Journal articles on the topic 'Transparency in government – Canada'
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1
Makar, Vitaliy. "Canada – from its establishment until the modern day." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 35-36 (December 20, 2017): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2017.35-36.14-23.
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This year Canada celebrated the 150thanniversary of its official establishment, when the Act of British North America came into force. However, the Dominion was established, the British Parliament retained the ability of limited control over Canada until 1982. The Autonomy was granted by the Canadian Act of 1982, which freed Canada from the remaining dependence of the British Parliament forever. Canada is a federal parliamentary democracy with a constitutional monarchy as a formof the government. Noteworthy, the power of the monarch is purely nominal, and is represented by the Governor-General.
On the surface, if compared with other countries, Canada appears to be quite recently formed state. In reality, Canada has made significant progress in its development. Importantly, Canada is a member of the G-7. Leading countries and international organizations value the opinion and authority of the Maple Leaf Country. It is one of the most ethnically and culturally varied countries in the world, since it has always depended on immigration, which is governed by federal and provincial governments. Canada has one of the highest indicators of transparency of the government, civil liberties, economic freedom, quality of life and education in the world.
The article examines the stages of Canada’s establishment, political structure, economic development and potential opportunities. The author also focuses on the importance of Canadian-Ukrainian relations and collaboration. Currently, Canada is a special partner and pays considerable attention to all events that take place in Ukraine.
Keywords: Canada, provinces, territories, political structure,parliament, economy, Canadian-Ukrainian relations
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Jacob, Aerin L., Jonathan W. Moore, Caroline H. Fox, Emily J. Sunter, Danielle Gauthier, Alana R. Westwood, and Adam T. Ford. "Cross-sectoral input for the potential role of science in Canada’s environmental assessment." FACETS 3, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 512–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/facets-2017-0104.
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Since being elected in 2015, Canada’s federal Liberal government has taken steps to overhaul major environment-related laws and policies, including federal environmental assessment (EA) and regulatory processes. During 2016–2017, a government-appointed panel toured Canada and received >1000 suggestions from diverse sectors of society regarding EA reform. Yet, different sectors of society may have different views concerning scientific components of EA. We analyzed written submissions during public consultation (categorized into five sectors) regarding five key scientific components of EA: (1) openly sharing information, (2) evaluating cumulative effects, (3) scientific rigour, (4) transparency in decision-making, and (5) independence between regulators and proponents. On the whole, submissions from Indigenous groups, non-governmental organizations, and individuals/academics supported strengthening all five components. In contrast, most contributions from industry/industry associations, and, to a lesser extent, government bodies or agencies, suggested that there was no need for increased scientific rigour or increased independence. These findings indicate that there is cross-sectoral support for strengthening some scientific aspects of EA. However, the degree to which the Government of Canada strengthens the scientific rigour and independence of EA will indicate whether environmental decision-making in Canada is aligned with preferences from industry or the rest of Canada.
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al Attar, Mohsen, and Miriam Clouthier. "Sharing Power: The Case for Public Consultations on Trade." Canadian Journal of Law and Society / Revue Canadienne Droit et Société 30, no. 03 (October 20, 2015): 465–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cls.2015.29.
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Abstract Since the 1960s, public consultation has emerged as an important democratic tool, allowing governments to inform, debate, and learn from the general public. Since the 1980s, international trade agreements have wielded significant influence over domestic law making, as an ever more ‘comprehensive’ set of topics is regulated via treaty. In Canada, these two trends have yet to meet. Neither the public nor Parliament is involved in trade policy making, raising concerns about the democratic legitimacy of expansive trade agreements. Through the lens of the recent Canada and European Union (EU) Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), this article examines whether trade law’s consultation practices can be aligned with those of other federal government departments. We identify five key values that make consultations successful—diversity, education, commitment, accountability, and transparency—and consider the viability of their inclusion in trade consultations.
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Redden, Joanna. "Democratic governance in an age of datafication: Lessons from mapping government discourses and practices." Big Data & Society 5, no. 2 (July 2018): 205395171880914. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053951718809145.
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There is an abundance of enthusiasm and optimism about how governments at all levels can make use of big data, algorithms and artificial intelligence. There is also growing concern about the risks that come with these new systems. This article makes the case for greater government transparency and accountability about uses of big data through a Government of Canada qualitative research case study. Adapting a method from critical cartographers, I employ counter-mapping to map government big data practices and internal discussions of risk and challenge. I do so by drawing on interviews and freedom of information requests. The analysis reveals that there are more concerns and risks than often publicly discussed and that there are significant areas of silence that need greater attention. The article underlines the need for our democratic systems to respond to our new datafied contexts by ensuring that our institutions make changes to better protect citizen rights, uphold democratic principles and ensure means for citizen intervention.
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Euler, Dimitrij. "Transparency Rules and the Mauritius Convention: A Favourable Haircut of the States Sovereignty in Investment Arbitration?" ASA Bulletin 34, Issue 2 (June 1, 2016): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/asab2016030.
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This paper investigates whether the United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) Transparency Rules on treaty-based investor-state arbitration (Transparency Rules) increases transparency in investment arbitration fairly for all the participants. The hypothesis is that the Transparency Rules and the United Nations Convention on Transparency in Treaty-based Investor-State Arbitration (Mauritius Convention), work together as a mechanism that is more favourable for the host states than for the investor, and thereby anticipate the different roles of all participants in treaty-based arbitration. Transparency brings pressure for a level playing field among disputing parties. In Detroit International Bridge Company v Government of Canada, UNCITRAL, PCA Case 2012-25, the tribunal accepted the prevalence of the in camera obligation in the procedural rules upon a general treaty obligation, and against the state’s arguments. In Philip Morris Asia Limited v The Commonwealth of Australia, UNCITRAL, PCA Case 2012-12, the tribunal accepted Australia’s need to disclose certain information under their national laws, but to exclude confidential business information as determined by the arbitral tribunal. Other decisions exist in which tribunals decide similarly. This paper explores the actual principle of equality as applied by arbitral tribunals. Thereafter, it considers the legal nature of transparency under the Transparency Rules, standing alone and in combination with the Mauritius Convention. It concludes by determining how this discretion affects the level playing field of all the participants.
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Cloutier, Rosa Galvez, and Michelle Sanchez. "Trophic Status Evaluation for 154 Lakes in Quebec, Canada: Monitoring and Recommendations." Water Quality Research Journal 42, no. 4 (November 1, 2007): 252–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wqrj.2007.028.
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Abstract Based on chlorophyll a, total phosphorus, transparency (Secchi disk), and total nitrogen, 154 lakes located in southern regions of the Quebec province were classified according to their trophic status. Various classification methods were presented and discussed. The evaluation of existing relationships among quality parameters were established, and suggestions for priority actions and restoration initiatives were given. The ‘Reseau de surveillance de lacs’ of the Ministère de développement durable, environnement et parcs is considered as a very successful program that should be increasingly supported by the government. The program meets sustainable development principles in watershed management. The results showed that although the majority of lakes surveyed were within optimal conditions (oligotrophic status), 22 lakes required closer surveillance and more effective nutrient control measures.
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Walby, Kevin, and Alex Luscombe. "Ethics review and freedom of information requests in qualitative research." Research Ethics 14, no. 4 (January 1, 2018): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1747016117750208.
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Freedom of information (FOI) requests are increasingly used in sociology, criminology and other social science disciplines to examine government practices and processes. University ethical review boards (ERBs) in Canada have not typically subjected researchers’ FOI requests to independent review, although this may be changing in the United Kingdom and Australia, reflective of what Haggerty calls ‘ethics creep’. Here we present four arguments for why FOI requests in the social sciences should not be subject to formal ethical review by ERBs. These four arguments are: existing, rigorous bureaucratic vetting; double jeopardy; infringement of citizenship rights; and unsuitable ethics paradigm. In the discussion, we reflect on the implications of our analysis for literature on ethical review and qualitative research, and for literature on FOI and government transparency.
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Campagnolo, Yan. "The History, Law and Practice of Cabinet Immunity in Canada." Revue générale de droit 47, no. 2 (January 24, 2018): 239–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1042926ar.
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Canada has the dubious honour of being the sole Westminster jurisdiction to have enacted a near-absolute immunity for Cabinet confidences. Through the adoption of sections 39 of the Canada Evidence Act and 69 of the Access to Information Act in 1982, the federal Parliament has deprived the courts of the power to inspect Cabinet confidences and order their disclosure when the public interest demands it. Why has Parliament enacted these draconian statutory provisions? How have these provisions been interpreted and applied since they have been proclaimed into force? This article seeks to answer these questions based on a detailed examination of the relevant historical records, parliamentary debates, case law and government reports. The first section seeks to demonstrate that the political decision to provide a near-absolute immunity for Cabinet confidences was made at the highest level of the State, by Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, based on the debatable justification that the courts could not be trusted to properly adjudicate Cabinet immunity claims. The second section seeks to establish that the government has taken advantage of the inherent vagueness of sections 39 and 69 to give an overbroad interpretation to the term “Cabinet confidences.” In addition, by modifying the Cabinet Paper System, the government has significantly narrowed the scope of an important exception to Cabinet immunity, that is, the “discussion paper exception,” which was initially intended to provide some level of transparency to the Cabinet decision-making process. These problems are compounded by the fact that only a weak form of judicial review is available against Cabinet immunity claims which, in practice, makes it tremendously difficult to challenge such claims.
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Vasseur, Liette, Mary J. Thornbush, and Steve Plante. "Engaging Communities in Adaptation to Climate Change by Understanding the Dimensions of Social Capital in Atlantic Canada." Sustainability 14, no. 9 (April 26, 2022): 5250. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14095250.
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This paper examines the role of social capital and its influence on the capacity of coastal communities in Atlantic Canada to respond and adapt to climate change, especially when dealing with extreme weather events. Three elements of social capital—social trust, institutional trust, and social networks—were considered. They were analyzed based on four questions targeting social capital during semi-structured interviews on climate change adaptation in 10 rural coastal communities located in three Canadian provinces (Quebec, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island). Results showed that these communities exhibited strong social capital, mainly because of a high level of social trust. People were ambivalent in the way they connected to institutions, especially with governments. They often felt isolated and left to themselves to deal with climate change adaptation decisions. The research conveys the difficulties and challenges of multilevel governance, where coastal communities generally ensure trust within the community first before trusting higher levels of government. Initiatives to improve public engagement and participation in decision making should be supported for further adaptation, although they would require greater accountability and transparency.
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Savoia, Elena, Nigel Walsh Harriman, Rachael Piltch-Loeb, Marco Bonetti, Veronica Toffolutti, and Marcia A. Testa. "Exploring the Association between Misinformation Endorsement, Opinions on the Government Response, Risk Perception, and COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy in the US, Canada, and Italy." Vaccines 10, no. 5 (April 23, 2022): 671. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines10050671.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the adverse consequences created by an infodemic, specifically bringing attention to compliance with public health guidance and vaccine uptake. COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy is a complex construct that is related to health beliefs, misinformation exposure, and perceptions of governmental institutions. This study draws on theoretical models and current data on the COVID-19 infodemic to explore the association between the perceived risk of COVID-19, level of misinformation endorsement, and opinions about the government response on vaccine uptake. We surveyed a sample of 2697 respondents from the US, Canada, and Italy using a mobile platform between 21–28 May 2021. Using multivariate regression, we found that country of residence, risk perception of contracting and spreading COVID-19, perception of government response and transparency, and misinformation endorsement were associated with the odds of vaccine hesitancy. Higher perceived risk was associated with lower odds of hesitancy, while lower perceptions of government response and higher misinformation endorsement were associated with higher hesitancy.
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Rhodes, Ekaterina, Kira Craig, Aaron Hoyle, and Madeleine McPherson. "How Do Energy-Economy Models Compare? A Survey of Model Developers and Users in Canada." Sustainability 13, no. 11 (May 21, 2021): 5789. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13115789.
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Governments at all levels rely on energy-economy models to design climate policy portfolios. Models vary in their purposes and methodologies, yet there is limited research comparing model characteristics and identifying models suitable for specific policy questions. We conduct a web-based survey of energy-economy model users and developers (n = 14) in Canada’s public, private, and non-profit sectors, to systematically compare seventeen models against the following characteristics: Technology representations, microeconomic and macroeconomic details, policy representations, treatment of uncertainty, high-resolution spatial and temporal representations, and data transparency. We find that for the most part, models represent technology, micro-, and macroeconomic characteristics according to the typology of bottom-up, top-down, and hybrid models. However, several modelling evolutions have emerged. To varying extents, top-down models can explicitly represent technologies and some bottom-up models incorporate microeconomic (non-financial) characteristics. We find that models differ in the types of policies they can simulate, sometimes underrepresenting performance regulations, government procurement, and research and development programs. All models use at least one method to explore uncertainty, rarely incorporate spatial and temporal representations, and most models lack publicly available methodological documentation. We discuss the implications of our comparative model analysis for climate policy projections and future research.
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ORLIV, Mariana. "IMPLEMENTATION OF THE BALANCED SCORECARD MODEL IN LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT AUTHORITIES." Herald of Khmelnytskyi National University. Economic sciences 308, no. 4 (July 28, 2022): 105–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31891/2307-5740-2022-308-4-16.
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Relevance of the study is due to the need to implement tools of strategic municipal management in local self-government authorities in order to successfully complete the reform of decentralization. Foreign experience testifies that one such tool is the Balanced Scorecard (BSC) of Kaplan and Norton, which was evolved from a performance management tool for business to a dominant system of strategic management in the public setor. This tool allows use of non-financial indicators, take into account social aspects and environment as well as manage risks under uncertainty. The article argues that the BSC implementation in local self-government authorities will ensure the solution of the following tasks: 1) aligning the strategic and tactical goals with measures for their implementation; 2) increasing the institutional capacity of authorities (through development and motivation of personnel, formation of innovative organizational culture, introduction of performance management system, improvement of internal processes, development of information systems); 3) increasing the transparency and stakeholders confidence, in particular foreign investors, to attract financing in the post-war period. It was found that the structure of the BSC model and the algorithm of its implementation depend on the field of activity, size, tasks and features of the organization. An algorithm for developing the BSC model of the city council executive committee (its structural unit for the pilot project implementation) is proposed and the main strategies for the four components of this model (stakeholders, finance, internal processes, training and development) are identified. Based on the experience of Canada, Denmark, the Czech Republic and other countries, the main advantages, conditions of success and challenges of implementing the BSC concept in local self-government authorities are identified, taking into account political, organizational, financial and other aspects. It is proposed to define the ways to solve considered challenges using the design thinking methodology.
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Lysenko, Dmitry, Lisa Mills, and Saul Schwartz. "Does Canada need trade adjustment assistance?" International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 1 (March 2017): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017691311.
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Trade adjustment assistance (TAA) is government aid to those affected by trade agreements. We review the history of TAA in Canada and ask whether Canada needs to reintroduce it in response to the recent intensification of trade negotiations. In light of the compensation offered by the federal government in connection with the Canada–European Union Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), we examine how TAA fits in with the evolution of Canadian federalism in the trade policy area. Based in part on interviews with provincial trade negotiators, we conclude, first, that the compensation is an outcome of Canadian federalism. Second, we argue that while there is no reason to reintroduce a federal TAA program for workers, compensation for provinces is necessary to facilitate their cooperation with the implementation of trade treaty provisions. Third, we suggest that a more transparent rationale for such compensation would be superior to the ad hoc compensation observed in CETA.
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Forbrigger, Shane, and and Ya-Jun Pan. "Improved Transparency for Haptic Systems with Complex Environments * *This work was supported by NSERC and the Government of Nova Scotia, Canada." IFAC-PapersOnLine 50, no. 1 (July 2017): 8121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ifacol.2017.08.1251.
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Ramanujam, Nandini, and Miatta Gorvie. "SHIFTING GROUND, SOLID FOUNDATIONS: IMAGINING A NEW PARADIGM FOR CANADIAN CIVIL SOCIETY ENGAGEMENT." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 32, no. 1 (February 1, 2015): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v32i1.4519.
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Members of civil society are increasingly decrying what they identify as an insidious trend whereby the government is targeting organizations whose mandates run contrary to the federal government’s political and economic agendas and creating a chill around public policy and advocacy work. The media as well as civil society organizations [CSOs] themselves have documented government attempts to undermine and stifle the voices of dissenting organizations, ranging from rhetorical attacks to the withdrawal of funding for ambiguous reasons. The climate of resentment and suspicion between civil society actors and the government is detrimental for safeguarding the tradition of accountability and transparency in Canada’s democratic institutions. Amidst this turbulent environment, this paper examines the often-made claim by CSO leaders in Canada that public funding is a necessary requirement for a strong civil society, with the aim of challenging and mobilizing the civil society community to not only survive but to reinvigorate its engagement to further social justice in this changing social and economic landscape. We argue that discussions of the state of civil society in Canada focus disproportionately on the question of funding and relationship-building with the government and expose the unforeseen consequences of this trade-off for CSOs, their members, and constituent communities. We close by introducing the potential of a new paradigm of “principled engagement” that would allow Canadian CSOs to thrive as sustainable, adaptable social justice advocates in coming years. Les membres de la société civile décrient de plus en plus ce qu’ils appellent la tendance insidieuse du gouvernement à cibler les organisations dont les mandats vont à l’encontre de ses programmes politiques et économiques et à freiner le travail de représentation et de plaidoyer lié aux politiques publiques. Tant les médias que les organisations de la société civile [OSC] ont déploré les tentatives du gouvernement de faire taire les voix d’organisations dissidentes, que ce soit par des attaques rhétoriques ou par le retrait du financement pour des raisons ambiguës. Le climat de ressentiment et de doute qui règne entre les intervenants de la société civile et le gouvernement nuit au maintien de l’imputabilité et de la transparence qui caractérisent depuis longtemps les institutions démocratiques canadiennes. Dans ce contexte de turbulence, les auteurs de ce texte répondent aux dirigeants des OSC du Canada qui ne cessent de répéter qu’une société civile forte a besoin à tout prix de fonds publics afin de mobiliser ses intervenants et de les encourager non seulement à survivre, mais également à réitérer leur engagement à promouvoir la justice sociale dans ce climat socio-économique changeant. Nous affirmons quant à nous que la société civile du Canada accorde trop d’importance à la question du financement et de l’établissement de relations avec le gouvernement et nous évoquons l’émergence possible d’un nouveau paradigme selon lequel les OSC canadiennes pourraient s’imposer comme des représentants de la justice sociale solides et capables de s’adapter aux changements au cours des années à venir.
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Batchelor, Daud Abdul-Fattah. "Integrating Islamic Principles and Values into the Fabric of Governance." ICR Journal 5, no. 3 (July 15, 2014): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v5i3.387.
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Important Islamic principles and values in governance are identified from the Qur’an, Sunna and the essential Shariah objectives (Maqasid al-Shari’ah). The principles (vicegerency, rule of law, justice, social welfare, separation of powers, accountability, consultation, obedience, public participation, inclusiveness, equality, dignity, hisbah or enjoining the good and forbidding the evil, limiting money politics, and ensuring a free, independent media, and peace and security) have considerable bearing on the structure of government institutions and in ensuring good governance, while the values (trustworthiness, transparency, cooperation towards good, moderation, eagerness for knowledge, frugality and valuing time, and good neighbourliness) relate more to the moral qualities required by rulers, leaders and government officers alike. The proposed process of integrating these into governance is based on a systems thinking approach which acknowledges that governance works in a systemic framework. It also stresses the modern discipline of change management but points out that both it and a systems approach were already applied most successfully by Prophet Muhammad [pbuh]. Working examples, which can be adapted for use in Muslim countries for government departments and civic society have been identified from Canada and Malaysia, respectively.
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Parent, Milena, Christian Rouillard, and Jean-Loup Chappelet. "Empirical Issues and Challenges for Multilevel Governance: The Case of the 2010 Vancouver Olympic Winter Games." Revue Gouvernance 15, no. 2 (March 18, 2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1058086ar.
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How did a large network of over 600 actors successfully organize itself to serve a mega project dominated by three levels of government, even as control rested with a non-profit entity, included other sectors, and the governments involved did not normally work well together? The purpose of this paper is to examine how the three levels of government in Canada established a network to coordinate efforts for hosting the 2010 Vancouver Olympic Winter Games. This case study was built by means of documents and interviews, and supported by participant observations. The network was not found to be dense, but did include a multiplexity of ties (e.g., transactions, communications, collaborations, and coordinating bridges) by actors serving diverse strategic goals and scopes of work. The case was compared to data collected for the 2012 London Olympic Games to draw out key network governance coordination themes. Nine governance themes emerged associated with governance structure, processes, and evaluation: coordination mechanisms; internal engagement, momentum, and motivation; external transparency; formalization; balancing autonomy and interdependence; co-location; readiness exercises; political alignment; and time. The findings provide a framework for examining the governance of multi-level, multi-sectorial networks created to undertake a mega project and indicate how a network’s public and non-profit organizations’ activities and procedures can be influenced, modified, and impacted by the other actors (i.e., other public or non-profit organizations).
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Onyemelukwe, Cheluchi, and Jocelyn Downie. "The Tunnel at the End of the Light? A Critical Analysis of the Development of the Tri-Council Policy Statement." Canadian journal of law and society 26, no. 1 (April 2011): 159–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjls.26.1.159.
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AbstractIn 1998, the three major government funding councils put in place the Tri-Council Policy Statement (TCPS) to regulate all research involving humans in Canada conducted at institutions funded by the councils. This article examines the process of developing the TCPS, a historic and very important document in Canada's research ethics landscape, and the application of the democratic values of legitimacy, transparency, representation, accountability, and community engagement in that process. The authors argue that efforts were made to ensure basic democratic values in the process but that these attempts should have been taken farther. This examination is a timely exercise in light of the new draft now being prepared to replace the current version of the TCPS. The authors also consider this ongoing process of establishing a new edition and reflect on lessons to be learned.
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Gorovaya, Ya I., and E. A. Kremyanskaya. "Lobbying: Its Role in and Impact on the US Government System." Journal of Law and Administration 18, no. 1 (April 2, 2022): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2073-8420-2022-1-62-63-72.
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Introduction. The article provides an overview of lobbying regulations in the United States. The US lobbying legislation is an integral part of the whole country legislation system, with its regulations helping, in particular, to make the influence exerted by lobbyists on the decision-making process transparent. The statusquo of lobbying anywhere except the US, Canada and the European Union is nonidentical as there still have not been enacted any direct laws and statutory instruments regulating this field elsewhere [8].Lobbying is thus apt to be misinterpreted due to its misperceiving and insufficient awareness. Consequently, the myth that “bribing” is an equitable sobriquet for “lobbying” is still going strong and has yet to be dissected. The author delves into the origins and history of lobbying in the US, tracing its enhancement and indicating legal loopholes still remaining despite seemingly exhaustive disclosure required. The author equally inquiries into theoretical justifications for regulating lobbying from deliberative democratic theory. “Grassroots lobbying” and “shadow lobbying” constitute likewise matters of concern to the article.Materials and methods. The author employs both general and specialized scientific methods in the study. The issue of US lobbying development is addressed by means of historical method. In detecting legal loopholes and propounding other approaches used in relation to them either on federal level or in certain states, a comparative legal analysis and a logical method are combined.Study results. The research has revealed that lobbying activities in general and lobbying practices in particular unfold at every level of government. The acts adopted throughout the US lobbying history provide a range of definitions for the terms “lobbyist” and “lobby groups”, clarify the status of lobbyists and circumscribe the cases of obligatory disclosure of lobbying activities. Lobbying appears to be a thriving field due to it exerting immense influence on legislative process, as well as the outcome of the elections. Last but not least, the study has ascertained the US lobbying system as the one attempting not to leave any of lobbying activities opaque from public perspective by means of eliminating legal loopholes. Thus, lobbying regulations significantly contribute to fostering transparency and democracy overall.Discussion and conclusion. From our perspective, lobbying exists even when unregulated, hence not only its regulations do not constitute corruption, but they can also serve as a means of outlawing the latter by bringing policy makers under close scrutiny, i.e. establishing certain limitations pertaining their interactions with lobbyists and lobby groups hence the decision-making process. With the aforesaid aim, as well as with the aim of keeping the decision-making process transparent in general, lobbying legislation in the US has been gradually developing in scale and sophistication to eventually encompass the vast number of lobbying interactions.
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Evans, Lois, Patricia Franks, and Hsuanwei Michelle Chen. "Voices in the cloud: social media and trust in Canadian and US local governments." Records Management Journal 28, no. 1 (March 19, 2018): 18–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rmj-11-2016-0041.
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Purpose This study aims to examine how 20 local governments in Canada and the USA operationalize the government–citizen trust relationship through the administration of social media by answering two questions: Can local governments use social media to increase citizen trust? and if local governments can use social media, what can be learned about the administration of social media that results in an increase in citizen trust of government? Design/methodology/approach Based on a normative belief that increasing the trustworthiness of government is a desired outcome, the working proposition is that social media may offer a low-barrier method for engaging citizens and supporting trust-based relationships, if social media programs are administered in a way that operationalizes this objective. Using content analysis of data collected from interview transcripts and documentary sources, this exploratory, process-oriented study emphasizes the social, organizational and functional contexts of social media and social media as records. Findings The study found that most cities had extensive programs featuring multiple accounts on a number of common platforms. The cities maintained tight control over content, account creation and employee and audience participation to ensure compliance with federal and provincial or state legislation and to mitigate technology and content-based risks. The cities used social media to broadcast information, respond to service requests and provide issue management. Social media results were measured sporadically on an ad hoc basis for operational purposes and only two cities had dedicated procedures in place for managing social media as records. Contrary to previous research, this study indicates that fiduciary trust relationships do require trust by the agent (i.e. institution) and the principal (i.e. citizen). Research limitations/implications To increase generalizability, an effort was made to select cities that were demographically and geographically diverse by selecting a range of population sizes and locations. However, selection was skewed towards cities with well-developed social media programs, and as a result, over half of the cities were national, provincial or state capitals or larger population centres. While these cities experienced economic advantages, the participants in the study identified challenges around resourcing and capacity, and their responses are expected to be of value to cities operating under similar constraints. Additionally, this study represents a point in time, as social media use at the local governments continued to expand and evolve during and after the data collection period. Practical implications This paper identifies three scenarios where social media content from local government accounts should be managed as records, including: the documentation of incidents, the on-going collection of city content from high-profile accounts and the “on demand” collection of citizens’ content where cities have asked for citizen input on topics or issues. Social implications This study provides an in-depth characterization of social media administration and use by 20 local governments in Canada and the USA. Considering the progress made by cities in e-government using their websites as a base, cities can develop greater capacity for open government, meaning wider participation by citizens in the decisions that affect them on a daily basis. To achieve goals of transparency, accountability and civic participation, cities will need to develop capacity around social media measurement, reporting and procedures for managing social media as records. Originality/value In providing a detailed and complete description of social media use in 20 cities in two countries, this study moves beyond a compliance- and requirement-driven approach to consider the larger question of government–citizen trust and the relevance of records within this relationship.
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Shergill, Sandy, Lindsay Forsman-Phillips, and Anne-Marie Nicol. "Radon in Schools: A Review of Radon Testing Efforts in Canadian Schools." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 10 (May 20, 2021): 5469. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18105469.
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Radon, a known carcinogen, becomes a health risk when it accumulates inside buildings. Exposure is of particular concern for children, as their longer life expectancy increases their lifetime risk of developing cancer. In 2016, 5.5 million students were enrolled in Canadian elementary and secondary schools. With no national policy on radon testing in schools, children may be at risk from radon exposure while attending school and school-based programs. This study explored radon testing efforts in publicly funded Canadian schools and summarizes where testing programs have occurred. Radon testing in schools was identified through a systematic qualitative enquiry, surveying members from different levels of government (health and education) and other stakeholders (school boards, research experts, among others). Overall, this research found that approaches to radon testing varied considerably by province and region. Responsibility for radon testing in schools was often deferred between government, school boards, building managers and construction parties. Transparency around radon testing, including which schools had been tested and whether radon levels had been mitigated, also emerged as an issue. Radon testing of schools across Canada, including mitigation and clear communication strategies, needs to improve to ensure a healthy indoor environment for staff and students.
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Cho, Charles H., and John Kurpierz. "Stretching the public purse: budgetary responses to COVID-19 in Canada." Journal of Public Budgeting, Accounting & Financial Management 32, no. 5 (August 31, 2020): 771–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpbafm-05-2020-0070.
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PurposeThis paper summarizes the emergency measures taken by Canada in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, and discusses the key political, economic, and social factors that influenced the design of these measures.Design/methodology/approachThis paper collects the announcement of emergency measures in the Canadian provincial and federal governments between March 18 and May 30, 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic and categorizes them by type of emergency response.FindingsCanada has a diversified response of emergency measures mediated by its various provinces. This suggests that Canada may be more robust to biological and economic threats than nations that have less policy diversity.Originality/valueCanada's diversity of emergency measures allows for several different avenues for future research, including countercyclical spending by subnational polities, organizational diversity's effect on resilience, the effect of tax breaks versus direct or indirect payments, effectiveness of public-private partnerships, and the effect of transparency on citizen satisfaction.
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Marín Durán, Gracia. "SHELTERING GOVERNMENT SUPPORT TO ‘GREEN’ ELECTRICITY: THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 67, no. 1 (January 2018): 129–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589317000537.
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AbstractSince the Canada – Renewable Energy (2013) dispute at the World Trade Organization (WTO), the WTO Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing Measures (SCM) has been the focal point of academic debate on the trade-environment interface, with a growing consensus that WTO subsidy rules need to be revisited with a view to securing ‘policy space’ for government support for renewable energy. This article explores whether, as suggested by some scholars, the European Union (EU)’s system of justifications for renewable energy aid could serve as a source of inspiration for the WTO. While this proposition may appear attractive at first sight, it is hardly conceivable, or even desirable, that the EU's approach to sheltering government support for renewable energy could be transposed to the WTO. This is because the two systems of subsidy control are fundamentally different in both substantive and procedural terms and, importantly, these differences reflect distinct objectives and political/institutional contexts. Nonetheless, this comparative analysis sheds light on where the key challenges lie for the WTO in ensuring that international trade rules and climate change mitigation objectives are mutually supportive. It is argued that the case for reviewing the SCM Agreement cannot be made by simply forging parallels with the EU's regulatory model, but needs to be carefully construed on the basis of a proper understanding of whether and how green policy space is actually constrained under the current WTO subsidy and trade remedy rules. However, this requires better information on existing WTO members’ practice in relation to renewable energy subsidies, as well as on their environmental effectiveness and possible trade-distortive impact. In this sense, the most valuable lesson that the WTO can draw from the EU's regulatory experience is the imperative of improving the transparency and knowledge-enhancing elements of its subsidy control system.
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Shepherd, Tamara, Gregory Taylor, and Catherine Middleton. "A Tale of Two Regulators: Telecom Policy Participation in Canada." Journal of Information Policy 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.4.2014.1.
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Abstract What are the challenges to effective academic participation in telecommunications policymaking? In this article, the authors analyze their experiences with the Canadian Radio-television and Telecommunications Commission and Industry Canada as examples. Their goal is to increase academic policy engagement despite negligible government support for public interest advocacy, as traditional public interest values are discarded by regulators because new technologies are framed as individual rather than collective. Industry Canada is deemed opaque with an “advocacy deficit,” though the CRTC is more transparent and inviting. To succeed in both venues, academics need to work with advocacy organizations as “circumstantial activists.” Such academic participation can offer new conceptual frameworks, add nuance to discourse, substantiate the use of scholarly research in policy debates, and add to policy theory building.
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Flynn, Alexandra, and Mariana Valverde. "Where The Sidewalk Ends: The Governance Of Waterfront Toronto’s Sidewalk Labs Deal." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 36 (September 18, 2020): 263–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v36i0.6425.
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In May 2020 Sidewalk Labs, the Google-affiliated ‘urban innovation’ company, announced that it was abandoning its ambition to build a ‘smart city’ on Toronto’s waterfront and thus ending its three-year relationship with Waterfront Toronto. This is thus a good time to look back and examine the whole process, with a view to drawing lessons both for the future of Canadian smart city projects and the future of public sector agencies with appointed boards. This article leaves to one side the gadgets and sensors that drew much attention to the proposed project, and instead focuses on the governance aspects, especially the role of the public ‘partner’ in the contemplated public-private partnership. We find that the multi-government agency, Waterfront Toronto, had transparency and accountability deficiencies, and failed to consistently defend the public interest from the beginning (the Request for Proposals issued in May of 2017). Because the public partner in the proposed ‘deal’ was not, as is usually the case in smart city projects, a municipal corporation, our research allows us to address an important question in administrative law, namely: what powers should administrative bodies outside of government have in crafting smart city policies?
In Canada, the comparatively limited Canadian scholarly work regarding urban law and governance has mainly focused on municipal governments themselves, and this scholarly void has contributed to the fact that the public is largely unaware of the numerous local bodies that oversee local matters beyond municipal governments. This paper hones into the details of the WT-Sidewalk Labs partnership to understand the powers and limitations of WT in assuming a governmental role in establishing and overseeing ‘smart city’ relationships. It ultimately argues that WT has not been – nor should it be – empowered to create a smart city along Toronto’s post-industrial waterfront. Such tasks, we argue, belong to democratic bodies like municipalities. An important contribution of this paper is to situate the evolving role of public authorities in the local governance literature and in the context of administrative law.
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Simard, Louis. "Socially Not Acceptable: Lessons from a Wind Farm Project in St-Valentin, Quebec." Case Studies in the Environment 2, no. 1 (2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cse.2018.001354.
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Social acceptability appears as a new public norm that major projects must meet in order to be authorized and realized. This article proposes to analyze the case of a wind farm project in the municipality of St-Valentin, Quebec, Canada near the border with Vermont, which was cancelled by the government due to lack of social acceptance, in order to illustrate the importance of this norm today. The project involved the construction of 25 turbines to generate 52 MW of power. Launched in 2006, the project was already significantly under way by 2008; however, in 2011, the government permanently shelved it. Through a combination of document analysis and 11 interviews, we identified the main reasons for the lack of social acceptability: lack of upstream consultation from the developer and wrong scale planned for the consultation process, controversies surrounding the public decision-making process, profound contradictions between the community’s values and interests and the nature of the project, and perceptions of the impacts on the landscape and conflicting uses. For better project social acceptability, lessons learned from this case suggest from a procedural perspective opting for broad, open, and early consultation, prioritizing a regional scale for the approach and acting with transparency, clear rules and a concern for building an ongoing relationship with stakeholders. From a more substantive perspective, our analysis points to the importance of factoring in the level of compatibility between the nature of the project and the values and interests shared by stakeholders in the community, and planning potential modifications to adapt the project to the context in light of their demands.
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Klafki, Anika. "Legal Harmonization Through Interfederal Cooperation: A Comparison of the Interfederal Harmonization of Law Through Uniform Law Conferences and Executive Intergovernmental Conferences." German Law Journal 19, no. 6 (November 2018): 1437–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200023105.
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AbstractModern federations are faced with the challenge of cross-state as well as cross-nation economic activities and with the ever-increasing mobility of society. This has not only promoted international law, but has also created the need for harmonized laws throughout federations within the competence areas of the states. Diverse laws within federal systems may increase transaction costs, cause delays, and lead to jurisdictional conflicts for nationwide or cross-state transactions. In order to preserve federalism, and therefore prevent an ever-advancing process of centralization, interfederal legal harmonization promoted by the states themselves is crucial. There are two distinct methods of legal harmonization of state laws: (1) harmonization by “Uniform Law Conferences,” which are in principle run by lawyers and thus independent, to a certain extent, from the influence of policy makers; and (2) harmonization by executive intergovernmental conferences. These two distinct models of interfederal legal harmonization will be analyzed and evaluated with regard to efficiency, compatibility with democratic principles, transparency, and accountability in a comparative legal study of the harmonization processes. This Article will scrutinize the federal systems of the United States and Canada, on the one hand, as well as those of Germany and Austria, on the other hand. The study will reveal that the efficiency of interfederal legal harmonization increases with the level of intergovernmental integration through the participation of government officials and their staff.
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Bartman, Ilona, Claire Touchie, Maureen Topps, and John R. Boulet. "Facilitating the Path to Licensure and Practice: International Medical Graduates in Canada." Journal of Medical Regulation 108, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.30770/2572-1852-108.3.18.
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ABSTRACT Canada relies heavily on foreign-trained physicians. As a Federation, with health care being a Provincial jurisdiction, this often translates into varied processes that international medical graduates (IMGs) must undertake to obtain a Canadian medical license. Two decades ago, several government officials and representatives of many physician organizations, including regulatory bodies, met and proposed 6 recommendations to make the processes standardized, simpler, and more transparent to aid internationally trained physicians in their pursuit of Canadian medical licenses. The Medical Council of Canada (MCC) was one of the organizations at the 2002 meeting in Calgary, Alberta. As an organization responsible for the assessment of physicians’ knowledge and skills and the issuant of the Licentiate of the MCC (LMCC), a prerequisite for Canadian medical license, the MCC was one of the institutions tasked with implementation of the recommendations. The purpose of this manuscript is to evaluate how well the recommendations were met. To do this, we explored whether the IMGs’ journey to obtain Canadian medical licenses in 2022 is more challenging or less challenging than in 2002. The MCC’s role in helping to effect changes in the licensing process was highlighted.
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Hane, Francis, and Heather Emptage. "Disputed Election Results: A More Rigorous "Magic Number Test"." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 22, no. 3 (November 28, 2013): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9037n.
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The Gore v Bush disputed election case brought the questioning of the accuracy of election procedures into international news and the minds ofelectors worldwide. In addition to this notorious case, there have been a number of disputed election results in recent years each generating extensive public interest and forcing the judiciary into difficult and split decisions having wide ranging policy and constitutional implications. Elections are the pillar of democratic societies and in order for citizens and societies to have faith in their system of government, elections must be transparent, accurate and binding. In many nations, including Canada, the democratic process is enshrined in their constitution, regardless of whether it is written or unwritten, codified or not.
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Lexchin, Joel. "Who Needs Faster Drug Approval Times in Canada: The Public or the Industry?" International Journal of Health Services 24, no. 2 (April 1994): 253–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/nyka-uh7e-wbq4-rd1j.
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Over the past decade the Canadian drug approval system has come under intensive scrutiny, with the greatest amount of attention being given to the length of time required to approve new drugs. This issue has obviously also been of considerable interest to the pharmaceutical industry, and the question arises as to whether or not the concerns of the industry may be driving the proposed reforms to speed up the approval process. Both industry and government maintain that quicker approval of new drugs will ensure that Canadians have more rapid access to new medications without sacrificing safety. There are problems with these claims. The number of therapeutically important new drugs introduced annually is less than five and these are already “fast tracked,” so the need to speed up approval for all products is dubious. There is also evidence that safety may be compromised with faster approvals. Industry does not need quicker approval times for its financial viability, but getting new, more expensive drugs onto the market more rapidly will increase sales and profit levels. Alternative approaches to dealing with problems such as drug approval times will only be possible when the policy-making process becomes more transparent and open.
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Le Ho Trung, Hieu, Jennifer B. Verances, and Hung Tran Van. "Asean is in the Movement of Combating Corruption: Should New - Generation Ftas Be a Promising Forum for Anti-Corruption Enforcement of Asean in International Business?" Vietnamese Journal of Legal Sciences 3, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 98–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/vjls-2021-0005.
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Abstract For a long time, corruption has been a shrilling concern for ASEAN member states for the reason of being one of the primary causes restricting the integration of these nations into international trade and efforts at globalization. In fact, over the last few years, ASEAN has undertaken a myriad of policies and improved the regional legal framework to combat corruption such as the signing of UNCAC and new free trade agreements and the establishment of the ASEAN Economic Community. Notwithstanding this, according to the statistics of global organizations, the levels of anti-corruption in ASEAN countries, except Singapore and Brunei, are relatively low. This mainly derives from the fact that the national legal framework in each of the member states has not satisfied fully when the political regime lacks democracy, governmental authority is insufficiently impartial and the awareness of citizens about corruption is still moderate. Simultaneously, the international agreements to which ASEAN member states signed are only the model for domestic enforcement mechanisms, and seem to be silent on international enforcement of anti-corruption. To date, the WTO is known as a global agency for international business, to which all ASEAN countries have acceded. Under the WTO, there is no official mechanism for enforcement of anti-corruption; nevertheless, this organization acknowledges, encourages and states indirectly this issue via transparency, accountability or governance in their agreements (Government Procurement Agreement and Trade Facilitation Agreement). Under the Doha negotiation round, WTO member states failed to gain consensus to dismantle tariffs, resulting in the emergence of a myriad of bilateral and regional trade agreements out of the scope of the WTO. These have gradually developed to be so-called new-generation free trade agreements in the hope of mitigating the traditional trade barriers as well as lessening non-tariff ones, such as governance and transparency. The recent development of new-generation FTAs between ASEAN and/or ASEAN member(s) and the external trading partners that pay high attention to anti-corruption issues, i.e., EU, Australia, Canada, Japan, US, may create a promising forum for anti-corruption enforcement of ASEAN in international business in the future. This article will elaborate on all aforementioned issues before a reasonable conclusion is delivered.
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Baryshnikov, P. Yu. "Advantages and Disadvantages of Signing a Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) for the Еconomies of the EU and Canada." World of new economy 12, no. 4 (June 3, 2019): 77–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2220-6469-2018-12-4-77-81.
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This article presents an analysis of the main provisions of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) signed by the government of Canada and the European Parliament at the end of 2016. In particular, the author analysed such aspects of the agreement as the abolition of customs tariffs, the introduction of common quality standards, access to the procurement market, modification of the system of investment disputes, etc. According to the results of the study, there was a mixed effect of the agreement for both Canada and the EU. For some sectors of the economies of the participating countries, the implementation of the CETA promises to create exceptional conditions for development, while for others the signing of a multilateral agreement is unprofitable or means losses. It should be noted that at the present stage the pros and cons of the СЕТА can be considered only at the theoretical level. It will be possible to draw objective conclusions about the impact of the multilateral trade agreement on the development of trade and economic relations between the countries only a certain time later after the ratification of the agreement by all parties. At the current stage of development of Canada-EU relations within the framework of the СЕТА, it can be noted that only the dynamic development and further improvement of the mechanisms of the multilateral agreement will make a trade and economic relations between the countries more open and transparent.
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G. A, Adepoju, Oshin Ola Austin, Kabir A. Lasisi, Ajayi Joseph Adeniyi, and Oluwasanmi Alonge. "Development of a Model for the Establishment of a Hydro Electric Power Generating Plant." Journal La Multiapp 1, no. 3 (December 2, 2020): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.37899/journallamultiapp.v1i3.207.
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Nigeria as a nation has suffered a lot when it comes to the availability of electricity. A clear comparison between this nation’s electric power supply and other countries revealed the present incessant electric power supply in the country. The average power per capital (watts per person) in the United States is 1,377 Watts. In Canada, it is as high as 1,704 Watts per person and in South Africa; it is 445 Watts per person. The average power per capital in Australia is 1,112 Watts and in New Zealand it is 1,020 W per person. Whereas, the average power per capital (watts per person) in Nigeria is 14 W person. The power system structure is characterized with a lot of faults and outages. These electric power problem has destroyed the industrial processes in the country. As a result, unemployment has increased in the country. As at February, 2020, according to the Federal Government of Nigeria, the number of unemployed youths in the country is 23 million. Data from the International Transparency in the United State stated that there are 40 million unemployed youths in the country. This has increased crime rates among the youths. The country experience a high level of hardship, insecurity and socio-economic disorder as results. Therefore, there is an urgent need to solve this incessant supply of electric power in the country. Hence, a detail study of Akure132/33kV substation Network of the Benin Electricity Distribution Company under which there are 84,264 customers was carried out.
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Faubert, Brenton Cyriel. "Transparent resource management." International Journal of Educational Management 33, no. 5 (July 8, 2019): 965–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijem-02-2018-0066.
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Purpose Public education is an important institution in any democracy, and the significant resources invested form a critical pillar in its provision. The evidence used to manage said resources is, therefore, an important issue for education leaders and a matter public interest. The purpose of this paper is to consider the role education finance leaders in Ontario, Canada, and what types of evidence they are using, how they are being employed and how much priority is given to each. Design/methodology/approach The paper employs a review of Ontario’s K-12 education funding policies/reports, and interviews with five K-12 funding model experts/leaders – four business superintendents from school boards of varying sizes (based on enrollment) and one system leader (to introduce perspective from the two levels of governance in resource management) to understand how these experts use evidence to inform resource decision making. This sampling strategy was also grounded in a key assumption: School boards with larger enrollment – and consequently larger budgets – will have greater capacity to use all forms of evidence when managing resources, as the majority of board revenue comes from grants that are mostly based on enrollment. Findings The findings bring important definition and prioritization of evidence that inform leaders’ resource decision making in education. The results point to two tacit, normative, unacknowledged and, yet, competing evidence frameworks driving resource management. The government is the most influential, prioritizing strategic policy, performance data, fiscal context and professional judgment; values embedded in policy and research were mentioned only in passing, while local anecdotal types of evidence were given less priority. Compounding this challenge is that all sides in debates on school resource needs face issues of access to, transparency in the use of and the prioritization given to various evidence types. Research limitations/implications Governments, with the assistance of academics, should formally articulate and make public the evidence framework they use to drive resource decision making. All sides of the resource management debate need to value a wider range of evidence, notably evidence that speak to local concerns, to reduce information gaps and, potentially, improve on the effective delivery of local educational programming. Education finance researchers could help to address access gaps by distilling research on the effective use of resources in a manner that is timely, tailored to the fiscal climate and to system- or district-level readiness for the implementation of a particular initiative. Practical implications Resource management driven solely by “facts” can support student achievement outcomes and effective system operation, but alone will not satisfy local-level aspirations for education or inspire public confidence; a key ingredient for the sustainability of this public institution. The results could be used to improve the balance of “decent information” used to inform resource deliberations and establish a shared understanding across stakeholder groups to facilitate compromise. The current state of affairs has all sides in advancing claims for resource needs based on what they understand to be evidence all while portraying competing claims as uninformed, undermining public confidence in education. Originality/value The paper draws from interviews with business superintendents and a system-level funding model expert, both lesser studied leaders on this topic in the Canadian context; offers a clear articulation of the evidence frameworks at play and the priority given to each type and how they are being used; presents definition and prioritization of evidence from the perspective of leaders in the Canadian context (most of literature is from the USA) – experts acknowledge that resource knowledge is contextually contingent and insight generated from other contexts will help to advance the field.
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Rigakos, George S., and Stephen R. Worth. "Access to Information (ATI) as a Double-Edged Sword for Critical Policing Research." Canadian journal of law and society 26, no. 3 (December 2011): 645–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjls.26.3.645.
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In perhaps no other area of scholarship is access to information (ATI) legislation as contentious and the stakes so high as in policing and security research. Although ATI has become an important mechanism by which researchers have been able to analyse security and police practices, there remain significant legislative barriers preventing access. A decade after 9/11, the need for increased scrutiny of government agencies tasked with security and policing remains high, as is evident from the proliferation of public and private policing, the advance of a general societal risk aversion, and the now ubiquitous nature of state security and surveillance. In this article we offer first-hand accounts that highlight the institutional imbalances between police organizations and researchers, and consider the potential long-term effects of ATI in this area of scholarship. ATI legislation in Canada is increasingly becoming both a tool for researchers to penetrate policing organizations and also a weapon with which security institutions can stymie critical inquiry.The significant amount of Canadian ATI research that has stemmed from national security scholars shows the difficulties faced in this field when attempting to exercise the “right to know.” The strident lack of transparency within security and policing institutions tips the balance of access versus secrecy towards the latter, under the ever-present assumption that secrecy equals security. However, this area of research plays an important role in political discourse by fostering public dialogue and raising awareness of questionable and illegal security practices. As Larsen points out, we have seen ATI used recently to shed light on politicized security issues such as the Arar Inquiry, the campaign to repatriate Abousfian Abdelrazik, and, most recently, the Afghan detainee transfer scandal.
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Parker, Andrew. "Emirates: A Perspective on Issues in Canadian Aviation." Air and Space Law 37, Issue 6 (November 1, 2012): 419–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/aila2012033.
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Over the past two decades, countries around the world have reformed antiquated restrictions on international air service and adopted Open Skies or similar policies that have allowed markets to function, competition to flourish, fares to drop, jobs to be created and thousands of new routes to be opened. While the overall global trend has been towards opening markets to promote competition, in some cases flag carriers have successfully lobbied their governments to limit foreign competition. These flag carriers have often ignored the best interests of consumers and the overall economic well-being of their countries. Air Canada is among this group and its position has been supported by Fred Lazar, Associate Professor of Economics, Schulich School of Business, York University, Toronto. Lazar argues that Canada's denial of Emirates' requests for further access is legitimate and suggested the benefits of more Emirates services would be outweighed by negative factors, which included false accusations that Emirates might receive subsidies and might be guilty of capacity dumping in certain markets. Ignoring the pro-consumer, pro-competition, and pro-growth benefits achieved through liberalized bilateral air services agreements (ASAs), Lazar instead calls for a multilateral system that, in practice, would restrict the airline industry with heavy government regulation and invite litigation over questions of subsidies, state aids, and 'unfair' competition. These views are out of line with the increasingly interconnected global economy and would stymie Canada's economic growth. Emirates supports the reform of bilateral ASAs to achieve full market access and safeguard competition, including protections against subsidies and other practices that deny airlines a fair and equal opportunity to compete. Emirates is prepared to work toward liberalization on a multilateral basis but, given the absence of international consensus to do so, opposes efforts to delay bilateral liberalization pending the realization of a global accord. A robust debate to define subsidies is appropriate. However, such a discussion should be factual, transparent, and focus on the entire industry, including Air Canada, not on myths about a handful of air carriers promulgated by vested interests. Progress that benefits consumers, communities, and broader national economic interests will not be achieved by Lazar's model of an over-managed, over-regulated, protect-the-incumbents multilateral regime. Lazar's support for protectionist policies that favour Air Canada are no surprise given his past professional ties as advisor to ACE Aviation Holdings, the parent company to Air Canada, a fact that goes strangely unmentioned in his article. With Canada's falling competitiveness in global tourism and the increased leakage of Canadian passengers choosing to fly from US airports due to lower prices, Emirates believes increasing services would have an immediate and positive effect on the Canadian economy.
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Yeh, Kenneth, Jeanne Fair, Helen Cui, Carl Newman, Gavin Braunstein, Gvantsa Chanturia, Sapana Vora, et al. "Achieving Health Security and Threat Reduction through Sharing Sequence Data." Tropical Medicine and Infectious Disease 4, no. 2 (May 14, 2019): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/tropicalmed4020078.
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With the rapid development and broad applications of next-generation sequencing platforms and bioinformatic analytical tools, genomics has become a popular area for biosurveillance and international scientific collaboration. Governments from countries including the United States (US), Canada, Germany, and the United Kingdom have leveraged these advancements to support international cooperative programs that aim to reduce biological threats and build scientific capacity worldwide. A recent conference panel addressed the impacts of the enhancement of genomic sequencing capabilities through three major US bioengagement programs on international scientific engagement and biosecurity risk reduction. The panel contrasted the risks and benefits of supporting the enhancement of genomic sequencing capabilities through international scientific engagement to achieve biological threat reduction and global health security. The lower costs and new bioinformatic tools available have led to the greater application of sequencing to biosurveillance. Strengthening sequencing capabilities globally for the diagnosis and detection of infectious diseases through mutual collaborations has a high return on investment for increasing global health security. International collaborations based on genomics and shared sequence data can build and leverage scientific networks and improve the timeliness and accuracy of disease surveillance reporting needed to identify and mitigate infectious disease outbreaks and comply with international norms. Further efforts to promote scientific transparency within international collaboration will improve trust, reduce threats, and promote global health security.
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Stephen, Craig, Laura Griffith-Cochrane, and Joy Wade. "Addressing the unique challenges of community-based capture–hold–release aquariums through a facility health program." Canadian Journal of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences 76, no. 9 (September 2019): 1684–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/cjfas-2018-0425.
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Community-based capture–hold–release (CHR) aquariums were developed to (i) increase community connection to local marine environments by displaying local animals, (ii) avoid negative perceptions about holding animals by minimizing the time any individual is held captive, and (iii) operate with a low ecological footprint. CHR aquariums in British Columbia, Canada, require government-issued licences and permits to capture, hold, and release animals, a condition of which is that neither capture nor release can result in negative ecological, genetic, or disease impacts on wild populations in the collecting or receiving waters. Growth in the popularity of CHR aquariums is placing them under greater scrutiny from permitting agencies. Because of variability between facilities and a lack of performance standards, CHR aquariums cannot be assured of a consistent assessment. This paper proposes a CHR Aquarium Health Program that transparently and consistently provides assurances that they are socially and ecologically safe and recognizes the unique challenges of small-scaled, often rural aquariums. The value of this approach is discussed with respect to 10 years of implementation at the Ucluelet Aquarium.
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Bechoux, Lucas, Oriane De Vleeschouwer, Cécile Vanheuverzwijn, Florence Verhegghen, Alizée Detiffe, Fabian Colle, Catherine Fallon, and François Thoreau. "Conflict of interest policies at Belgian medical faculties: Cross-sectional study indicates little oversight." PLOS ONE 16, no. 2 (February 10, 2021): e0245736. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0245736.
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Background Medical students encounter pharmaceutical promotion from the very start of their training. Medical schools have an important role to play in educating medical students regarding the interactions between healthcare professionals (HCPs) and industry and in protecting them from commercial influence and conflict of interest (COI). In 2019, medical student associations in Belgium and abroad called for more preparation in dealing with COI and for a more independent medical training. As little information is available on the situation in our country, we undertook an assessment of conflict of interest policies at Belgium’s medical schools. We relied on a methodology already used in studies from USA, Canada, Australia, France and Germany and adapted it to the Belgian context. Methods We identified 10 medical schools in Belgium. We searched the website of each medical school in November 2019 with standardized keywords for COI policies and learning activities on COI in the curriculum. The deans of medicine were invited to participate by sending us information that we could have overlooked during our web-based searches. We also consulted personal contacts within faculties among students and teachers. Based on a list of 15 criteria adapted from North American and French studies, we calculated a total for each faculty of medicine with a maximum score of 30 points. Results By December 2019, we had gathered a set of written documents for four faculties of medicine (40%) containing policies with varying degrees of precision and relevance to our survey. We found elements of the curriculum addressing the COI issue for one faculty (10%). In all cases, these policies consisted of “moderate” initiatives with little or no “restrictive” elements. Only one faculty showed interest in our study by providing us with relevant information (10%). Half of the faculty notified us of their refusal to participate in the study (50%) and the other faculties either did not respond or did not provide us with any information (40%). The maximum score obtained was 3 out of 30 points with six faculties scoring 0 (60%). Conclusion There is little transparency regarding interactions between medical students and pharmaceutical companies at Belgian medical faculties, which may create COI issues. Initiatives to protect students from pharmaceutical promotion and to train them to manage their future interaction with pharmaceutical companies have a limited scope and are isolated. This is inconsistent with international recommendations from Health Action International, World Health Organization or the American Medical Students’ Association. The Belgian government has legislated in favor of more transparency in the relation between HCPs and pharmaceutical industry. Indeed, it made the disclosure of benefits granted by the industry compulsory and limited their value. Our results show that there is still some way to go to ensure an independent medical training for future Belgian physicians.
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Black, Celeste M. "The Future of Work: The Gig Economy and Pressures on the Tax System." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 68, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 69–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2020.68.1.sym.black.
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In a number of common-law jurisdictions, gig workers (that is, workers who provide services through the use of web-based digital platforms) have recently sought to claim labour protections reserved for employees, such as the minimum wage, sick leave, and protection from unfair dismissal. These cases often involve the application of the multifactorial common-law test of employment to this new context, and the outcomes turn on the specifics of each case. In addition, classification as an employee has ramifications for a variety of tax matters. In this paper, the author considers whether the tax rules currently in place to capture non-standard employment arrangements have sufficient flexibility to capture gig workers. The focus of the analysis is Australian taxes (in particular, income tax, compulsory retirement savings contributions, and payroll tax), but reference is also made to similar issues under the laws of Canada. The author submits that, with respect to Australian income tax, gig work does not present a substantial risk to the tax base as a legal matter; however, a risk to the national revenue base comes from the compliance gap that is exposed when workers are no longer covered by employers' withholding mechanisms but are not picked up by tax administration regimes designed with larger businesses in mind. The author suggests that reliance on the registration of small businesses through the Australian business number, coupled with a new mandatory reporting regime for gig work platforms, would go a long way toward filling the transparency gap, and that doing so would both foster the voluntary compliance of gig workers and provide revenue authorities with data that could be used to detect non-compliance. A real risk exists that many gig workers will be outside the scope of the retirement contributions scheme and payroll tax and that the government, in consequence, will need to consider whether it is appropriate policy to change the law to include these on-demand workers.
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Stephen, Craig, and Joy Wade. "Testing the Waters of an Aquaculture Index of Well-Being." Challenges 10, no. 1 (June 5, 2019): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/challe10010030.
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Social licence is rooted in perceptions of local rights holders and stakeholders. The disease focus of aquaculture health policy, practices, and research insufficiently reflects societal expectations for aquafarms to protect health of shared resources. Our case study of Atlantic salmon (Salmo salar) farming in British Columbia (BC), Canada, assessed the readiness of aquaculture to change from managing health as the absence of disease to a perspective of health as well-being to maintain social licence. We drafted an index of well-being based on agroecosystem health and socio-ecological health principles. We then reviewed publicly available industry and government information and undertook key informant interviews. The industry was well situated to develop and use a well-being index. Interviewees saw value in a well-being index and found it compatible with area-based management. Many elements of the index were being collected but there would be challenges to overcoming feelings of over-regulation; negotiating specific indicators for local situations; and securing the necessary expertise to integrate and assess the diversity of information. Health conflicts and disagreements facing salmon farming in BC are like those in other aquaculture sectors. Social licence may be improved if companies transparently report their state of the health by adapting this conceptual framework.
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Soukhov, Anastasia, Ahmed Foda, and Moataz Mohamed. "Electric Mobility Emission Reduction Policies: A Multi-Objective Optimization Assessment Approach." Energies 15, no. 19 (September 21, 2022): 6905. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/en15196905.
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The passenger transportation sector is notoriously sticky to decarbonize because it is interlinked with urban form, individual choice, and economic growth. As the urgency to respond to climate change increases and the transport sector disproportionally increases its contributions to global GHG emissions, there is a need for a more meaningful and transparent application of tools to cost GHG emission reduction. This study presents a multi-objective integer optimization (MIO) model to support the costing and GHG reduction estimation of electric mobility road passenger transportation policies. The model considers both cost and GHG emission minimization under resource constraints and background changes in policy interventions within interval ranges for the province of Ontario’s (Canada) in year 2030. All Pareto optimal solutions are included but results that indicate the optimal policy allocation for two discrete targets are discussed in detail; one scenario where $3 billion spending over ten years is the target and another scenario where the target is 40% GHG reduction in year 2030 (relative to 2005 levels). The MIO approach offers an out-of-the-box solution to support the GHG-reducing decision-making process at all levels of government by implementing optimal policy combinations to achieve GHG emission reductions under a target GHG emission reduction target and/or budget.
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Westwood, Alana R., Sarah P. Otto, Arne Mooers, Chris Darimont, Karen E. Hodges, Chris Johnson, Brian M. Starzomski, et al. "Protecting biodiversity in British Columbia: Recommendations for developing species at risk legislation." FACETS 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 136–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/facets-2018-0042.
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British Columbia has the greatest biological diversity of any province or territory in Canada. Yet increasing numbers of species in British Columbia are threatened with extinction. The current patchwork of provincial laws and regulations has not effectively prevented species declines. Recently, the Provincial Government has committed to enacting an endangered species law. Drawing upon our scientific and legal expertise, we offer recommendations for key features of endangered species legislation that build upon strengths and avoid weaknesses observed elsewhere. We recommend striking an independent Oversight Committee to provide recommendations about listing species, organize Recovery Teams, and monitor the efficacy of actions taken. Recovery Teams would evaluate and prioritize potential actions for individual species or groups of species that face common threats or live in a common area, based on best available evidence (including natural and social science and Indigenous Knowledge). Our recommendations focus on implementing an adaptive approach, with ongoing and transparent monitoring and reporting, to reduce delays between determining when a species is at risk and taking effective actions to save it. We urge lawmakers to include this strong evidentiary basis for species recovery as they tackle the scientific and socioeconomic challenges of building an effective species at risk Act.
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Valcour, Lance. "Improving police transparency in Canada." Journal of Community Safety and Well-Being 6, no. 2 (June 16, 2021): 71–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.35502/jcswb.206.
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The path to improved police transparency in Canada includes the use of advanced technology with capabilities such as artificial intelligence, machine learning, “cloud” enabled services, and an ever-increasing number of data collection and management tools. However, these innovations need to be closely linked with a national—not federal—stakeholder review of current legal, legislative, and privacy frameworks. This article provides readers with a high-level overview of the issue of police transparency in Canada. It then outlines a number of key challenges and opportunities for improving this transparency. It concludes with a call to action for key Canadian stakeholders to work collaboratively to improve police transparency in Canada.
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Collier, Roger. "Health Canada to increase transparency." Canadian Medical Association Journal 189, no. 14 (April 9, 2017): E548. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.1095409.
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Herder, Matthew. "Reinstitutionalizing transparency at Health Canada." Canadian Medical Association Journal 188, no. 3 (December 22, 2015): 218–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1503/cmaj.150765.
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Bastida Albaladejo, Francisco José. "Transparency and government trust." Public Sector Economics 43, no. 1 (March 11, 2019): 15–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3326/pse.43.1.3.
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da Cruz, Nuno Ferreira, António F. Tavares, Rui Cunha Marques, Susana Jorge, and Luís de Sousa. "Measuring Local Government Transparency." Public Management Review 18, no. 6 (June 11, 2015): 866–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14719037.2015.1051572.
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Fox, Justin. "Government transparency and policymaking." Public Choice 131, no. 1-2 (November 29, 2006): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-006-9103-3.
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Fairbanks, Jenille, Kenneth D. Plowman, and Brad L. Rawlins. "Transparency in government communication." Journal of Public Affairs 7, no. 1 (2007): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/pa.245.
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