia da Inglaterra, o Tratado de Waitangi, entre a Coroa britânica e mais de quinhentos chefes maori. Em seus três artigos, o documento, escrito em inglês e traduzido para o maori por missionários britânicos, determinava que os maori cederiam o governo da região à Grã-Bretanha, tendo garantido seu direito a terras, florestas e áreas pesqueiras. Na história da Nova Zelândia, contudo, o tratado acabou se constituindo em letra morta, e os maori foram perdendo suas terras, ficando confinados a regiões pouco férteis. Nos anos 1970, uma série de fatores levou a mobilizações dos maori, que culminaram na criação do Tribunal de Waitangi, em 1975, instância na qual podem ser denunciadas ações ou omissões da coroa, inclusive após a independência da Nova Zelândia, que tenham rompido as promessas do Tratado de 1840. No julgamento, as “provas orais”, ou seja, a tradição oral dos grupos que reivindicam um território ou o direito a uma atividade econômica, desempenham papel importante.

Résumé Les termes de rangatiratanga (« souveraineté ») et kawanatanga (« gouvernorat ») occupent une place centrale dans le Traité de Waitangi (1840), instrument bilingue dont les deux versions officielles (anglaise et maorie) divergent significativement toutefois. Après avoir rappelé le contexte historique et juridique, l’auteure explore les champs sémantiques respectifs de kawantanga et rangatiratanga dans la double optique du droit interne et du droit international. Sur le plan interne, le débat tourne actuellement autour de l’accommodement de te tino rangatiratanga dans le cadre de l’ordre juridique néo-zélandais. Sur le plan international, le Traité de Waitangi symbolise surtout une relation de type nation-à-nation entre les Maoris et la Couronne britannique. Le lien entre ces deux niveaux d’analyse est assuré par le paradigme de l’internalisation en vertu duquel les dispositions du Traité ne sont plus vues aujourd’hui qu’à la seule luière de leur rôle en droit public interne. Il s’ensuit qu’elles ne sont justiciables que selon les termes établis par la partie étatique. Celle-ci étant juge et partie à la fois, toute possibilité de réconciliation de te tino rangatiratanga avec la souveraineté légale de la Couronne se heurte à des limites importantes.

L’objectif de cet article est d’interroger le concept de souveraineté hérité de la modernité européenne à partir de sa « traduction » en maori dans le traité de Waitangi conclu en 1840 entre les chefs maoris d’Aotearoa (Nouvelle-Zélande) et l’Empire britannique. Le concept de souveraineté est difficilement traduisible en maori puisqu’il ne possède pas d’équivalent direct. Le terme kawanatanga choisi par le missionnaire-traducteur Henry Williams n’est qu’une translittération du mot anglais governor auquel le suffixe -tanga a été ajouté; ce terme rend mal l’idée du pouvoir absolu du souverain. Est-ce une « mauvaise » traduction pour autant? Henry Williams était-il incompétent? A-t-il plutôt voulu sciemment tromper les Maoris, comme le laissent entendre certains chercheurs? Le concept était-il lui-même intraduisible? Lorsqu’on analyse la traduction du terme souveraineté, on découvre qu’il n’y a pas d’équivalence formelle préétablie avant sa réalisation et que la souveraineté ne se transfère pas, mais se performe. Le contenu du concept est ainsi isomorphe à sa production : la souveraineté est une performance, et la traduction comme opération de création de termes participe à son actualisation. En utilisant un terme étranger mais profane pour rendre le concept, Henry Williams, sans peut-être le vouloir ou en être conscient, refuse la souveraineté dans son abstraction et, ce faisant, résiste aux tentatives de sceller l’interprétation du texte dans une unicité souveraine. Vue sous ce nouvel angle, la traduction de Williams participerait d’une « pensée sauvage » au sens de l’anthropologue Pierre Clastres, instituant une relativité toujours vulnérable, mais essentielle dans la perspective d’une traduction postcoloniale.

The Pūao-te-Āta-tū Report (1986) is the founding document of Māori social work in Aotearoa, second only to Te Tiriti o Waitangi (1840) in its significance for Māori social workers. This article presents the influences of Pūao-te-Āta-tū over the past 20+ years on Māori social work. The Report promoted significant changes to social work; in particular, the development of social work practices by Māori, with whānau Māori. In light of its significant nature, research was undertaken with eight Māori social workers to engage them in discussion on the influential nature of Pūao-te-Āta-tū on their social work practice. This article presents the participants’ comments, and emphasises the impact Pūao-te-Āta-tū had on Māori social work practice methods (Hollis, 2006).

Background Te Tiriti o Waitangi was negotiated between the British Crown and Indigenous Māori leaders of Aotearoa New Zealand in 1840. Māori understood the agreement as an affirmation of political authority and a guarantee of British protection of their lands and resources. The Crown understood it as a cession of sovereignty. The tension remains, though legal and political developments in the last 35 years, have established that the agreement places a mandatory obligation on the Crown to protect and promote Māori health. It also requires that Māori may exercise rangatiratanga, or responsibility and authority, in relation to health policy development and implementation. Methods Te Tiriti is, then, an instrument against which health policy is justly and efficaciously evaluated. This paper introduces critical Tiriti analysis as such an evaluative method. Critical Tiriti analysis involves reviewing policy documents against the Preamble and the Articles of te Tiriti o Waitangi. The review process has five defined phases: (i) orientation; (ii) close reading; (iii) determination; (iv) strengthening practice and (v) Māori final word. Results We present a working example of critical Tiriti analysis using the New Zealand Government’s Primary Health Care Strategy published in 2001. This policy analysis found poor alignment with te Tiriti overall and the indicators of its implementation that we propose. Conclusion This paper provides direction to policy makers wanting to improve Māori health outcomes and ensure Māori engagement, leadership and substantive authority in the policy process. It offers an approach to analysing policy that is simple to use and, inherently, a tool for advancing social justice.

The complex interactions and ruptures between contemporary settler colonialism, environmental ethics, and Indigenous rights and worldviews often emerge in projects of civil engineering. The continued capture, control and burial of natural water courses in Aotearoa-New Zealand is a case in point, and exemplifies a failure to stay abreast of evolving understandings and renewed relationships we seek with our waterways, our ancestors. Wai-Horotiu stream used to run down what is now Queen Street, the main road in Auckland, Aotearoa-New Zealand’s largest city. Treasured by Māori as a source of wai (water) and mahinga kai (food), it is also the home of Horotiu, a taniwha or ancestral guardian—a literal ‘freshwater body’. However, as Tāmaki-Makaurau transitioned into Auckland city, Wai-Horotiu became denigrated; used as an open sewer by early settlers before being buried alive in the colonial process. How, now, can we know this buried waterway? Te Awa Tupua Act 2017 that affords the Whanganui River juristic personality and moral considerability offers one possible solution. It acknowledges that waterways, incorporating all their physical and metaphysical elements, exist in existential interlinks with Māori as part of their whakapapa (genealogical networks). This paper asks, can a corresponding and appropriate ethics of association and care be fostered in and expressed by the political descendants of British settlers (Pākehā) and later immigrants who live here under the auspices established by Te Tiriti o Waitangi in 1840? Here is a conversation between a Māori earth systems scientist and a Pākehā interdisciplinary scholar. Where Hikuroa speaks from and to direct whakapapa connections, beginning with pepeha, Lythberg’s narrative springboards from public art projects that facilitate more ways of knowing Wai-Horotiu. Together, we contend that a regard for Indigenous relationships with water can guide best practice for us all, and propose that creative practices can play a role in attaching people to place, and to waterways.

Abstract Whig treatments of the politics of early 19th century Upper Canada have tended to treat the reformers as a group unified behind the concept of "responsible government". As Graeme Patterson has pointed out, though, the concept of responsible government, which lay at the heart of much debate during the 1830s and 1840s, had a variety of meanings, ranging from the traditional Baldwinite view of ministerial responsibility for policy to an elected chamber of a sovereign legislature to the much simpler concept cf effective accountability of the colonial administration to imperial authorities. The author explores a distinctive variant upon the theme cf "responsible government" - that posited by the English-born reformer, Charles Fothergill. After a short, and not par- ticularly distinguished, career as a placeman, Fothergill was dismissed in 1826 for his activities in the House of Assembly. After three years in the mainstream cf reform politics, he broke with W.W. Baldwin, John Rolph and their adherents over the meaning cf responsible government, and proclaimed himself a "conservative reformer." Afterthe Rebellion, he became a tribune of the so-called "British Party" - a group of loyal, conservative, middle-class British immigrants who resented the dominance of the Family Compact. Though Fothergill shared the social conservatism which underlay the Bald- winite view of responsible government, he posited a less radical, more legalistic - and, to the author, more logical - alternative to ministerial responsibility.

There are many aspects of nineteenth-century violin playing that have received little attention from scholars. The subject is a vast and complicated one, far beyond the scope of a short article to treat adequately, but there are a number of important areas in which problems have not even been recognized, let alone investigated. For instance, the most substantial recent work on this subject, Robin Stowell's Violin Technique and Performance Practice in the Late Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries (Cambridge, 1985), provides a useful digest of what the major violin methods of the period say, but because it is mainly confined to these sources, ignoring for the most part journalism and other contemporary accounts, and because it has a rather artificial terminal date of 1840, it fails to illuminate major underlying patterns of continuity and change in nineteenth-century violin playing. It may be valuable, therefore, to put forward a few ideas and suggest a few fruitful lines of enquiry which have until now remained largely unconsidered.

Abstract Although Leopold Zunz has spent most of his years in Berlin, he had led an active life. German-Jewish history rightly remembers him first and foremost as the iconic figure of the Wissenschaft des Judentums (the Science of Judaism) whose inspiring charisma has lasted to this day. However, Zunz has also left influential traces in the German and German-Jewish history as a preacher, pedagogue, and political contemporary. This essay ponders a facet of his biography which thus far has rather eluded further attention. When the entire educational system of German Jewry underwent a modernization process of transformation, Zunz had not only given fresh impetus for the momentary education at his Gemeinde-Knabenschule (Berlin’s former Jewish Freischule where Zunz served as principal). In addition, Zunz was among the most significant advocates of a Jewish faculty at schools. He sought their professionalization through raising the general level of qualification. Zunz’s efforts in this are the subject of the following discussion. The focal point will be set on Zunz’s years as principal of the Jewish Lehrerseminarium (Teachers’ Seminary) in Berlin which offered training to young prospective Jewish teachers between 1840 and 1850.1

Introduction: Breast cancer is the most common cancer in women and the first cause of cancer death in women. This tumor often has hormonal receptors. The absence of these hormonal receptors leads to inability to treat the normal hormonal methods correctly. Objectives: In the present study, frequency of triple negative breast cancer in referrals patients to all patients with breast cancer involvement was investigated. Patients and Methods: This cross-sectional study was performed on patients with breast cancer. Accordingly, all patients with breast cancer involvement who referred to Firoozgar hospital from 2016 Until 2019 were evaluated sensually. The extracted parameters included the age, the status of the hormonal receptors in terms of positive or negative, and the degree of tumor based on the pathology in the case. Results: In this study, 1840 patients were diagnosed with malignancies, of which 266 (14.5%) were infected with a variety of breast malignancies negative triple breast was 48 patients (20.6%). Mean and standard deviation of patients with triple negative malignancy were 47.63 ± 13.34 years. We also observed the stage of breast cancer, the second most common stage (23 patients and 47.9%), and the first stage with the lowest incidence (4 patients and 8.3%) among patients. Conclusion: Considering the increased use of chemotherapy in treating this type of malignancy and the high cost of treatment in these patients, this malignancy should be considered in order to identify the disease early in order to plan for proper health and reduce the cost of the treatment.

В статье анализируется отношение к крепостному праву как социально-политической проблеме в произведениях Я. П. Полонского «Свежее преданье» (включая план ненаписанных глав), «Признания Сергея Чалыгина» и «Дешевый город». Рассматриваются герои трех романов, с помощью которых писатель рисует правдивую картину жизни русского общества в 1820-е, 1840-е и 1850-е годы, а также показывает существовавшие в обществе позиции по отношению к крепостному праву. Через некоторых героев автор транслирует свое собственное мнение по поводу крепостной зависимости крестьян: рассказчик, Камков, Лора, Ульяна Ивановна, князь Таптыгин, баронесса («Свежее преданье»); Сергей Чалыгин, его мать, Кремнев («Признания Сергея Чалыгина»); Елатомский, Эвина, Бавин («Дешевый город»). Выделяются следующие аспекты трактовки Полонским проблемы крепостного права: протест против крепостного права неразрывно связан с идеями свободы и равноправия, при этом свобода понимается писателем не как проявление абсолютной воли человека, а как ответственное отношение к интересам общества и других людей; в среде либерально настроенной интеллигенции (особенно в 1850-е годы), как показывает писатель, существовало противоречие, заключающееся в расхождении слов и жизни за счет труда крепостных крестьян; неоднозначное отношение самих крестьян к возможному освобождению от крепостной зависимости ставит вопрос о готовности землепашцев принять свободу. Отмечается, что наиболее либеральные и демократические установки персонажей произведений совпадают с авторским мировоззрением. Делается вывод о том, что в исследуемых романах Я. П. Полонский пропагандирует идеи свободы, выступает против крепостного права, а также правдиво передает распространенные в русском обществе в 1820–1850-х годах настроения в контексте данной проблемы. Рассмотрение Полонским социально-политических проблем при этом отличается оригинальностью: писатель вкрапляет в ткань произведений диалоги, небольшие лаконичные зарисовки, краткие рассуждения, касающиеся вопросов политики, в частности крепостного права, и только целостный анализ текста позволяет понять позицию автора. The article analyzes J. P. Polonsky’s attitude to serfdom as a social and political problem through the prism of Polonsky’s novels “A Lovely Promise” (including the unwritten chapters), “Sergey Chalygin’s Confessions” and “A Cheap City”. The article focuses on the characters of the three novels whose images help the writer to depict the life of Russian society in the 1820s, the 1840s, and the 1850s, as well as to render social attitudes to serfdom. Some of the characters function as the author’s mouthpiece, showing Polonsky’s attitude to serfdom. These characters are the narrator, Kamkov, Lora, Ulyana Ivanovna, count Taptygin, the baroness (“A Lovely Promise”), Sergey Chalygin, his mother, Kremnev (“Sergey Chalygin’s Confessions”), Elatomsky, Evina, Bavin (“A Cheap City”). The article highlights the following aspects of Polonsky’s attitude to serfdom: serfdom is a monstrous practice which robs a person of their innate right to freedom and equality. The writer doesn’t treat freedom as manifestation of free will, but as recognition and respect for others. Polonsky underlines the discrepancy between liberal ideas expressed by representatives of intelligentsia and their acceptance of serfdom, he highlightes that peasants treated emancipation differently and sometimes they were not willing to accept freedom. The article maintains that Polonsky’s characters’ liberal and democratic ideas reflect the writers’ worldview. The author of the article concludes that in the aforementioned novels, J. P. Polonsky propagates freedom, censures serfdom, describes social attitudes to serfdom prevalent in Russian society in the 1820s–1850s. Polonsky’s treatment of social and political problems is strikingly unique. The writer’s ideas and attitudes can only be uncovered through close reading, through comprehensive analysis of the characters’ dialogues and short sketches on political issues.

What is pedagogization? What is childhood? And, what is the device? This article is based on a doctorate research which links these three concepts from a Foucault analysis. The starting point is the notion that the 18th century invests specifically in the body of the child, producing a series of practices which register into a pedagogization process of their sex. This process first occurs through silencing and denial of the existence of a child´s sexuality, but at the following moment, it will trigger off an explosion of practices which will exalt, explain, incite, “liberate”, treat, cure, etc, all the manifestations around their body. There is a hypothesis which crosses this debate and preconizes it is from the moment the child becomes one of the strategic groups of the sexuality device. According to Foucault, a heterogeneous set of regimes of truth and practices is also produce don’t of his child, in such way that, a specific manner of childhood living is shown to them. This way, childhood constitutes itself, as well as sexuality, as a historical power device. By corresponding to the characteristics of the device, the article shows the practices which framed the modern childhood, such as: Pedagogical Practices, Divider and gender an didentity Practices and Medical Practices. Through such practices, it is possible to observe the visibility and enunciation lines, as well as the strength and subjectivation ones, converging to frame the body of the child and to configure them as a way of living, behaving, playing, and expressing themselves. A movement which is precise and micropolitical: from the practices of discipline from the body to the childhood device. Resumo O que é a pedagogização? O que é a infância? E o que é o dispositivo? Este artigo se deriva de uma pesquisa de doutorado que entrelaça estes três conceitos a partir de uma analítica foucaultiana. O ponto de partida é a noção de que o século XVIII investe de maneira específica no corpo da criança, produzindo uma série de práticas que se inscrevem em um processo de pedagogização de seu sexo. Esta pedagogização, por sua vez, ocorre primeiramente por meio de um silenciamento e de uma negação da existência da sexualidade da criança, mas que em momento seguinte desencadeia uma explosão de práticas que irão, por outro lado, exaltar, explicar, incitar, “liberar”, tratar, curar etc., todas as suas manifestações em torno de seu corpo. Há uma hipótese que atravessa esse debate que entende que é a partir do momento em que a criança se torna um dos grupos estratégicos do dispositivo da sexualidade, tal como pressupõe Foucault, um conjunto heterogêneo de regimes de verdades e práticas é também produzido sobre esta criança, de maneira tal, que se desenha para ela um modo específico de viver a infância. Dessa maneira, a infância vai se constituindo, tal como a sexualidade, como um dispositivo histórico do poder. De forma correspondente às características do dispositivo, o artigo desenha as práticas que emolduraram a infância moderna, tais como: as Práticas pedagógicas, as Práticas divisórias e identitárias de gênero e de sexualidade e as Práticas médicas. Observa-se, nessas práticas, as linhas de visibilidade e de enunciação, as de força e as de subjetivação, todas convergindo de maneira a esquadrinhar o corpo da criança e a configurar para ela um modo de viver, de se portar, de se vestir, de habitar, de brincar, de se expressar. Um movimento que é preciso e micropolítico: das práticas de disciplinamento do corpo ao dispositivo da infância. Keywords: Childhood, Sexuality, Device, Pedagogization.Palavras-chave: Infância, Sexualidade, Dispositivo, Pedagogização.ReferencesAGAMBEN, Giorgio. O que é um dispositivo? 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Educação e Realidade, V 32 (2), p. 23-48, julho/dez, 2007.ROCHA, Heloísa Helena Pimenta. Educação escolar e higienização da infância. Cad. Cedes, Campinas, v. 23, n. 59, p. 39-56, abril 2003. Disponível em http://www.cedes.unicamp.brSCHUELER, Alessandra Frota Martinez de. A “infância desamparada” no asilo agrícola de Santa Isabel: instrução rural e infantil (1880 – 1886). Educação e Pesquisa, São Paulo, v.26, n.1, p.119-133, jan./jun. 2000.SCOTT, Joan. Gênero: uma categoria útil de análise histórica. Educação e Realidade, Porto Alegre, v.2, n.20, p.71-100, jul./dez.1995.SOUZA, Érica Renata de. Marcadores sociais da diferença e infância: relações de poder no contexto escolar. Cadernos Pagu (26), janeiro-junho de 2006, pp.169-199.VEYNE, Paul. Foucault, o pensamento, a pessoa. Lisboa: edições Texto & Grafia, Ltda. 2009.VIANNA, Claudia; FINCO, Daniela. Meninas e meninos na Educação Infantil: uma questão de gênero e poder. Cad. Pagu [online]. 2009, n.33, pp. 265-283. ISSN 0104-8333. doi: 10.1590/S0104-83332009000200010.

The period bookended by initial Maori-Pakeha contact at one end, and the Treaty of Waitangi and the beginning of mass Pakeha migration at the other, is an under-represented stage of New Zealand history. In his study The Meeting Place, Vincent O'Malley purports to examine 1642-1840. Likewise, in a prequel to his previous studies of New Zealand in the 1830s and the 1840s, Paul Moon's A Savage Country is confined to the 1820s. It is pleasing to see this important time of change, for both Maori and Pakeha, as the focus of further historical investigation.

An account of an inner city ‘mainstream’ primary school, in Auckland, Aotearoa New Zealand, that is organized around a co-governance relationship based on the Treaty of Waitangi (1840). In this school, two forms of authority (Māori and Crown), and ways of constituting social and educational space are recognized and practiced. Because these governance arrangements position Māori autonomously and relationally, Māori are actively and creatively determining their own educational priorities and practices with significant success. This account can be read as a productive example of the possibilities for ethical and political practice, in a range of sites across our Indigenous worlds.

If history is to be decolonized, then the archives it is made from must be too. This article uses the work of the Waitangi Tribunal in Aotearoa New Zealand to explore how this might be possible. The tribunal is a permanent commission of inquiry that investigates contemporary and historical breaches of the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi. Tribunal hearings are rich sites of public history-making. A hearing involves the research and production of ‘traditional’ and ‘historical’ tribal narratives as well as the performance of dozens of individual testimonies from Maori. By collecting and archiving the family and tribal histories that Maori claimants have chosen to speak, write or sing before it, the tribunal has made the private public. In the process, the colonial archive has been expanded, democratised and decolonised. This article argues that while the work of the tribunal is necessarily constrained by its brief to investigate post-contact grievances, the voluminous and precious archive generated by inquiries and by the settlement process that sometimes follows, provide the seeds for other more satisfying and challenging stories about New Zealand’s past and present. It reads the archives generated by the Taranaki inquiry to demonstrate how a significant feature of claimant testimony is the challenge it poses to conceptions of time that are central to academic history-making. The subaltern histories shared at tribunal hearings collapse the distinctions between past and present, placing ‘historical actors’ and ‘historical events’ on the same stage as present ones. Tribunal archives, then, are a new and overlooked collection of documentary evidence that refuses to locate colonisation in the past. The tribunal archives challenge historians to rethink ‘history’ and ‘the colonial archive’. If colonisation is something that is not over yet then the colonial archive is still being created (by bodies like the tribunal). It is a collection of documents that can be viewed as both historical and contemporary.

The execution of a minor chief in 1842 in Auckland Prison for the crime of murder would normally be of little significance in the evolution of a nation’s statehood, unless it triggered some form or rebellion or even revolution. The history of colonial rule in the British Empire in the nineteenth century contains many examples of murderers receiving capital punishment for their crime. However, the constitutional significance of the Governor’s determination to execute the criminal was of substantial, principally because it signified the Crown’s willingness – at this relatively early stage in Crown Colony Government in New Zealand – to extend its jurisdiction so that British law would apply to Maori communities. Too often, it has been taken for granted that the Treaty of Waitangi asserted (initially in principle and gradually in practice) British sovereignty over Maori as well as Europeans in the country. However, what the Maketu example illustrates is that the limits of British sovereignty in New Zealand prior to 1842 were confined exclusively to the non-Maori population, as had been the expectation of the Colonial Office in the two years leading up to the conclusion of the Treaty.

Abstract Issue/problem Te Tiriti o Waitangi (te Tiriti) was negotiated between the British Crown and Indigenous Māori in 1840. Māori understood the agreement as an affirmation of political authority and a guarantee of British protection. The Crown understood it as a cession of sovereignty. Te Tiriti places a mandatory obligation on the Crown to protect and promote Māori health that has not been upheld. Description of the problem Ethnic inequities in health outcomes have been allowed to flourish in Aotearoa. We explored to what extend te Tiriti could be a anti-racism tool that health policy could be usefully evaluated against? Results We introduce Critical Tiriti Analysis (CTA) a new form of critical policy analysis. CTA involves reviewing policy documents against the Preamble and the Articles of the Māori text of te Tiriti o Waitangi. The review process has five defined phases: i) orientation; ii) close reading; iii) determination; iv) strengthening practice; and v) Māori final word. We present a working example of CTA using the New Zealand Government’s Primary Health Care Strategy. This policy analysis found poor alignment with te Tiriti overall and the indicators of its implementation that we propose. Lessons This paper provides direction to public health practitioners wanting to improve Māori health outcomes and ensure Indigenous engagement, leadership and substantive authority in the policy process. It offers an approach to analysing policy that is simple to use and, inherently, a tool for advancing social justice. Key messages CTA is an anti-racism tool for holding the Crown accountable for Māori health. CTA could be adapted and applied in other colonial contexts to advance Indigenous health.

Harriet Beecher Stowe (1811 - 1896) a nineteenth century American female writer, rose from a religious family and enrooted in Calvinism preached by her father Lyman Beecher, she pictures the true disciple of Christ in her novel Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Uncle Tom, a blackish slave of Kentucky plantation in the year 1840 who plays the central character and he owns only the Bible. Throughout the novel he often found reading it with great religious feeling and quotes it to educate Eva, Cassy, and others to find the strength to survive in their trials. This paper aims to observe the characteristics features of the true disciples with reference to the Bible. As the bible says, in Colossians 3:22 “Slaves, obey your earthly masters in everything; and do it, not only when their eye is on you and to curry their favor, but with sincerity of heart and reverence for the Lord”. The Holy book says that humans ought to treat one another as they themselves wish to be treated. Uncle Tom and Eva are true martyrs of love, compassion, sacrifice and obedience. They stand as a symbol of saintliness, representation and a true disciple of Jesus Christ