Journal articles on the topic 'Transportation noise – Ontario – Toronto'

Events that disable parts of the highway transportation network, ranging from weather conditions to construction closures, may affect freight travel times and ultimately degrade economic productivity. Although previous studies of criticality typically focused on the impacts of natural disasters or terrorist attacks on systemwide travel times, these studies did not quantify the costs associated with disruptions to the economy because of disruptions to the freight transportation system. This paper quantifies the economic criticality of the highway infrastructure in Ontario, Canada, with the use of a new measure of criticality that determines the cost of highway closures (in dollars) on the basis of the value of goods, the time delayed, and the associated value of time. When criticality is measured in this way, it has some correlation with truck volumes, but the correlation differs when the values of shipments and the physical redundancy in the network are considered, and results in new insights into critical freight infrastructure. For example, the highway network within the greater Toronto, Ontario, Canada, area has a high degree of redundancy, but highways farther away from this metropolitan area have less redundancy and are thus more critical. Moreover, sections of Highway 401 located west of the greater Toronto area were found to be more critical—even though it carries lower truck volumes—than those located east of the greater Toronto area because of the lower redundancy in the western portion of the network. This measure has many potential applications in freight transportation planning, operations, and maintenance. Finally, with the cost of these disruptions quantified in dollars, one can then calculate the monetary benefits of potential transportation improvements for comparison (i.e., perform a cost–benefit analysis).

The author runs "Natural Heritage Consulting" in Richmond Hill, Ontario, Canada. She is a former Adjunct Professor at Ryerson University having taught Applied Ecology as a joint program between the School of Occupational and Public Health and the School of Urban and Regional Planning. She has provided environmental policy input on government initiatives such as the formation of the Greenbelt around the City of Toronto in her capacity as a member of the Province of Ontario's Greenbelt Task Force. The text that follows is a revised and edited version of a paper presented by the author at the Natural City conference - "Success Stories" - organized by the Centre for Environment, University of Toronto from 31 May to 2 June, 2006.

Highway traffic noise is an ever-increasing problem for transportation agencies. The challenge presented to transportation agencies is to incorporate noise abatement into the highway environment without compromising the aesthetic integrity of the surrounding communities. In an effort to guide highway designers, a survey of practice was sent to all state transportation agencies and their equivalents in Puerto Rico and Ontario, Canada. The portions of the survey regarding noise-barrier materials, aesthetic visual quality in design, and public involvement in the design process are discussed in this paper. The literature review revealed a long-standing effort throughout Europe to incorporate many aesthetic features into noise-barrier systems and to use public preferences to guide design. Many new products that provide aesthetically pleasing noise barriers, in addition to the noise-level reductions required of transportation agencies, are now available. Innovative and versatile methods of using standard materials, such as concrete, have provided a continual supply of barrier designs. A multidisciplinary collaboration (including citizen representatives) in the design process has proved to be an effective method of ensuring that the best design is implemented for both sides of the highway environment. Collectively, transportation agencies, private industry, and institutional research programs should work together to advance the knowledge available in noise research and to further develop the aesthetic visual quality of the highway environment.

A series of macrolevel prediction models that would estimate the number of accidents in planning zones in the city of Toronto, Ontario, Canada, as a function of zonal characteristics were developed. A generalized linear modeling approach was used in which negative binomial regression models were developed separately for total accidents and for severe (fatal and nonfatal injury) accidents as a function of socio-economic and demographic, traffic demand, and network data variables. The variables that had significant effects on accident occurrence were the number of households, the number of major road kilometers, the number of vehicle kilometers traveled, intersection density, posted speed, and volume-capacity ratio. The geographic weighted regression approach was used to test spatial variations in the estimated parameters from zone to zone. Mixed results were obtained from that analysis.

Jim Pritchard, (BA, Carleton University; MA, University of Western Ontario; PhD, University of Toronto) was president of the Canadian Nautical Research Society/Société canadienne pour la recherche nautique from 2002 to 2005 and an active member of the executive council from 1996 until shortly before his untimely passing during the preparation of the present number of The Northern Mariner/Le marin du nord. He worked tirelessly for the journal – to ensure its survival during challenging times of transition, and, always, to keep its contents vital. His book reviews were numerous, the first appearing in volume I. He nurtured the highest standards of scholarship, invariably with good humour, good sense, and generosity. In recognition of Jim’s leadership, and his willing labours in the trenches of administration and peer review, the editors have gathered tributes from a few of his many friends – leaders in scholarship in their own right – whose lives and work he touched.

Exposure to noise in recreational settings is a major public health concern. Under the Ontario Occupational Health and Safety Act, workers shall not be exposed to noise levels in excess of 85 dB over an 8-h period. It is generally accepted that the public’s exposure to noise be held to this same standard. The current pilot study explored whether the public is being exposed to excessive noise in indoor aquatic facilities across the Greater Toronto Area and, if so, at what levels. To our knowledge, no other study has explored this topic. Eight separate facilities were assessed using sound level meters to capture LAeq, LApeak, and LAS > 85 dB exceedance/duration. Public perception of noise was determined using self-administered questionnaires. LAeq ranged from 73.6 dB–82.3 dB and LApeak ranged from 102.2 dB–122 dB. Although the LAeq did not exceed the legislated standard, LApeak values were high. Noise levels were mainly associated with the type of activity in the pool and whistle blowing. Overall, the public were indifferent to the noise levels, despite the LApeak being quite high. Further studies are recommended to explore this topic, with a particular emphasis on comparison of different activities within the same facility.

As part of its Climate Change and Health Strategy, in 2017, Toronto Public Health engaged stakeholders from across the food system to complete a high-level vulnerability assessment of the impact of climate change on the food system in Toronto. Using the Ontario Climate Change and Health Vulnerability and Adaptation Assessment Guidelines, the City of Toronto’s High-Level Risk Assessment Tool, and a strategic framework developed by the Initiative for a Competitive Inner City, Toronto Public Health identified the most significant extreme weather event risks to food processing, distribution and access in Toronto. Risks associated with three extreme weather events that are the most likely to occur in Toronto due to climate change were analyzed: significant rain and flooding, an extended heat wave, and a major winter ice storm. The analysis finds that while extreme weather events could potentially disrupt Toronto’s food supply, the current risk of an extended, widespread food supply disruption is relatively low. However, the findings highlight that a concerted effort across the food system, including electrical and fuel providers, is needed to address other key vulnerabilities that could impact food access, especially for vulnerable populations. Interruptions to electricity will have food access and food safety impacts, while interruptions to the transportation network and fuel will have food distribution and access impacts. Actions to mitigate these risks could include addressing food access vulnerabilities through ongoing city-wide strategies and integrating food access into the City’s emergency response planning. The next steps will include engaging with multiple partners across the city to understand and strengthen the “last mile” of food distribution and develop community food resilience action plans for vulnerable neighbourhoods.

Abstract In cold regions, winter road safety is a major challenge for municipalities and provincial highway transportation agencies. Road salt is widely used to improve winter road conditions, but concerns have been raised about the effects of road salts on the environment. This paper describes a water quality monitoring program designed to measure both background chloride concentrations and the effects of road salt application on stream water quality in four watersheds (Humber River, Don River, Highland Creek, and Morningside tributary of Rouge River) located within the City of Toronto boundary. The effect of road salts on stream water quality was evaluated based on chloride concentration because of its conservative nature. A bilinear correlation was developed to transform measured specific conductance levels in stream water to chloride concentrations. There are no Ontario aquatic fresh water quality guidelines for chloride, but chloride concentrations in almost all the monitored streams in Toronto periodically exceeded chronic and acute chloride threshold levels of the United States Environmental Protection Agency. The City of Toronto has been proactive in its efforts to implement management practices to reduce the impact of road salt application on the environment while maintaining safe driving conditions for its road users. Normalized salt application rates in Toronto have been on a gradual declining trend in the last decade from about 0.08 to 0.07 tonnes of salt applied per centimetre of snowfall per kilometre of lane. With public safety in mind, further reductions in salt application rates are being considered to reduce the adverse environmental effects to acceptable limits.

This study aimed to find the correlations between data found regarding debt risk and the 140 neighbourhoods in Toronto, Ontario. Debt risk was compared with select variables from available data, including education, health, environment, housing, economics, demographics, transportation, recreation, and safety. The purpose of this study was to help civilians and the government identify possible factors that lead to higher debt risk, as well as find solutions to reduce it. The data was retrieved from Open Data Toronto. A simple linear regression model was built to determine the factors that have a seemingly great correlation with debt risk. It was concluded that the percentage of people who receive social assistance, the percentage of people who applied for rent banks, and the number of reported sexual assaults in a neighbourhood had a positive correlation with increased debt risk. The result is that an age-adjusted rate of people who received breast cancer screening had a negative correlation with increased debt risk. Through the results, several solutions could be proposed to reduce debt risk. More education on safety and health can enable citizens to become more responsible and aware of their financial state. Giving other forms of aid that are not monetary may be beneficial in helping people get out of debt and become more financially independent.

Urban intensification is believed to result in a modal shift away from automobiles to more active forms of transportation. This study extended the understanding of bicycle mode choice and the influence of built form through an analysis of dwelling type, density, and mode choice. Apartment dwelling and active transportation are related to intensification, but an understanding of the impact of increased density on bicycling is muddied by the lack of isolation of cycling from walking in many studies and by the lack of controls for the confounding effects of dwelling type. This study examined the relationship between dwelling type and mode choice in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. In this study of 223,232 trips, 25 variables were controlled for, and multinomial logistic regression analysis was used to estimate relative risk ratios. Strong evidence was found that a trip that originated from an apartment-based household was less than half as likely to be taken by bicycle as a similar trip that originated from a house-based household in Toronto in 2011. Increased population density of the household location had a positive impact on the likelihood that a trip would be taken by walking and a negligible and uncertain impact on the likelihood that it would be taken by transit. However, increased population density had a negative impact on bicycling. Further analysis found that the negative impact of density did not seem to apply to those who lived in single detached housing but rather only to the likelihood that apartment and townhouse dwellers would cycle. Further research is required to identify the exact barriers to cycling that apartment dwellers experience.

UberHOP is a commute-focused interpretation of the Uber suite of transportation services, with the goal of reducing personal vehicle commute trips. The service first launched in Seattle, Washington, and Toronto, Ontario, Canada, in December 2015 and expanded to Manila, Philippines, in early 2016. UberHOP is similar to vanpooling with fixed pickup and drop-off locations in the primary commute direction during peak hours, but it leverages Uber’s ridesourcing platform to replace fixed departure schedules with riders matched in real time. This paper reports on an intercept survey (83% response rate) to understand who rode, how they traveled to the pickup location, why they rode, and what modes UberHOP was replacing for all 11 UberHOP routes in Seattle during the morning and evening commute periods. In addition, detailed trip and total rider count data were collected during the survey administration process. The results show that many UberHOP riders made UberHOP their primary form of commute mode. Unlike standard ridesourcing services, UberHOP riders predominantly replaced public transportation modes rather than personal vehicles. UberHOP services were canceled in Seattle in August 2016. However, with larger rider densities per trip, the UberHOP model can be profitable, and it is reasonable to expect that Uber or others will resurrect a similar service in the future.

Purpose The purposes of this study were to (a) measure the effects of Kalman-weighted averaging methods on auditory brainstem response (ABR) threshold, latency, and amplitude; (b) translate lab findings to the clinical setting; and (c) estimate cost savings when ABRs can be obtained in nonsedated infants. Method ABRs were recorded in 40 adults with normal hearing during induced motor noise conditions using the Kalman-weighted averaging method implemented on a commercial system, the Vivosonic Integrity (Vivosonic Inc., Toronto, Ontario, Canada). The device was then used to test 34 infants in awake and asleep states. The advantages of the Kalman-weighted averaging method were modeled in terms of time saved for conducting an ABR evaluation. Results Kalman-weighted ABR threshold estimates were 6–7 dB lower than with conventional methods during induced motor noise. When used to obtain ABRs in infants who were awake, the number of sweeps required to obtain a result was significantly greater than that required for a sleeping infant but well within the range for clinical application. Conclusions The use of Kalman-weighted averaging provides a measurable advantage over conventional methods and may reduce costs for the pediatric audiology practice.

Bus routes provide critical lifelines to disadvantaged travelers in major cities. Bus route performance is also more variable than the performance of other, grade-separated transit modes. Yet the social equity of bus operational performance is largely unexamined outside of limited statutory applications. Equity assessment methods for transit operations are similarly underdeveloped relative to equity analysis methods deployed in transit planning. This study examines the equity of bus on-time performance (OTP) in Toronto, Ontario, the largest city in Canada. Both census proximity and ridership profile approaches to defining equity routes are deployed, modifying United States Department of Transportation (U.S. DOT) Title VI methods to fit a Canadian context. Bus OTP in Toronto is found to be horizontally equitable. It is also found that the U.S. DOT approach of averaging performance between equity and non-equity routes masks the existence of underperforming routes with very significant ridership of color. These routes are overwhelmingly night routes, most of which are only classified as equity routes using a ridership definition. These results suggest that the underperformance of Toronto’s “Blue Night” network of overnight buses is a social equity issue. This OTP data is also applied to a household travel survey to identify disparities in the OTP of bus transit as experienced by different demographic groups throughout the city. It is found that recent immigrants and carless households, both heavily transit dependent populations in the Canadian context, experience lower on-time bus performance than other groups.

The two-echelon delivery structure is a strategy that can be implemented in urban areas to lower delivery costs by reducing the movement of heavy goods vehicles. In a two-echelon delivery structure, large trucks deliver shipments from a consolidation center to several terminals, where packages are transferred to smaller trucks for last-mile deliveries. This paper formulates a model that solves the two-echelon delivery structure by the use of approximation techniques. Several potential terminal locations and demand areas were identified, and the optimal number and locations of the terminals were examined, as the model evaluated the most cost-effective routes between the consolidation center, potential terminals, and demand areas. Downtown Toronto, Ontario, Canada, was chosen as the case study area to assess the model, and a cost analysis of the number and locations of the terminals was performed. The experiments showed that the number and the locations of the terminals were greatly influenced by the opening cost of the terminals and the transportation cost of the delivery trucks. It was also discovered that the likelihood of selection of terminals that were positioned near both the consolidation center and the center of the service area was higher than the likelihood of selection of terminals at any other location.

Ontario physicians are legally obligated to report patients who may be medically unfit to drive to the Ministry of Transportation of Ontario (MTO). Currently at Toronto Rehabilitation Institute (TRI), there are no standardised processes for MTO reporting, resulting in inconsistent communication regarding driving with patients and between healthcare providers, redundant assessments and ultimately reduced patient satisfaction. TRI received 10 patient complaints regarding the driving reporting process in the 5 years prior to this project and a large number of patients were not being reported appropriately.The project aim was to use Lean Methods to achieve 100% reporting and optimise communication and education of drivers admitted to a 23-bed inpatient stroke rehabilitation unit. Interventions included process mapping, identification of wasteful steps and implementation of a standard work. Chart audits before and after implementation were performed.Value stream process mapping identified inconsistent reporting procedures and lack of use of the government-issued driver reporting form. Following implementation of standard work processes, use of the MTO Medical Conditions Report Form increased from 0% to 100%. Indication of whether drivers were reported to the MTO in Physical Medicine & Rehabilitation consultation notes increased from 50% to 91%. Identifying reported drivers in the discharge summary, of which patients receive a copy at the time of discharge, increased from 0% to 90%. Physician satisfaction with the new standard work process was qualitatively assessed to be high, with no negative impacts reported.Lean methodology was effective for increasing the usage of the MTO Medical Conditions Report Form, documenting driver status in the initial Physical Medicine & Rehabilitation consultation and indicating MTO reporting status in the discharge summary.Communication between healthcare providers regarding patients’ driving status has been successfully standardised, resulting in improved coordination of care and a reduction in patient complaints to zero in the 14 months since implementation.

Abstract Being the economic engine of Canada and the home of 5 million people, the environmental health of the Golden Horseshoe is very important. Among various pollution sources into the lake, urban oil spills as a non-point pollution source have not caught the attention of most residents. These spills can cause terrestrial impacts by poisoning animals and plants, groundwater contamination by infiltration, and surface water pollution by algal bloom and fish kills and destruction of freshwater invertebrates and vertebrates. In order to investigate the significance of this pollution source, 10 years of spill records in the Golden Horseshoe have been compiled. On the average, about 1050 L per day of oil escaped to the land, water and air environment in this region. About one-third of these spills eventually entered Lake Ontario. Among various types of spilled oil, gasoline, diesel fuel, aviation fuel and furnace oil accounted for the highest reported volume. The former Metropolitan Toronto led the frequency and volume of spills, while Hamilton-Wentworth followed closely. Spills frequently occur on roads, at service stations and at electrical transformers, while the highest spill event volumes occur at bulk plants/terminals/depots and at refineries. The predominant causes of spills are related to leaks from containers, pipes and hoses, and cooling systems. However, the principal reasons for oil spills are human error and equipment failure. The transportation, public and petroleum sectors are responsible for 60% of the reported spill cases, while the petroleum sector alone accounts for nearly 50% of the reported spill volume. Given the significant volume of spilled oil, it is important that all levels of government and private industries increase their effort to promote pollution prevention such as preventive maintenance, improved employee training and/or retraining, and proper vigilant supervision. Additionally, control devices such as oil-water interceptors should be sized properly and implemented at strategic location across the Golden Horseshoe.

Urban transportation systems tend to operate most effectively when common expectations exist about all user travel behavior under various conditions. A wide range of behavior among cyclists presents a significant challenge to the achievement of safer and improved designs at intersections. In this research, cyclists were observed (i.e., through the use of video at fixed-camera locations) as they made left turns at six intersections in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. The intersections were classified into five types on the basis of their physical designs and operational characteristics. Cyclist behavior was assessed to determine the propensity to traverse the intersection legally, designated as “rule compliance.” Further, the analysis determined the likelihood that a cyclist would traverse an intersection in a path that was consistent with the design; this outcome was defined as “facility compliance.” The results revealed that the presence of bike boxes, two-phase lefts, and turning lanes with advanced green phases positively influenced cyclists by increasing the likelihood that left turns would be legal and consistent with the behavior intended through the design. The results also suggested that the highest rates of rule and facility compliance existed under the condition in which cyclists approached an intersection during a green signal. On the basis of the observations in the research, design recommendations were made to accommodate cyclists better and produce more consistent behavior and presumably to enhance safety.

This review of the evidence of the health effects of air pollutants focuses on research conducted in Ontario. Seven key Ontario studies are cited. These findings are highly significant for people living in the Great Lakes basin (and particularly the Windsor-Quebec corridor), where high levels of certain air pollutants (eg, ground-level ozone and ultra-fine particles) occur more frequently than in other parts of Canada. The issue is a serious one, requiring an integrated and comprehensive approach by many stakeholders, including the active involvement of organized medicine. It is important that the health effects of these air pollutants are understood. Governments must act to reduce emission levels through statue and regulation bolstered by noncompliance penalties.The findings of research have included the following: in a Toronto study, a 2% to 4% excess of respiratory deaths were attributable to pollutant levels; children living in rural Ontario communities with the highest levels of airborne acids were significantly more likely to report at least one episode of bronchitis, as well as to show decreases in lung function; and have been linked to increases in pollutants, emergency room visits and hospitalizations in Ontario.Every Ontarian is affected by air pollutants, although he or she may be unaware of the asymptomatic effects such as lung and bronchial inflammation. This health problem is preventable; while physicians know of the adverse health impacts of air pollution and they are concerned, individually they now focus on the treatment of symptoms. The major recommendations of the report are as follows:* Enactment of more stringent sulphur and nitrogen oxide emission limits, including a provincewide sulphur dioxide reduction of 75% from current cap levels, and the maximum allowable nitrogen oxides emission limits of 6000 tonnes annually from Ontario Hydro.* New transportation sector emission limits that should include California-level standards for light and heavy duty vehicles, reductions from off-road engines, an expanded vehicle inspection and maintenance program, and tougher standards for sulphur-in-fuel content.* Petitioning the United States Environmental Protection Agency administrator under Section 115 of the United States Clear Air Act to require reductions in the American emission of sulphur dioxide and nitrogen oxides, which damage the health of Canadian residents and their environment.* Physician advice to patients about the risks of smog exposure, physician support for more health effects research on air pollution, and physician promotion of the development of air pollution-related health education materials.The recommendations discussed in this paper will, if acted upon, lead to a significant reduction in the overall burden of illness from air pollutants, especially in children and the elderly. These recommendations have been selected from a review of recommendations made by various authorities, and are those that the OMA feels a particular responsibility to support.

Abstract Introduction/Background The Canadian Paediatric Society (CPS) recently released the “Global climate change and health of Canadian Children” statement. As climate rapidly evolves from “change” to “crisis” there is an increasing pressure toward sustainable conferencing. Knowing the value of attending meetings, the growing body of literature evaluating travel-related carbon cost and convention sustainability can inform environmental harm minimization. Conferences can pressure venues to increase sustainability by choosing sites and venues wisely and communicating their requirements to rejected venues. They can also offer carbon offset purchase through credible companies (e.g. Gold Standard). Over the last 10 years the CPS has conducted its Annual General Meeting (AGM) at host cities that reflect Canada’s large geographic footprint. Venues included both hotel and standalone conference centers. There is no published evaluation of sustainable practices for CPS meetings. Objectives Evaluate the past 10 CPS Annual General Meetings (AGMs) for: Design/Methods Travel-related carbon cost was estimated with a round-trip calculator for economy seating the most direct available flights (https://co2.myclimate.org/en/offset_further_emissions). Cities of origin for attendee were the 11 CaRMS-matched pediatric residency training programs (https://www.carms.ca/match/psm/program-descriptions/). Venues were evaluated based on current publicly available self-reported information using conference sustainability criteria suggested through a literature review and public rating tools (Green Key, Quality Standards of the International Association of Convention Centres). Ground transportation from the airport was scored /3 by: public transport from airport (1), formal shared transport (1), fee deterrence for parking (1). Venue type was split by hotel-associated (H) and standalone convention centre (CC) meeting facilities. Sustainability of meeting facilities was divided into supports /2 (rentable supports, links to local vendors, catering and personnel) for exhibitors (1) and event planners (1), policies /3 by: sustainability, promotion of a green community (1), and waste management (1), and walkability from accommodation /1. Results The last 10 CPS AGMs were held in western (3; Vancouver 2010, Edmonton 2013, Vancouver 2017), eastern (1; Charlottetown 2016) and central (6; Quebec City 2011, London 2012, Montreal 2014, Toronto 2015, Quebec City 2018, Toronto 2019) provinces; in 2020 it is in Vancouver. Central Canada sites had the lowest air travel carbon cost per attendee. Average air travel-related carbon cost per attendee for different host cities ranged from 0.479 (London) to 0.919 (Vancouver) tonnes, with Ontario and Quebec sites averaging 0.518, Charlottetown 0.654 and Edmonton 0.756 tonnes. Ground transportation scores differed by city from Montreal (3/3 with public transit, formal transportation share and parking fees to dissuade driving) to London (0/3), with more favorable public transit options in larger cities. Venues differed when divided by hotel with meeting facilities (H) vs standalone conference center (CC), with CC outranking H for clearly posted sustainability plans (1.6 vs 1.2/2; 2=venue-specific, 1=company chain policy, 0=no plan), green and sustainable community building plans (1.6 vs 1.2/2; 2=greening local communities, 1=company chain policy, 0=no plan) and green waste management policies (1.2 vs 0/2; 2=venue-specific, 1=company chain policy, 0=no plan). Walkable accommodation was equal and present for all venues, with attached accommodation for all but one CC (Montreal), which had immediately adjacent hotels available. Conclusion As expected, the carbon cost of air transportation per attendee was lower in central provinces. Ground transportation from the airport was better in larger host cities. Standalone conference centres had more sustainable event support and locally focused policies regarding sustainability, environmentally friendly community building initiatives and waste management solutions, three major components of “greening” conferences. Based on the available resources across Canada, we recommend that the CPS considers these sustainability criteria in planning future events.

Background Exposure to road traffic noise has been linked to cardiometabolic complications, such as elevated blood pressure and glucose dysregulation. However, epidemiologic evidence linking road traffic noise to diabetes mellitus and hypertension remains scarce. We examined associations between road traffic noise and the incidence of diabetes mellitus and hypertension in Toronto, Canada. Methods and Results Using the Ontario Population Health and Environment Cohort, we conducted a retrospective, population‐based cohort study of long‐term residents of Toronto, aged 35 to 100 years, who were registered for provincial publicly funded health insurance, and were without a history of hypertension (n=701 174) or diabetes mellitus (n=914 607). Road traffic noise exposure levels were assessed by the equivalent continuous A‐weighted sound pressure level (dBA) for the 24‐hour day and the equivalent continuous A‐weighted sound pressure level for the night (11 pm –7 am) . Noise exposures were assigned to subjects according to their annual residential postal codes during the 15‐year follow‐up. We used random‐effect Cox proportional hazards models adjusting for personal and area‐level characteristics. From 2001 to 2015, each interquartile range increase in the equivalent continuous A‐weighted sound pressure level (dBA) for the 24‐hour day (10.0 dBA) was associated with an 8% increase in incident diabetes mellitus (95% CI, 1.07–1.09) and a 2% increase in hypertension (95% CI, 1.01–1.03). We obtained similar estimates with the equivalent continuous A‐weighted sound pressure level for the night (11 pm –7 am) . These results were robust to all sensitivity analyses conducted, including further adjusting for traffic‐related air pollutants (ultrafine particles and nitrogen dioxide). For both hypertension and diabetes mellitus, we observed stronger associations with the equivalent continuous A‐weighted sound pressure level (dBA) for the 24‐hour day among women and younger adults (aged <60 years). Conclusions Long‐term exposure to road traffic noise was associated with an increased incidence of diabetes mellitus and hypertension in Toronto.

Abstract Community support services are an integral enabler of aging in place. In social housing, older adult tenants struggle to access these services because of the siloed nature of housing and health services. This study examined the provision of government-funded community support services to 83 seniors’ social housing buildings in Toronto, Ontario. Although there were 56 different agencies operating within the buildings, only about one third of older tenants were actually receiving services. There was a subset of services that were available in more than 80 per cent of the buildings, and the most widely accessed services were food supports, crisis intervention, transportation, caregiver support, and hearing/vision care. There were also many cases in which multiple agencies offered duplicative services within the same building, suggesting that there are opportunities for improving service coordination. Practice recommendations for increasing access to community support services among low-income older adults in social housing are provided.

Objectives: Bicycling is a form of active transportation with a number of health benefits but carries a high risk of injury compared to other transportation modes. Safety intervention evaluations often produce results in the form of ratios, which can be difficult to communicate to policy-makers. The primary objective of this study was to estimate the number of bicycling injuries on an urban corridor preventable by separated bicycling infrastructure. Methods: Stakeholders identified a key corridor with multiple segments having bicycling infrastructure but most of the corridor lacking similar infrastructure. We counted bicyclist volume along this route and used secondary data to supplement counts missing due to COVID-19. We used two reference studies including local bicycling population to estimate benefit of separated bicycling infrastructure and applied this to a city-wide estimate of baseline risk of injury per kilometre bicycled, which used a combination of secondary data sources including police, health care and travel survey data. Finally, we adjusted baseline risk to account for increased bicyclist volume during and following the COVID-19 pandemic. Results: We estimated installation of fully separated cycle tracks along one Toronto corridor would prevent approximately 152.9 injuries and 0.9 fatalities over a 10-year period. Discussion: Our results underscore the benefits of separated bicycling infrastructure. We identify several caveats for our results, including the limitations of studies used to estimate relative risk of infrastructure. Our method could be adapted for use in other cities or along other corridors. Finally, we discuss the role of preventable burden estimates as a knowledge translation tool.

Off-peak-hour delivery (OPHD) has the potential to reduce congestion in busy urban areas and at the same time improve the efficiency of logistics providers, shippers, and receivers. There has been growing interest in OPHD in the Greater Toronto and Hamilton Area (GTHA), an important freight hub in Canada. The Government of Ontario is considering permanently relaxing noise by-laws to promote OPHD throughout the province. The purpose of this study is to provide quantitative assessments of the impacts of region-wide adoption of OPHD for the GTHA. A recently developed commercial vehicle (CV) model for the GTHA is presented in the paper. Various OPHD scenarios have been tested with the CV model. The impacts of induced passenger demand have also been demonstrated. Modeling outcomes indicate that OPHD could result in 5,530 vehicle-hours saved in a day after induced demand is accounted for. Light truck carriers would benefit the most by shifting to off-peak hours and prioritizing Toronto and Peel Region customers would yield the highest travel time savings during the off-peak hours.

Abstract Background People after stroke benefit from comprehensive programs for the prevention of secondary effects, including cardiac rehabilitation (CR), yet there is little understanding of eligibility for exercise and barriers to use. Objective The aim of this study was to examine eligibility for CR; enrollment, adherence, and completion; and factors affecting use. Design This was a prospective study of 116 consecutive people enrolled in a single outpatient stroke rehabilitation (OSR) program located in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Methods Questionnaires were completed by treating physical therapists for consecutive participants receiving OSR and included reasons for CR ineligibility, reasons for declining participation, demographics, and functional level. CR eligibility criteria included the ability to walk ≥100 m (no time restriction) and the ability to exercise at home independently or with assistance. People with or without hemiplegic gait were eligible for adapted or traditional CR, respectively. Logistic regression analyses were used to examine factors associated with use indicators. Results Of 116 participants receiving OSR, 82 (70.7%) were eligible for CR; 2 became eligible later. Sixty (71.4%) enrolled in CR, and 49 (81.7%) completed CR, attending 87.1% (SD = 16.6%) of prescribed sessions. The primary reasons for ineligibility included being nonambulatory or having poor ambulation (52.9%; 18/34 patients) and having severe cognitive deficits and no home exercise support (20.6%; 7/34). Frequently cited reasons for declining CR were moving or travel out of country (17.2%; 5/29 reasons), lack of interest (13.8%; 4/29), transportation issues (10.3%; 3/29), and desiring a break from therapy (10.3%; 3/29). In a multivariate analysis, people who declined CR were more likely to be women, less compliant with OSR, and not diabetic. Compared with traditional CR, stroke-adapted CR resulted in superior attendance (66.1% [SD = 22.9%] versus 87.1% [SD = 16.6%], respectively) and completion (66.7% versus 89.7%, respectively). The primary reasons for dropping out were medical (45%) and moving (27%). Limitations Generalizability to other programs is limited, and other, unmeasured factors may have affected outcomes. Conclusions An OSR-CR partnership provided an effective continuum of care, with approximately 75% of eligible people participating and more than 80% completing. However, just over 1 of 4 eligible people declined participation; therefore, strategies should target lack of interest, transportation, women, and people without diabetes. An alternative program model is needed for people who have severe ambulatory or cognitive deficits and no home exercise support.

The concept of the “writer flâneur”, as developed by Walter Benjamin, sought to make sense of the seemingly chaotic nineteenth century city. While the flâneur provided a way for new urban structures to be ordered, it was also a transgressive act that involved engaging with urban spaces in new ways. In the contemporary city, where spaces are now heavily controlled and ordered, some members of the city’s socio-ecological community suffer as a result of idealistic notions of who and what belongs in the city, and how we must behave as urban citizens. Many of these ideals emerge from nineteenth century conceptions of the city in contrast to the country (Williams). However, a reimagining of the flâneur can allow for new transgressions of urban space and result in new literary imaginaries that capture the complexity of urban environments, question some of the more damaging processes and systems, offer new ways of connecting with the city, and propose alternative ways of living with the non-human in such places. With reference to the work of Debra Benita Shaw, Rob Shields and Donna Haraway, I will examine how the urban walking figure might be reimagined as cyborg, complicating boundaries between the real and imagined, the organic and inorganic, and between the human and non-human (Haraway Cyborgs). I will argue that the cyborg flâneur allows for new ways of writing and reading the urban and can work to reimagine the city as posthuman multispecies community. As one example of cyborg flânerie, I look to the app Story City to show how a writer can develop new environmental imaginaries in situ as an act of resistance against the anthropocentric ordering of the city. This article intends to begin a conversation about the ethical, political and epistemological potential of cyborg flânerie and leads to several questions which will require further research.Shaping the City: Environmental ImaginariesIn a sense, the flâneur is the product of a utopian imaginary of the city. According to Shields, Walter Benjamin used the flâneur as a literary device to make sense of the changing modern city of Paris: The flâneur is a hero who excels under the stress of coming to terms with a changing ‘social spatialisation’ of everyday social and economic relations which in the nineteenth century increasingly extended the world of the average person further and further to include rival mass tourism destinations linked by railroad, news of other European powers and distant colonies. This expanding spatialization took the form of economic realities such as changing labour markets and commodity prices and social encounters with strangers and foreigners which impinged on the life world of Europeans. (Fancy Footwork 67)Through his writing, these new spaces and inhabitants were made familiar again to those that lived there. In consequence, the flâneur was seen as a heroic figure who approached the city like a wilderness to be studied and tamed:Even to early 20th-century sociologists the flâneur was a heroic everyman—masculine, controlled and as in tune with his environment as James Fenimore Cooper’s Mohican braves were in their native forests. Anticipating the hardboiled hero of the detective novel, the flâneur pursued clues to the truth of the metropolis, attempting to think through its historical specificity, to inhabit it, even as the truth of empire and commodity capitalism was hidden from him. (Shields Flanerie 210)In this way, the flâneur was a stabilising force, categorising and therefore ordering the city. However, flânerie was also a transgressive act as the walker engaged in eccentric and idle wandering against the usual purposeful walking practices of the time (Coates). Drawing on this aspect, flânerie has increasingly been employed in the humanities and social sciences as a practice of resistance as Jamie Coates has shown. This makes the flâneur, albeit in a refigured form, a useful tool for transgressing strict socio-ecological conventions that affect the contemporary city.Marginalised groups are usually the most impacted by the strict control and ordering of contemporary urban spaces in response to utopian imaginaries of who and what belong. Marginalised people are discouraged and excluded from living in particular areas of the city through urban policy and commercial practices (Shaw 7). Likewise, certain non-human others, like birds, are allowed to inhabit our cities while those that don’t fit ideal urban imaginaries, like bats or snakes, are controlled, excluded or killed (Low). Defensive architecture, CCTV, and audio deterrents are often employed in cities to control public spaces. In London, the spiked corridor of a shop entrance designed to keep homeless people from sleeping there (Andreou; Borromeo) mirrors the spiked ledges that keep pigeons from resting on buildings (observed 2012/2014). On the Gold Coast youths are deterred from loitering in public spaces with classical music (observed 2013–17), while in Brisbane predatory bird calls are played near outdoor restaurants to discourage ibis from pestering customers (Hinchliffe and Begley). In contrast, bright lights, calming music and inviting scents are used to welcome orderly consumers into shopping centres while certain kinds of plants are cultivated in urban parks and gardens to attract acceptable wildlife like butterflies and lorikeets (Wilson; Low). These ways of managing public spaces are built on utopian conceptions of the city as a “civilising” force—a place of order, consumption and safety.As environmental concerns become more urgent, it is important to re-examine these conceptions of urban environments and the assemblage of environmental imaginaries that interact and continue to shape understandings of and attitudes towards human and non-human nature. The network of goods, people and natural entities that feed into and support the city mean that imaginaries shaped in urban areas influence both urban and surrounding peoples and ecologies (Braun). Local ecologies also become threatened as urban structures and processes continue to encompass more of the world’s populations and locales, often displacing and damaging entangled natural/cultural entities in the process. Furthermore, conceptions and attitudes shaped in the city often feed into global systems and as such can have far reaching implications for the way local ecologies are governed, built, and managed. There has already been much research, including work by Lawrence Buell and Ursula Heise, on the contribution that art and literature can make to the development of environmental imaginaries, whether intentional or unintentional, and resulting in both positive and negative associations with urban inhabitants (Yusoff and Gabrys; Buell; Heise). Imaginaries might be understood as social constructs through which we make sense of the world and through which we determine cultural and personal values, attitudes and beliefs. According to Neimanis et al., environmental imaginaries help us to make sense of the way physical environments shape “one’s sense of social belonging” as well as how we “formulate—and enact—our values and attitudes towards ‘nature’” (5). These environmental imaginaries underlie urban structures and work to determine which aspects of the city are valued, who is welcomed into the city, and who is excluded from participation in urban systems and processes. The development of new narrative imaginaries can question some of the underlying assumptions about who or what belongs in the city and how we might settle conflicts in ecologically diverse communities. The reimagined flâneur then might be employed to transgress traditional notions of belonging in the city and replace this with a sense of “becoming” in relation with the myriad of others inhabiting the city (Haraway The Trouble). Like the Benjaminian flâneur, the postmodern version enacts a similar transgressive walking practice. However, the postmodern flâneur serves to resist dominant narratives, with a “greater focus on the tactile and grounded qualities of walking” than the traditional flâneur—and, as opposed to the lone detached wanderer, postmodern flâneur engage in a network of social relationships and may even wander in groups (Coates 32). By employing the notion of the postmodern flâneur, writers might find ways to address problematic urban imaginaries and question dominant narratives about who should and should not inhabit the city. Building on this and in reference to Haraway (Cyborgs), the notion of a cyborg flâneur might take this resistance one step further, not only seeking to counter the dominant social narratives that control urban spaces but also resisting anthropocentric notions of the city. Where the traditional flâneur walked a pet tortoise on a leash, the cyborg flâneur walks with a companion species (Shields Fancy Footwork; Haraway Companion Species). The distinction is subtle. The traditional flâneur walks a pet, an object of display that showcases the eccentric status of the owner. The cyborg flâneur walks in mutual enjoyment with a companion (perhaps a domestic companion, perhaps not); their path negotiated together, tracked, and mapped via GPS. The two acts may at first appear the same, but the difference is in the relationship between the human, non-human, and the multi-modal spaces they occupy. As Coates argues, not everyone who walks is a flâneur and similarly, not everyone who engages in relational walking is a cyborg flâneur. Rather a cyborg flâneur enacts a deliberate practice of walking in relation with naturecultures to transgress boundaries between human and non-human, cultural and natural, and the virtual, material and imagined spaces that make up a place.The Posthuman City: Cyborgs, Hybrids, and EntanglementsIn developing new environmental imaginaries, posthuman conceptions of the city can be drawn upon to readdress urban space as complex, questioning utopian notions of the city particularly as they relate to the exclusion of certain others, and allowing for diverse socio-ecological communities. The posthuman city might be understood in opposition to anthropocentric notions where the non-human is seen as something separate to culture and in need of management and control within the human sphere of the city. Instead, the posthuman city is a complex entanglement of hybrid non-human, cultural and technological entities (Braun; Haraway Companion Species). The flâneur who experiences the city through a posthuman lens acknowledges the human as already embodied and embedded in the non-human world. Key to re-imagining the city is recognising the myriad ways in which non-human nature also acts upon us and influences decisions on how we live in cities (Schliephake 140). This constitutes a “becoming-with each other”, in Haraway’s terms, which recognises the interdependency of urban inhabitants (The Trouble 3). In re-considering the city as a negotiated process between nature and culture rather than a colonisation of nature by culture, the agency of non-humans to contribute to the construction of cities and indeed environmental imaginaries must be acknowledged. Living in the posthuman city requires us humans to engage with the city on multiple levels as we navigate the virtual, corporeal, and imagined spaces that make up the contemporary urban experience. The virtual city is made up of narratives projected through media productions such as tourism campaigns, informational plaques, site markers, and images on Google map locations, all of which privilege certain understandings of the city. Virtual narratives serve to define the city through a network of historical and spatially determined locales. Closely bound up with the virtual is the imagined city that draws on urban ideals, potential developments, mythical or alternative versions of particular cities as well as literary interpretations of cities. These narratives are overlaid on the places that we engage with in our everyday lived experiences. Embodied encounters with the city serve to reinforce or counteract certain virtual and imagined versions while imagined and virtual narratives enhance locales by placing current experience within a temporal narrative that extends into the past as well as the future. Walking the City: The Cyber/Cyborg FlâneurThe notion of the cyber flâneur emerged in the twenty-first century from the practices of idly surfing the Internet, which in many ways has become an extension of the cityscape. In the contemporary world where we exist in both physical and digital spaces, the cyber flâneur (and indeed its cousin the virtual flâneur) have been employed to make sense of new digital sites of connection, voyeurism, and consumption. Metaphors that evoke the city have often been used to describe the experience of the digital including “chat rooms”, “cyber space”, and “home pages” while new notions of digital tourism, the rise of online shopping, and meeting apps have become substitutes for engaging with the physical sites of cities such as shopping malls, pubs, and attractions. The flâneur and cyberflâneur have helped to make sense of the complexities and chaos of urban life so that it might become more palatable to the inhabitants, reducing anxieties about safety and disorder. However, as with the concept of the flâneur, implicit in the cyberflâneur is a reinforcement of traditional urban hierarchies and social structures. This categorising has also worked to solidify notions of who belongs and who does not. Therefore, as Debra Benita Shaw argues, the cyberflâneur is not able to represent the complexities of “how we inhabit and experience the hybrid spaces of contemporary cities” (3). Here, Shaw suggests that Haraway’s cyborg might be used to interrupt settled boundaries and to reimagine the urban walking figure. In both Shaw and Shields (Flanerie), the cyborg is invoked as a solution to the problematic figure of the flâneur. While Shaw presents these figures in opposition and proposes that the flâneur be laid to rest as the cyborg takes its place, I argue that the idea of the flâneur may still have some use, particularly when applied to new multi-modal narratives. As Shields demonstrates, the cyborg operates in the virtual space of simulation rather than at the material level (217). Instead of setting up an opposition between the cyborg and flâneur, these figures might be merged to bring the cyborg into being through the material practice of flânerie, while refiguring the flâneur as posthuman. The traditional flâneur sought to define space, but the cyborg flâneur might be seen to perform space in relation to an entangled natural/cultural community. By drawing on this notion of the cyborg, it becomes possible to circumvent some of the traditional associations with the urban walking figure and imagine a new kind of flâneur, one that walks the streets as an act to complicate rather than compartmentalise urban space. As we emerge into a post-truth world where facts and fictions blur, creative practitioners can find opportunities to forge new ways of knowing, and new ways of connecting with the city through the cyborg flâneur. The development of new literary imaginaries can reconstruct natural/cultural relationships and propose alternative ways of living in a posthuman and multispecies community. The rise of smart-phone apps like Story City provides cyborg flâneurs with the ability to create digital narratives overlaid on real places and has the potential to encourage real connections with urban environments. While these apps are by no means the only activity that a cyborg flâneur might participate in, they offer the writer a platform to engage audiences in a purposeful and transgressive practice of cyborg flânerie. Such narratives produced through cyborg flânerie would conflate virtual, corporeal, and imagined experiences of the city and allow for new environmental imaginaries to be created in situ. The “readers” of these narratives can also become cyborg flâneurs as the traditional urban wanderer is combined with the virtual and imagined space of the contemporary city. As opposed to wandering the virtual city online, readers are encouraged to physically walk the city and engage with the narrative in situ. For example, in one narrative, readers are directed to walk a trail along the Brisbane river or through the CBD to chase a sea monster (Wilkins and Diskett). The reader can choose different pre-set paths which influence the outcome of each story and embed the story in a physical location. In this way, the narrative is layered onto the real streets and spaces of the cityscape. As the reader is directed to walk particular routes through the city, the narratives which unfold are also partly constructed by the natural/cultural entities which make up those locales establishing a narrative practice which engages with the urban on a posthuman level. The murky water of the Brisbane River could easily conceal monsters. Occasional sightings of crocodiles (Hall), fish that leap from the water, and shadows cast by rippling waves as the City Cat moves across the surface impact the experience of the story (observed 2016–2017). Potential exists to capitalise on this narrative form and develop new environmental imaginaries that pay attention to the city as a posthuman place. For example, a narrative might direct the reader’s attention to the networks of water that hydrate people and animals, allow transportation, and remove wastes from the city. People may also be directed to explore their senses within place, be encouraged to participate in sensory gardens, or respond to features of the city in new ways. The cyborg flâneur might be employed in much the same way as the flâneur, to help the “reader” make sense of the posthuman city, where boundaries are shifted, and increasing rates of social and ecological change are transforming contemporary urban sites and structures. Shields asks whether the cyborg might also act as “a stabilising figure amidst the collapse of dualisms, polluted categories, transgressive hybrids, and unstable fluidity” (Flanerie 211). As opposed to the traditional flâneur however, this “stabilising” figure doesn’t sort urban inhabitants into discrete categories but maps the many relations between organisms and technologies, fictions and realities, and the human and non-human. The cyborg flâneur allows for other kinds of “reading” of the city to take place—including those by women, families, and non-Western inhabitants. As opposed to the nineteenth century reader-flâneur, those who read the city through the Story City app are also participants in the making of the story, co-constructing the narrative along with the author and locale. I would argue this participation is a key feature of the cyborg flâneur narrative along with the transience of the narratives which may alter and eventually expire as urban structures and environments change. Not all those who engage with these narratives will necessarily enact a posthuman understanding and not all writers of these narratives will do so as cyborg flâneurs. Nevertheless, platforms such as Story City provide writers with an opportunity to engage participants to question dominant narratives of the city and to reimagine themselves within a multispecies community. In addition, by bringing readers into contact with the human and non-human entities that make up the city, there is potential for real relationships to be established. Through new digital platforms such as apps, writers can develop new environmental imaginaries that question urban ideals including conceptions about who belongs in the city and who does not. The notion of the cyborg is a useful concept through which to reimagine the city as a negotiated process between nature and culture, and to reimagine the flâneur as performer who becomes part of the posthuman city as they walk the streets. This article provides one example of cyborg flânerie in smart-phone apps like Story City that allow writers to construct new urban imaginaries, bring the virtual and imagined city into the physical spaces of the urban environment, and can act to re-place the reader in diverse socio-ecological communities. The reader then becomes both product and constructer of urban space, a cyborg flâneur in the cyborg city. This conversation raises further questions about the cyborg flâneur, including: how might cyborg flânerie be enacted in other spaces (rural, virtual, more-than-human)? What other platforms and narrative forms might cyborg flâneurs use to share their posthuman narratives? How might cyborg flânerie operate in other cities, other cultures and when adopted by marginalised groups? In answering these questions, the potential and limitations of the cyborg flâneur might be refined. 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