Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Transportation and state New South Wales'

The story of transport and accessibility problems in rural Australia is very similar to other wealthy countries with low rural densities and long distances such as the US and Canada ??? little or no public transport, very high levels of car ownership, and poor service provision. During the past two decades rationalisation and privatisation of services has led to the closure of many basic services in rural Australia. The withdrawal of services has necessitated longer distance travel for many rural residents ??? a problem which has been exacerbated by the rationalisation of public transport services. As a result there have emerged severe accessibility and mobility problems in rural areas, despite the presence of high levels of car ownership in such areas. In terms of rural transportation, the situation in Australia is characterised by two different features; first, poor public transport provision (or non-existence). Second; high levels of car ownership among rural residents. However, high levels of car ownership do not reflect high levels of prosperity; this is likely to indicate a situation of "enforced ownership" in response to declining levels of public transport provision. Furthermore, many rural residents neither own a car nor have access to a reliable public transport system due to socio-economic and location-based circumstances. Previous research has shown that these residents generally belong to groups who include the elderly, teenagers, students, Indigenous residents, unemployed persons and low-income households. Such groups have been termed transport-disadvantaged. The contention of this thesis, however, is that such groups are in a state of "transport need" given their range of transport related problems. This is one dimension of the accessibility problem in rural Australia, which has yet to be investigated. This thesis is concerned with the measurement of transport need through the development of several transport need indices using available census data. The key objective of this thesis is to investigate the relevance and suitability of need indices for identifying the relative spatial distribution of transport needs in rural areas. Geographical Information Systems (GIS) is used for the development, analysis and visualisation of the transport need index. This thesis examines transportation needs in rural NSW simply by measuring "demand" and "supply" components of transport. To measure the demand index, some socio-economic characteristics of population are involved including: the elderly, no or low car owning households, Indigenous people, students, children, unemployed persons, low-income households, and accessibility. A weight has been assigned to each component based on its relative importance among the other components. Weighted values are then standardised based on 100. To measure the supply index, six components, which represent the availability of various kinds of transport in rural NSW are involved and have been calculated by assigning weights and standardising to 100. These are: CountryLink rail services, CountryLink coach and bus services, Regional Services, Community Transport Program, Wheelchair taxi services, and School Buses. The final transport need for rural NSW is calculated by dividing demand index by supply index. It simply quantifies transportation needs across the rural Statistical Local Areas (SLAs) of NSW. In addition, this thesis discusses the potential and limitations of GIS and our transport need indices to be used as input to decisions about improvements in provision of services, and coordination of existing services to better meet identified needs, for the transport disadvantaged in rural NSW. In essence, this thesis is an attempt to make Australian transport and social services planners aware of the value of a need based transport-planning methodology.

This thesis examines from an historical perspective the series of events between 1995 and 1999 in which the public school teachers’ union, the New South Wales Teachers federation, challenged the NSW and Australian government’s provision of funding to private schools. Such funding is known colloquially as state aid. The state aid struggle is conceived in this thesis as an industrial relations contest that went beyond issues simply of state aid. The state aid struggle was a centrepiece of the Teachers Federation’s broader challenge to government’s intensification of efforts to reduce the federation’s effectiveness in shaping the public school system’s priorities. This thesis contends that the decisive importance of the state aid struggle arose from the fundamental strategy used by governments to lower the cost of schooling over time. To achieve this they undertook the state aid strategy – cost reductions would flow from residualising public schools, de-unionising teachers and deregulating wages and conditions. The state aid strategy was implemented through those areas of policy and funding over which the Federation had negligible control or where the Federation’s membership was disunited. The Federation was undermined by governments using policy initiatives to fragment teacher unity. By the end of 1999, governments’ prosecution of the state aid strategy did not seem to have been diverted from the main thrust of its course by the federation’s struggle.
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2003.
A thesis presented to the University of Western Sydney in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Includes bibliography.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--School of Social, Policy and Curriculum Studies, Faculty of Education, University of Sydney, 2001.
Title from title screen (viewed 12th February, 2009) Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

Addressing inequities in health both within and between countries has attracted considerable global attention in recent years. In theory, equity remains one of the key policy objectives of health systems and underpins the allocation of health sector resources in many countries. In practice, however, current evidence demonstrates that only limited progress has been made in terms of bridging the health inequity gap and improving the health of the least advantaged. The persistence of inequities in health and health outcomes raises concerns about how governments and health authorities distribute limited health resources to improve the health of the poor and most vulnerable and thereby promote equity. This thesis is about equity and allocation of financial resources in the health system of New South Wales, one of the eight states of Australia. It investigated the extent to which there has been a movement towards equity in resource allocation to Area Health Services under the NSW Health Resource Distribution Formula and whether this has been reflected in equitable resource allocation within Area Health Services. It considered only resources allocated through the NSW Department of Health. The study employed a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods to gather and analyse data. The qualitative component analysed data gathered through semi–structured interviews with policy makers, health executives, managers, and other stakeholders to establish the resource allocation processes and the factors upon which the allocation decisions were based. The quantitative component analysed health expenditure and health needs data to assess the extent to which allocation of resources from the State to Area Health Service levels has been equitable in terms of reflecting the level of health needs. Two indices were constructed and used as proxies for health needs. Principal component analysis was used in the construction of one of the indices, using demographic, socio–economic and health-related data. The other index was developed using a combination of premature mortality and morbidity data. The quantitative study spans the two decades 1989/90 to 2006/07, with a more detailed analysis of material for the years 2003/04 to 2006/07. The findings of the study show a considerable degree of inequity in resource allocation with several Area Health Services (AHSs) receiving less than a fair share of funding for the years analysed, although some movements towards equity were evident. This contradicts the general impression that the introduction of the resource distribution formula in NSW has significantly improved equity in resource allocation. In general, funding allocation at the State level correlated significantly with population size but not with health needs of the eight AHSs in NSW. Similarly, within the AHSs, allocation of funds was based on programs and services and not on health needs. Key issues that emerged from the qualitative data as affecting the equity with which health funds are allocated in the NSW health system include limited use of the resource distribution formula at the state level, lack of an effective resource allocation tool to guide the distribution of funds within AHSs, and insufficient emphasis on equity at the AHS level. It is crucial that these and several other issues identifies in the study are addressed if current inequities in funding and in health outcomes generally are to be effectively reduced.

"November 2003".
Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Australian Centre for Educational Studies, School of Education, 2004.
Bibliography: leaves 243-267.
Introduction -- Literature review -- Meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation in the Australian socio-political context -- An explanation of the research method -- Meanings of Reconciliation in the school context -- Survey results -- The role of education in the Reconciliation process -- Obstacles and barriers to Reconciliation -- Teaching for Reconciliation: best practice in teaching resources -- Conclusion.
The research detailed in this thesis investigated how schools in NSW responded to the social and political project of Reconciliation at the end of the 1990s. -- The research used a multi-method research approach which included a survey instrument, focus group interviews and key informants interviews with Aboriginal and non Aboriginal teachers, elders and educators, to gather qualitative as well as quantitative data. Differing research methodologies, including Indigenous research paradigms, are presented and discussed within the context of this research. From the initial research questions a number of sub-questions emerged which included: -The exploration of meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation evident in both the school and wider communities contexts and the extent to which these meanings and perspectives were transposed from the community to the school sector. -The perceived level of support for Reconciliation in school communities and what factors impacted on this level of support. -Responses of school communities to Reconciliation in terms of school programs and teaching strategies including factors which enhanced the teaching of Reconciliation issues in the classroom and factors which acted as barriers. -- Firstly in order to provide the context for the research study, the thesis provides a brief historical overview of the creation of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation. It then builds a framework through which the discourses of Reconciliation are presented and deconstructed. These various meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation are placed within a linear spectrum of typologies, from 'hard', 'genuine' or 'substantive' Reconciliation advocated by the Left, comprising a strong social justice agenda, first nation rights and compensation for past injustices, to the assimiliationist typologies desired by members of the Right which suggest that Reconciliation is best achieved through the total integration of Aboriginal people into the mainstream community, with Aboriginal people accepting the reality of their dispossession. -- In between these two extremes lie degrees of interpretations of what constitutes Reconciliation, including John Howard's current Federal Government interpretation of 'practical' Reconciliation. In this context "Left" and "Right" are defined less by political ideological lines of the Labor and Liberal parties than by attitudes to human rights and social justice. Secondly, and within the socio-political context presented above, the thesis reports on research conducted with Indigenous and non Indigenous educators, students and elders in the context of the NSW school system to decipher meanings and perspectives on Reconciliation as reflected in that sector. It then makes comparisons with research conducted on behalf of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation during the 1990s on attitudes to Reconciliation in the community. Perceived differences are analysed and discussed.
The research further explores how schools approached the teaching of Reconciliation through a series of survey questions designed to document the types of activities undertaken by the schools with Reconciliation as the main aim. -- Research findings indicated that while both the community at large and the education community are overwhelmingly supportive of Reconciliation, both as a concept and as a government policy, when questioned further as to the depth and details of this commitment to Reconciliation and the extent to which they may be supportive of the 'hard' issues of Reconciliation, their views and level of support were more wide ranging and deflective. -- Findings indicated that, in general, educators have a more multi-layered understanding of the issues related to Reconciliation than the general community, and a proportion of them do articulate more clearly those harder, more controversial aspects of the Reconciliation process (eg just compensation, land and sea rights, customary laws). However, they are in the main, unsure of its meaning beyond the 'soft' symbolic acts and gatherings which occur in schools. In the late 1990s, when Reconciliation was at the forefront of the national agenda, research findings indicate that while schools were organising cultural and curriculum activities in their teaching of Indigenous history or Aboriginal studies - they did not specifically focus on Reconciliation in their teaching programs as an issue in the community. Teachers did not have a clearly defined view of what Reconciliation entailed and schools were not teaching about Reconciliation directly within their curriculum programs. -- The research also sought to identify facotrs which acted as enhancers of a Reconciliation program in schools and factors which were seen as barriers. Research findings clearly pointed to community and parental attitudes as important barriers with time and an overcrowded curriculum as further barriers to the implementation of teaching programs. Factors which promoted Reconciliation in schools often related to human agency and human relationships such as supportive executive leadership, the work of committed teachers and a responsive staff and community.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xvi, 286 leaves ill

Master of Arts (Research)
This thesis examines a ledger which listed all the causes of death in Darlinghurst Gaol, Sydney’s main gaol, from 1867 to 1914 when the gaol was closed and all the prisoners were transferred to the new Long Bay Gaol at Maroubra. The ledger lists the name of the deceased prisoner, the date of their death, the age of the prisoner at the time of their death and the cause of death along with any special comments relevant to the death where necessary. This ledger was analysed in depth and the death rates and diseases causing the deaths were compared to the general population in New South Wales and Australia as well as to another similar institution namely Auburn Prison, the oldest existing prison in New York State and the general population of the United States of America (where possible). Auburn Prison was chosen because it was the only other prison in the English speaking world (British Empire and United States of America) that had a similar complete list of deaths of prisoners in the same time frame – in this case beginning in 1888. The comparison showed that the highest death rates were in the general population of the United States of America (statistics on New York State alone could not be found) followed by Auburn Prison followed by the general population of Australia then the general population of New South Wales (the latter two were very similar) and the lowest death rates were in Darlinghurst Gaol. The analysis showed that individuals were less likely to die in the main prison, compared to the relevant general population in New South Wales and New York State despite the fact that 8 – 9% of these prison deaths were due to executions, a cause of death not encountered in the general population. This thesis explores the reasons why mortality rates were lower in prison despite the popular perception was that Victorian era gaols were places of harshness, cruelty and death (think of the writings of Charles Dickens, the great moralist writer who was the conscience of the era) compared to the general free population.

This thesis is a study of the processes by which domestic violence, as framed by Australian feminists from the early 1970s, was inserted into the policy agenda of governments, and developed into a comprehensive body of policy. The thesis covers the period between 1970 and 1985. Acknowledging the federal nature of the Australian polity, it examines these processes that unfolded within both the Australian Commonwealth government and the government of New South Wales. The thesis provides a political history of domestic violence policy making in the identified period. It shows that policy responses to women escaping violent partners included both immediate measures (such as protection and justice strategies) and more long-term measures to attempt to secure the conditions for women�s financial, legal and personal autonomy. The elements found to have been most significant in shaping the development of such policies were the roles and identities of the participant players, including the driving role of the women suffering partner violence; the lack of contest in the early stages of policy achievement with established professionals in related fields; the uniquely �hybrid� role and positioning of refuge feminists; and the degree of integration and continuity which characterised the domestic violence policy process. The thesis also investigates the relationship between domestic violence policy making and the broader women�s policy enterprise. It demonstrates the care with which those involved avoided the dangers of sensationalism and tokenism while striving for an appropriate policy response. The thesis pays particular attention to the circumstances in which feminists in the early 1970s experienced their �discovery� of domestic violence. It demonstrates the significance of social and economic circumstances in shaping the political options of feminists in the thesis period and those preceding it, and the extent to which policy possibilities are shaped by representations of the nature and functions of policy itself. Finally, the thesis investigates the relationship between the strategic processes undertaken and the policy outcomes produced, finding that policies achieved in the thesis period complemented and in some ways transcended accepted policy practice in the relevant period.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2005.
Title from title screen (viewed 21 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Discipline of Government and International Relations, Faculty of Arts. Degree awarded 2005; thesis submitted 2004. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.

The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.

This thesis argues that the colonial ruling class developed its first White Australia policy in 1888, creating most of the precedents for the federal legislation of 1901. White Australia was central to the making of the Australian working class, to the shaping of Australian nationalism, and the development of federal political institutions. It has long been understood as a product of labour movement mobilising, but this thesis rejects that approach, arguing that the labour movement lacked the power to impose such a fundamental national policy, and that the key decisions which led to White Australia were demonstrably not products of labour movement action. ¶ It finds three great ruling class agendas behind the decisions to exclude Chinese immigrants, and severely limit the use of indentured “coloured labour”. Chinese people were seen as a strategic threat to Anglo-Australian control of the continent, and this fear was sharpened in the mid-1880s when China was seen as a rising military power, and a necessary ally for Britain in its global rivalry with Russia. The second ruling class agenda was the building of a modern industrial economy, which might be threatened by industries resting on indentured labour in the north. The third agenda was the desire to construct an homogenous people, which was seen as necessary for containing social discontent and allowing “free institutions”, such as parliamentary democracy. ¶ These agendas, and the ruling class interests behind them, challenged other major ruling class interests and ideologies. The result was a series of dilemmas and conflicts within the ruling class, and the resolution of these moved the colonial governments towards the White Australia policy of 1901. The thesis therefore describes the conflict over the use of Pacific Islanders by pastoralists in Queensland, the campaign for indentured Indian labour by sugar planters and the radical strategy of submerging this into a campaign for North Queensland separation, and the strike and anti-Chinese campaign in opposition to the use of Chinese workers by the Australasian Steam Navigation Company in 1878. The first White Australia policy of 1888 was the outcome of three separate struggles by the majority of the Anglo-Australian ruling class—to narrowly restrict the use of indentured labour in Queensland, to assert the right of the colonies to decide their collective immigration policies independently of Britain, and to force South Australia to accept the end of Chinese immigration into its Northern Territory. The dominant elements in the ruling class had already agreed that any serious move towards federation was to be conditional on the building of a white, predominantly British, population across the whole continent, and in 1888 they imposed that policy on their own societies and the British government.

Coal seam gas (CSG) extraction is a source of ongoing controversy in the Australian States of New South Wales and Queensland. Primarily composed of methane, CSG has evolved from a gas extracted in the interests of coal miner safety, to a profitable concern, source of electricity generation and, arguably, a transition fuel in a carbon-constrained future. Efforts to develop Australia’s CSG industry since the early 2000s has brought the sector into increased geographical proximity with existing land uses. Arguments over CSG and its potential risks and benefits remain ongoing, yet the nation’s CSG debate often lacks historical context, geographical insights, justice research perspectives and viewpoints from key professionals associated with this resource. This thesis therefore poses the overarching question: how can environmental history, legal geography, procedural and distributive justice, and profession-specific insights from lawyers, judges and planners, shed light upon this controversial resource? Drawing on a typology of relevance for environmental history, current CSG land access conflicts in Queensland are contextualised within past efforts in that State to promote coexistence between grain growers and coal miners, comparing the State’s statutorily enshrined Land Access Code 2010 with a voluntary Explorer-Landholder Procedures Guide produced in 1982 by agricultural and mining stakeholders. Building on this temporal aspect of formal and informal land access agreements, a legal geography lens is taken to unconventional gas in Australia, highlighting its value as a tool for investigating CSG – particularly for investigating the involvement of lawyers and judges in land use disputes. Acknowledging that lawyers are multifaceted participants in Australia’s CSG discussion, an extended study of their participation in recorded community forums in Queensland and New South Wales demonstrates this profession’s significant role in informing community forum audiences about land access laws concerning CSG, while also critiquing these laws by referring to personal experiences with the legal process. Viewpoints from judges associated with CSG-related litigation were also sought out and framed by both legal geography and procedural and distributive justice. An examination of a selection of court judgments concerning CSG revealed that procedural and distributive justice issues have arisen in New South Wales and Queensland. These judgments attend to the place of Australian local governments in negotiations with CSG operators, the provision of accurate mapping information to landholders by CSG companies and the nature of effective engagement in community consultation. Judges were also shown to engage with geographical concepts in their rulings, namely scale. Finally, this thesis examines planners in Australia’s CSG controversy. Advancing research into the roles and self-perceptions of planners through interviews with planners in New South Wales and Queensland and related documentary sources, these professionals were found to be flexible in their approach to the industry, adopting community advocate, facilitator of development and social gatekeeper roles as needed. The discussion and findings of this research pose important questions about CSG and the multifaceted impacts of this unconventional fossil fuel – stressing the utility of analysis that is informed by space, law, history, justice and the expertise of professionals.

This thesis challenges current neo-Marxist, feminist and neo-Weberian theories of the state which ignore or underestimate the role of state bureaucrats in the construction of state institutions and the formulation and implementation of state policies. Drawing on theories of the new middle class and intellectuals which emphasise the potential of educated workers for autonomous and united action, the thesis examines the role of public servants, doctors and lawyers in determining the form of the New South Wales state and some of its major institutions and policies between 1830 and 1930. The thesis focuses in particular on the influence of new middle class men on state labour market and family policies concerning women. Using the New South Wales public service as a case study, it explores aspects of the development of the new middle class during this period, and documents the strategies by which three groups within this class - male public servants, doctors and lawyers - attempted to extend and control their labour markets through the agency of the state, and the effect of those strategies on educated women workers. The study finds a contrast between an early period of relative tolerance of labour market competition from women and a later period of exclusion, domination and marginalisation in which women were confined to a secondary labour market. It relates these changes to variations in the labour market conditions and political power of new middle class men and women. Arguing that the economic and political conditions of the period after 1882 gave new middle class men the motivation and power to use the coercive and ideological resources of the state to protect their own labour market position, it shows, through a study of the interpretation of occupational statistics, public personnel policies, the infant welfare program and the arbitration system, how new middle class men contributed to the intensification of gender differentiation, the exclusion of women from the primary labour market, and to the institutionalisation of dependence as the natural status of women.

'Marked for Botany Bay' examines the Irish penal transportation system from its origins in the 1780s to its wide utilisation in the aftermath of the 1798 Rebellion. The selection of New South Wales as the principal site for the exile of political prisoners is placed in its proper context. Alternative modes of late Eighteenth century prisoner disposal are also considered in order to highlight the specific characteristics of rebel convictism and transportation policies. The large and militant Wicklow United Irish organization has been chosen as a case study group to chart the transportation process as it evolved in the face of the revolutionary challenges of the 1790s. Salient law and order issues such as Eighteenth century views on exemplary and summary justice are detailed to yield insights into the changing status of political prisoners from 1791-1805. Underused and new sources have been consulted to assess Government, convict, international and colonial perspectives on transportation from Ireland. This has generated a much fuller picture of the convict experience than hitherto available throwing fresh light on the mechanisms and nature of transportation. Matters arising from United Irish structures and their modus operandi at home and abroad are also discussed in depth to facilitate a fuller understanding of convict militancy in exile.

This thesis studies sectarianism in New South Wales from 1947 through to 1981. This was a period of intense change in Australian socio-cultural history, as well as in the history of religious cultures, both within Australia and internationally. Sectarianism, traditionally a significant force in Australian socio-cultural life, was significantly affected by the many changes of this period: the religious revival of the 1950s, the rise of ecumenism and the Second Vatican Council in the 1960s, as well as postwar mass-immigration, the politics of education, increasing secularism in Australian society and the Goulburn schools closure of 1962, which was both a symptom of the diminishing significance of sectarianism as well as a force that accelerated its demise. While the main study of sectarianism in this thesis ends with the 1981 High Court judgment upholding the constitutionality of state aid to non-government schools, this thesis also traces the lingering significance of sectarianism in Australian society through to the early twenty-first century through oral history and memoir. This thesis offers a contribution to historical understanding of sectarianism, examining the significance of sectarianism as a discursive force in Australian society in the context of social, political and religious cultures of the period. It argues that while the significant social and religious changes of the period eroded the discursive power of sectarianism in Australian society, this does not mean sectarianism simply vanished from Australian society. While sectarianism became increasingly insignificant in mainstream Australian socio-political life in this period, sectarianism -- both as a discourse and ideology -- lingered in social memory and in some religious cultures.

University of Technology, Sydney. Faculty of Science.
Biological invasions pose one of the greatest threats to global biodiversity and frequently result in the widespread loss of flora and fauna. Biological invasions have become a major focus of ecology in recent decades, and in particular, the invasive species radiata pine (Pinus radiata D. Don) is of considerable concern. Radiata pine has a very limited distribution in the northern hemisphere in its natural range. Its utility in the timber and manufacturing industries, however, has lead to widespread planting, especially in the southern hemisphere, where over 4 million hectares of plantations have been established. In fact, radiata pine is now the most commonly cultivated conifer in the world. A growing body of evidence from studies in the southern hemisphere has shown that pines are spreading invasively beyond the confines of plantations, displacing native species and becoming the dominant species in a number of vegetation types. The negative ecological impacts associated with pine plantations now extend well beyond plantation boundaries. While a number of studies have examined the invasion of individual pines (wildings) from plantations into surrounding vegetation, very few studies have considered the impacts of pine plantations and pine litter on surrounding native plant communities. Pine litter is defined here as structures shed from pines; primarily needles and pollen cones, but also seeds and twigs. In New South Wales (Australia), pine plantations are frequently bordered by native vegetation, providing ideal conditions for pine-litter intrusion to occur. Nevertheless, rates of pine-litter intrusion have never been quantified. Furthermore, the responses of an ecosystem to an influx of pine litter are largely unknown. The aims of this thesis are first to quantify the intrusion of pine litter into native vegetation adjacent to pine plantations and second to determine the impacts of pine litter intrusion on the structure and function of native woodland communities. Fieldwork was conducted at two geographically disparate locations in the Central Tablelands of New South Wales (Australia): Jenolan Caves Karst Conservation Reserve and Gurnang State Forest. At both sites, pine plantations and native woodland are separated by a narrow fire trail that is only a few metres wide. A comparative framework is used, whereby sites in eucalypt woodland that were adjacent to pine plantations (adjacent sites) were compared with sites in eucalypt woodland that were not adjacent to plantations but rather adjacent to eucalypt woodland (reference sites). As the effect of plantations is expected to decrease with increasing distance into native vegetation, sampling plots located at distances of 0, 5, 15, 25 and 50 m from the edge of the native vegetation were established at reference and adjacent sites. This enabled testing of both the impact of plantations on native vegetation, and also the spatial extent of this impact on native vegetation. The first and crucial step in examining the intrusive effects of pine plantations was to quantify the amount of native and exotic litterfall at reference and adjacent sites. At each sampling plot, I measured the amount of native and exotic litterfall (i.e. pine litter intrusion) every 4 weeks for 1 year at Gurnang State Forest and for 2 years at Jenolan Caves Karst Conservation Reserve. Pine needles and pollen cones were found to be a significant component of litterfall in woodlands adjacent to pine plantations. Exotic and native litterfall varied both seasonally and annually. Interestingly, peak needlefall from pines occurred in autumn and winter, which coincided with the minimum native leaffall. Conversely, pine needlefall was at a minimum during summer, during which native leaffall was high. The comparison of two separate woodlands adjacent to plantations revealed similar patterns of pine-litter intrusion although the absolute quantity of pine-litter intrusion was greater at Jenolan compared to Gurnang. Comparison of the carbon (C) and nitrogen (N) content of litterfall revealed subtle yet significant differences between pine and native litterfall. Pine litter generally had a lower N content than native leaffall at Jenolan, but a higher N content than native litter at Gurnang. At both locations, the pine litterfall is additional to native litterfall and as such, pine-litter intrusion is adding additional resources to woodlands adjacent to the plantation. Having determined the rates of pine-litter intrusion, the next step was to determine the fate of pine litter once it had intruded into woodland vegetation. In the absence of fire, plant litter is ultimately broken down through the decomposition process. A three-by-three experimental design was employed, where 3 litter types (pine, native and a 50:50 mix of pine and native litter) were placed under 3 different conditions (‘reference sites’, ‘adjacent sites’, and sites within pine plantations). Litterbags were constructed and filled with a known mass of litter before being placed in the field. Every 8 weeks, for 18 months, litterbags were collected and destructively sampled. Decomposition was measured as a function of weight loss through time, while the corresponding nitrogen and carbon contents were determined. While decomposition was quite slow overall, rates of decomposition were generally faster for native litter than for pine litter. Throughout the experiment, the N concentration of litter increased in all litter types although it was higher in native litter than in pine litter. An important consequence of the slower rate of decomposition of pine litter is likely to be the accumulation of pine litter in woodlands adjacent to plantations. This may have severe implications for the structure and composition of plant communities adjacent to plantations. To test this, I examined the seasonal and spatial patterns of plant community structure of eucalypt woodlands surrounding pine plantations at Jenolan and Gurnang. Eucalypt woodland at Gurnang showed only a minor change in the structure and composition of understorey vegetation at sites nearest the plantation. In contrast, eucalypt woodland at Jenolan showed a much stronger response to plantations, with significantly lower total species richness at adjacent sites compared with reference sites. This resulted in a pronounced ‘edge effect’ up to 15 m into eucalypt woodland adjacent to pine plantations. Canonical correspondence analysis was used to examine the relationship between environmental variables and plant community structure. Pine litterfall explained a significant portion of the variation in plant community structure at reference and adjacent sites at Jenolan, where large quantities of pine litter intrude into native vegetation. At Gurnang, where smaller quantities of pine litter intrude into eucalypt woodland, pine litter intrusion explained a lower portion of the variance between reference and adjacent sites. The plantation at Jenolan consists of large, mature pines that have formed a dense closed canopy, while at Gurnang, the plantation has been established more recently and the pines are not as large, and have not formed a closed canopy. The plantations at Jenolan are therefore a greater source of litter and are also likely to have more pronounced influence on the microclimate compared with the plantations at Gurnang. Lower diversity of flora at Gurnang also may limit the ability to detect differences in plant communities between reference and adjacent sites. Finally, I investigated the impact of pine litter on plant community structure by testing the hypothesis that pine litter facilitates the germination and growth of radiata pine seeds. Using a manipulative glasshouse experiment, radiata pine seeds were sown in pots and exposed to varying quantities of different litter treatments (pine litter, native litter and a 50-50 mix of pine and native litter). The germination and subsequent growth and survival of pines were measured over a period of 2 months. Litter depth but not litter type was found to be an important determinant of pine seedling establishment. With the exception of treatments that were covered by a small layer of litter (i.e. 1 cm) increases in litter depth resulted in delayed and lower rates of seedling emergence. Although pine and native leaves are different shapes (i.e. needle vs. broadleaf) and form very differently structured litter layers (dense mat vs. loosely structured), both litters appear to cause similar physical resistance to seedling establishment. These results indicate that litter accumulation resulting from pine intrusion can alter the establishment of pine seedlings. Given the invasive nature of radiata pine, it is highly likely that increased litter depth resulting from pine-litter intrusion will influence the establishment of many native species. In summary, significant quantities of pine litter were found to intrude into native woodland adjacent to pine plantations, which in turn, appears to be responsible for observed shifts in ecosystem structure and function. This is of particular concern in instances where pine plantations are situated adjacent to native vegetation that has been set aside specifically for conservation purposes. I therefore suggest the provision of a buffer zone around plantations in order to minimise intrusive impacts of plantations on native biodiversity. Whilst this can be achieved using a number of techniques, careful consideration of the structure of native vegetation is needed when selecting the appropriate technique. Having an inappropriate buffer may have an undesirable influence on native vegetation.

The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.

This thesis argues that the colonial ruling class developed its first White Australia policy in 1888, creating most of the precedents for the federal legislation of 1901. White Australia was central to the making of the Australian working class, to the shaping of Australian nationalism, and the development of federal political institutions. It has long been understood as a product of labour movement mobilising, but this thesis rejects that approach, arguing that the labour movement lacked the power to impose such a fundamental national policy, and that the key decisions which led to White Australia were demonstrably not products of labour movement action. ¶ It finds three great ruling class agendas behind the decisions to exclude Chinese immigrants, and severely limit the use of indentured “coloured labour”. ...