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1

Dugas, André. Les verbes logiques: Guide pratique : tous les verbes, tous les modèles de conjuguaison, les verbes transitifs, les verbes intransitifs, les verbes pronominaux, les verbes défectifs, les propositions verbales. Montréal: Éditions Logiques, 1996.

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2

Jidōshibun to tadōshibun no imiron: Transitive intransitive. Tōkyō: Kasama Shoin, 2005.

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3

Sugono, Dendy. Verba transitif dialek Osing: Analisis tagmemik. Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1985.

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4

Corona, Gabriela Palavicini. Le Mexique: L'inluctable transition vers la dmocratie. Louvain-la-Neuve: Academia-Bruylant, 2001.

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5

Le Mexique: L'inéluctable transition vers la démocratie. Louvain-la-Neuve: Academia-Bruylant, 2001.

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6

Cardoso, Adalberto Moreira. Trabalhar, verbo transitivo: Destinos profissionais dos deserdados da indústria automobilística. Rio de Janeiro, Brasil: Editora FGV, 2000.

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7

Transition, Centre for Co-operation with European Economies in. The Transition to a market economy =: La transition vers une économie de marché. Paris: Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 1991.

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8

Estructuras sintácticas transitivas e intransitivas en español. [Cádiz]: Servicio de Publicaciones, Universidad de Cádiz, 1997.

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9

Rivas, Elena. Construcciones monoactanciales y transitivas biactanciales en castellano medieval: Sus empleos alternativos. Santiago de Compostela: Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, 1996.

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10

Sandberg, Bengt. Zum es bei transitiven Verben vor satzförmigem Akkusativobjekt. Tübingen: Narr, 1998.

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11

Pilandon, Louis. Transition vers l'économie de marché des pays "ex de l'Est". New York: Nations Unies, 1993.

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12

Canada. Office national de l'énergie. Un regard vers 2010: Des marchés du gaz naturel en transition. Calgary, Alta: Office national de l'énergie, 2004.

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13

Jones, Stephen R. G. L' assurance-chômage et la transition vers le marché du travail. Ottawa, Ont: Développement des ressources humaines Canada, 1995.

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14

Dugas, André. Le verbe et ses prépositions: Guide pratique : tous les verbes transitifs, intransitifs, toutes les prépositions, les compléments nominaux verbaux à l'infinitif conjugués, les compléments essentiels. Outremont: Éditions Logiques, 2000.

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15

La transition d'Haïti vers la démocratie: Essais sur la dérive despotico-libérale. Port-au-Prince, Haïti: Imprimeur II, 1997.

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16

Anne, Gilbert. La transition vers nos établissements d'enseignement en Ontario français: Rapport de recherche. [Toronto: Le Conseil de l'éducation et de la formation franco-ontariennes, 1996.

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17

Dembinski, Pawel H. Vers une approche plus réaliste de la transition en Europe post-communiste. Fribourg, Suisse: Université de Fribourg, Institut des sciences économiques et sociales, 1992.

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18

Dumas, Pierre-Raymond. La transition d'Haïti vers la démocratie: Essais sur la dérive despotico-libérale. Port-au-Prince, Haïti: Imprimeur II, 1997.

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19

Intransitiv-, Transitiv-, Kausativ- und Passivverben im Mandschu und Mongolischen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2007.

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20

Hyun, Jeong-Im. Mouvements étudiants en Corée du sud: La transition vers la démocratie dans les années 1980. Paris, France: L'Harmattan, 2005.

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21

Bernier, Gérald. Entre l'ordre et la liberté: Colonialisme, pouvoir et transition vers le capitalisme dans le Québec du XIXe siècle. [Montréal]: Boréal, 1995.

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22

La transition vers le marche et la de mocratie: Europe de l'Est, Europe centrale et l'Afrique du Sud. Paris: La De couverte, 2006.

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23

Gluckstein, Daniel. Lutte des classes et mondialisation: Le XXe siecle s'achève : putref́ie,́ seńile, parasitaire, l'impeŕialisme reste une transition--mais vers quoi? Paris: Selio, 1999.

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24

Dikken, Marcel den, Richard Larson, and Peter Ludlow. Intensional Transitive Verbs and Abstract Clausal Complementation. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198732570.003.0003.

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There is a correlation between intensionality and syntax: intensionality manifests itself with all clausal complement constructions. For example, “Max imagined that Boris was approaching”. Although pervasive, there are apparent counterexamples. Sentences featuring intensional transitive verbs such as “Max wanted Boris” and “John imagined a unicorn”, exhibit intensionality effects but do not appear to have clausal complements. This chapter defends a view of intensional transitive constructions which is intuitive and quite familiar, but one which has also been widely discounted. Specifically, the defense is of the proposal deriving from Quine and Montague that despite surface appearances, intensional transitive constructions are not transitives at all, but rather clausal complement constructions containing concealed material.
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25

Vajda, Edward J. Polysynthesis in Ket. Edited by Michael Fortescue, Marianne Mithun, and Nicholas Evans. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199683208.013.49.

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The Ket language isolate of Central Siberia differs morphologically from the surrounding languages in having a strongly prefixing polysynthetic verb. Grammatical markers are interdigitated between lexical morphemes, creating a discontinuous stem based on a template of eight prefixal positions, a base position and a single suffix position expressing plural agreement with animate-class subjects. Finite verb forms distinguish past from non-past indicative, as well as an imperative form. Verbs are strictly transitive or intransitive and express person, number, and noun class agreement with the subject and direct object. Although the language has accusative alignment, with subjects marked differently than objects, much of the verb’s linear complexity derives from lexically conditioned agreement strategies. There are three productive transitive configurations of agreement markers, and five productive intransitive configurations. Noun incorporation is productive for only a small number of stems. Some Ket verbs incorporate their object, others their instrument, and others their unaccusative subject.
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26

Forbes, Graeme. Content and Theme in Attitude Ascriptions. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198732570.003.0005.

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This chapter addresses a less-commonly discussed substitution failure in attitude ascriptions: a “that”-clause and its corresponding proposition description cannot in general be interchanged in the scope of psych-verbs, despite the standard view that the two forms refer to the same proposition. For example, “Holmes suspects that Moriarty has returned” and “Holmes suspects the proposition that Moriarty has returned” mean something quite different. The chapter accounts for these data in the framework of neo-Davidsonian semantics, arguing that substitution does not simply change the syntactic category of the attitude verb from clausal to transitive or vice versa, but also triggers the side-effect of changing thematic relations: when the transitive verb is used, it is the theme of the attitude-state or event that is identified, but when the clausal verb is used, it is the content of the state that is identified.
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27

Queixalós, Francesc. What being a Syntactically Ergative Language means for Katukina-Kanamari. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.42.

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The structure of the basic clause in Katukina-Kanamari is, to a significant extent, conditioned by the internal structure of the verb phrase, which is starkly parallel to that of noun and adposition phrases. Depending on its internal make up, the verb phrase generates, for the same verbs, two patterns of transitive clauses, ergative and accusative, neither of which is synchronically derived from the other, but the latter appears as highly restricted in distribution. It also yields two patterns of intransitive clauses, one primary, the other resulting from an intransitivizing voice process. Since the basic transitive clause shows a clear syntactic hierarchy between its two arguments, intransitivizing voice is seen as of primary formal motivation: promoting the agent participant to subject status, a far more central need in this language than the functional motivation for relegating the patient participant to either adjunct status or no expression at all.
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28

Khan, Geoffrey. Ergativity in Neo-Aramaic. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.36.

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Ergativity is found in dialects of Neo-Aramaic that are spoken in regions where there has been extensive contact with Iranian languages, especially Kurdish, over many generations. All such Neo-Aramaic dialects are split ergative, with ergativity found only in verbs with the perfective stem or resultative participles, and the marking of ergativity is by cross-referencing on the verb. The constructions include a type that conforms to split-S morphological ergativity and an assortment of hybrid variations in which there are differing degrees of levelling with the nominative—accusative morphosyntax of imperfective stem verbal forms. These hybrid systems exhibit the alignment of argument cross-referencing but not the morphological markedness of cases characteristic of nominative—accusative systems, morphological markedness of cases based on transitive properties of dynamicity and punctuality rather than argument structure and various degrees of reduction of the distribution of the unmarked absolutive marking of the object in transitive clauses.
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29

Tooley, Michael. Causes, Laws, and Ontology. Edited by Helen Beebee, Christopher Hitchcock, and Peter Menzies. Oxford University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199279739.003.0019.

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Different approaches to causation often diverge very significantly on ontological issues, in the case of both causal laws, and causal relations between states of affairs. This article sets out the main alternatives with regard to each. Causal concepts have surely been present from the time that language began, since the vast majority of action verbs involve the idea of causally affecting something. Thus, in the case of transitive verbs describing physical actions, there is the idea of causally affecting something external to one — one finds food, builds a shelter, sows seed, catches fish, and so on — while in the case of intransitive verbs describing physical actions, it is very plausible that they involve the idea of causally affecting one's own body — as one walks, runs, jumps, hunts, and so on.
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30

Laughren, Mary. The Ergative in Warlpiri: A Case Study. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.39.

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The DP subject of a Warlpiri finite clause containing verbs of a certain class is marked with the ergative suffix whereas other DP subjects are morphologically unmarked. This chapter examines the wider distribution in Warlpiri of the ergative morpheme and the varied functions of ergative-marked DPs in both finite and non-finite clauses. Particular focus is on the relationship between the subject-marking and instrument adjunct-marking role of the ergative suffix. Unlike finite transitive clauses in which both an agent subject and an instrument adjunct are marked ergative, in non-finite clauses only one of these can be marked ergative: the instrument adjunct in clauses where the agent subject is realized either as phonologically null PRO or as a dative case-marked DP external to the verb phrase; the agent or instrument subject contained in the infinitival phrase embedded in a stative predicate whose external subject is co-referent with the logical object of the embedded verb.
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31

Baker, Mark C. Ergative Case in Burushaski: A Dependent Case Analysis. Edited by Jessica Coon, Diane Massam, and Lisa Demena Travis. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.31.

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This chapter analyzes ergative case in the Burushaski language as a strictly structural case, not subject to arbitrary lexical variation. More specifically, ergative is a dependent case: an NP is ergative if and if it c-commands another NP in the same local domain (phase). Three apparent deviations from canonical ergativity are considered: verbs that take two absolutive arguments and no ergative, verbs that take an ergative NP and a dative NP but no absolutive, and clauses in future tense in which the transitive subject can be absolutive. In each instance, it turns out that the syntactic structure is more complex than it appears, as shown by independent tests such as agreement. Once the structures in question are properly understood, ergative case can be assigned purely structurally, with no direct sensitivity to semantic nuances or idiosyncratic lexical properties.
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32

Zimmermann, Malte. Predicate Focus. Edited by Caroline Féry and Shinichiro Ishihara. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199642670.013.26.

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This chapter discusses a grammatically defined sub-class of focus: that on verbal predicates and on functional elements in the extended verbal projection. The phenomena falling under the label ofpredicate focusare introduced, and it is shown that predicate focus is interpretable on a par with argument or term focus on DPs and PPs. A unified structured-meaning approach that treats focus as the psychological predicate of the clause allows for singling out DP-terms and transitive verbs as categories in need of explicit marking when focused. A cross-linguistic overview of the grammatical strategies for marking predicate focus is provided, focusing on asymmetries in the realization of predicate as opposed to in terms of obligatory marking, grammatical strategy, and complexity. The information-structural and grammatical factors behind such focus asymmetries are discussed with some tentative universals concerning the explicit marking of information-structural categories on verbal predicates.
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33

Lowe, John J. Transitive Nouns and Adjectives. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793571.001.0001.

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This book explores the wealth of evidence from early Indo-Aryan for the existence of transitive nouns and adjectives, a rare linguistic phenomenon which, according to some categorizations of word classes, should not occur. The author shows that most transitive nouns and adjectives attested in early Indo-Aryan cannot be analysed as belonging to a type of non-finite verb category, but must be acknowledged as a distinct constructional type. The volume provides a detailed introduction to transitivity (verbal and adpositional), the categories of agent and action noun, and early Indo-Aryan. Four periods of early Indo-Aryan are selected for study: Rigvedic Sanskrit, the earliest Indo-Aryan; Vedic Prose, a slightly later form of Sanskrit; Epic Sanskrit, a form of Sanskrit close to the standardized ‘Classical’ Sanskrit; and Pali, the early Middle Indo-Aryan language of the Buddhist scriptures. The author shows that while each linguistic stage is different, there are shared features of transitive nouns and adjectives which apply throughout the history of early Indo-Aryan. The data is set in the wider historical context, from Proto-Indo-European to Modern Indo-Aryan, and a formal linguistic analysis of transitive nouns and adjectives is provided in the framework of Lexical-Functional Grammar.
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34

Danckaert, Lieven. Changing EPP parameters. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198759522.003.0005.

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This chapter starts with a description of the core facts concerning the VPAux/AuxVP alternation in the history of Latin. In the case of modal verbs and infinitives, there is a clear decline of the head-final order VPAux, whereas Late Latin BE-periphrases surprisingly prefer this order. Against the backdrop of these observations, the discussion then turns to the analysis of Classical and Late Latin clause structure. It is proposed that during the transition from Classical to Late Latin, a major parametric change took place related to the way the clausal EPP-requirement is satisfied. In the earlier grammar (‘Grammar A’), the entire VP undergoes A-movement to the high T-domain, resulting in the characteristic VPAux word order. In the later grammar (‘Grammar B’) the EPP-requirement is met by means of verb movement, with the VP staying in situ. In this grammar VPAux-orders are derived through roll-up movement, which is incompatible with the VOAux-pattern.
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35

Maillet, Pierre, professeur de science économique. and Velo Dario, eds. L' Europe à géométrie variable: Transition vers l'intégration. Paris: Harmattan, 1994.

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36

La transition vers une économie sobre en carbone. OECD, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264090255-fr.

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37

Andreff, Wladimir. La transition vers le marché et la démocratie. La Découverte, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dec.andre.2006.01.

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38

Bárány, András. Alignment in transitive clauses: case determining agreement. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198804185.003.0005.

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After having discussed how agreement can determine Case in Chapter 4, this chapter moves on to discuss how Case can determine (and restrict) agreement. In many languages, the verb can only agree with arguments without overt case-marking. In others, accusative or dative arguments can agree as well. The distribution of agreement and case-marking is highly systematic, which has led researchers to propose that if a language allows agreement with any argument, this must include arguments without case-marking. It is shown that this analysis can capture such generalizations and extend them to the domain of ditransitive clauses, as well. This provides further evidence for analyses of Case as hierarchically organized sets of features, and shows that the framework argued for can make testable predictions.
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39

Brogaard, Berit. Seeing Things. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190495251.003.0007.

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In this chapter, the author argues that the English verb ‘see’ is an intensional transitive, like the search word ‘look for’. She argues that ‘see’ is akin to ‘look for’, both when it takes a noun-phrase complement (the objectual use) and when it takes a ‘that’-clause as its complement (the propositional use). This proposal goes against common wisdom to the effect that ‘see’ is a factive, non-intensional verb. The main argument of the chapter proceeds by showing that the objectual use of ‘see’ can be analyzed in terms of the propositional use. It then establishes that when used propositionally, ‘see’ functions as an intensional transitive. Finally, the author argues that the idea that ‘see’ is an intensional transitive provides evidence for a representational view of experience.
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40

Paul, Marer, Zecchini Salvatore, and Centre for Co-operation with the European Economies in Transition., eds. The Transition to a market economy =: La transition vers une économie de marché. Paris: OECD, 1991.

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41

Paul, Marer, Zecchini Salvatore, and Centre for Co-operation with the European Economies in Transition., eds. The Transition to a market economy =: La transition vers une économie de marché. Paris: OECD, 1991.

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42

Paul, Marer, Zecchini Salvatore, and Centre for Co-operation with the European Economies in Transition., eds. The Transition to a market economy =: La transition vers une économie de marché. Paris: Organsiation for Economic Co-operation and Development, 1991.

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43

Galves, Charlotte, and Alba Gibrail. Subject inversion in transitive sentences from Classical to Modern European Portuguese. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747307.003.0009.

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This chapter focuses on Classical Portuguese and its change to Modern European Portuguese, bringing to the debate new data concerning transitive sentences. The data are drawn from the Tycho Brahe Parsed Corpus of Historical Portuguese (texts written by Portuguese authors born 1502–1836). It is argued that both constituent order syntax and the information structure functions of word order in transitive sentences (SVO, VSO, VOS) support the characterization of Classical Portuguese as a verb-second language: the verb occupies a high position in clause structure, which makes a high position for post-verbal subjects available as well. This explains why post-verbal subjects in Classical Portuguese are not obligatorily associated with an information focus interpretation, but very frequently receive a familiar topic interpretation. The empirical evidence discussed in this chapter supports the claim that there was a syntactic change from Classical to Modern European Portuguese, rather than a discursive reinterpretation of the same syntax.
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44

Aprender: Verbo Transitivo: A Parceria Professor-Aluno na Sala de Aula. 2nd ed. Summus, 2002.

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45

Weiss, Dieter, and Ulrich Wurzel. Environnement économique et politique de transition vers l'économie de marché. OECD, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/9789264263604-fr.

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46

Bernstein, Judy B. An effect of residual T-to-C movement in varieties of English. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198747307.003.0007.

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This chapter examines verb-second (V2) cross-linguistically in closely related varieties of English: Older Scots, displaying general V2; present-day Appalachian English and African American English, displaying residual V2. Discontinuous subjects (analysed as instances of transitive expletives) and negative auxiliary inversion are shown to involve verb-movement to Focus in the two present-day varieties of English, unlike the general V2 found across Germanic languages, which involves TopicP. The area of overlap among V2 phenomena in the varieties of English studied is FocusP, which encodes the V2 associated with wh-elements in all three varieties (Older Scots distinguishes between Topic, for regular V2 and transitive expletives, and Focus, for wh-elements). It is suggested that perhaps the loss of generalized V2 is tied to a shift in the inventory of triggering features. In some varieties of English, such as Appalachian English and African American English, Topic triggers may have given way to Focus triggers.
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47

Lowe, John J. Rigvedic Sanskrit. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198793571.003.0002.

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This chapter provides a detailed account of the transitive noun and adjective categories attested in the earliest Indo-Aryan, Rigvedic Sanskrit. This period shows the greatest variety of noun and adjective categories which attest transitivity. Statistical analysis is provided to show that transitive nouns and adjectives are syntactically distinct from other types of noun and adjective that take dependents, and distinct from non-finite verb categories such as participles. In particular, there is a statistically significant correlation between transitivity and predication: transitive nouns and adjectives are statistically more likely to be predicated than other nouns and adjectives. Detailed statistics and examples of a series of different stem forms, and root nouns, are presented and examined in detail. Situation-oriented nouns are also considered.
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48

Jean-Pierre, Augustin, and Observatoire national des métiers de l'animation et du sport (France), eds. Vers les métiers de l'animation et du sport: La transition professionnelle. Paris: La Documentation française, 2006.

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49

Olwell, Russ. Mentoring Is a Verb: Strategies for Improving College and Career Readiness. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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50

Olwell, Russ. Mentoring Is a Verb: Strategies for Improving College and Career Readiness. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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