Journal articles on the topic 'Transitional justice – Colombia'

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1

Carlos Orjuela. "Transitional justice in Colombia." Socialist Lawyer, no. 72 (2016): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/socialistlawyer.72.0008.

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Romana-Rivas, Yuri Alexander. "Legal Pluralism, Transitional Justice, and Ethnic Justice Systems." McGill GLSA Research Series 2, no. 1 (October 25, 2022): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/glsars.v2i1.190.

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Colombian law recognizes that traditional Indigenous and Black authorities can exercise legal jurisdiction and apply their laws and traditions in their ancestral territories. Despite this legal recognition, the legal system does not operate in a way that genuinely guarantees legal pluralism. In practice, higher courts repeatedly overturn or dismiss decisions by indigenous legal authorities. As a result of the 2016 Peace Agreement between the Colombian Government and the former guerilla of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – The People’s Army (“FARC-EP” in Spanish), a transitional justice tribunal was established: the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (“SJP” or “the Special Jurisdiction”). The Special Jurisdiction’s main task is to investigate and try the most serious crimes committed during the armed conflict, a conflict that has disproportionately impacted racialized communities. The SJP, unlike other tribunals in Colombia, has sought to adapt its work to meet the reality of legal pluralism by: 1) negotiating protocols for inter-jurisdictional interaction between the SJP and ethnic authorities, 2) consulting with Indigenous and Black communities on the adoption of some legal instruments, and 3) having a dialogue between equals with ethnic authorities when potential jurisdictional conflicts arise. This paper seeks to analyze this interaction and how it has allowed the Special Jurisdiction, as transitional justice mechanism, to work in close cooperation with Indigenous and Black communities in Colombia. As will be discussed throughout this paper, through the lens of the legal pluralism framework, such interaction has strengthened the legitimacy and recognition of Indigenous and Black communities’ legal authorities as parallel legal orders that can operate side-by-side with the State judicial system. This, in turn, has created an important precedent that can be emulated by other court jurisdictions in Colombia and elsewhere.
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Evseev, Aleksandr. "Transitional justice in Colombia: unrealized potential." Meždunarodnoe pravosudie 10, no. 4 (2020): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21128/2226-2059-2020-4-77-99.

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The article analyzes the theoretical and practical problems that arise during the construction of the Colombian model of transitional justice. The latter is viewed as a combination of judicial and quasi-judicial means, with the help of which it becomes possible to achieve a peaceful settlement after the end of the civil war of 1964–2016. Particular attention is paid to the socio-political context and mass sentiments prevailing in Colombian society regarding the legitimacy of transferring the Anglo-American construction of Transitional Justice to Latin America. The so-called “Integrated System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition”, which is a consolidated version of the four main elements of transitional justice: criminal prosecution, truth seeking, reparations to the innocent victims and “deal with the past”, is being studied in detail. In particular, the author dwells on the issue of amnesties for participants in an armed conflict, the activities of the “truth commission” and compensation payments to victims of mass violence. In addition, the article examines the activities of the Colombian Special Jurisdiction for Peace, the relevant statistical data are provided. The “Santrich case” is mentioned as a marker of negative trends that continue to grow in the activities of a new jurisdiction. The conclusion is that the legal means of resolving the conflict are secondary, albeit of absolute importance, in comparison with political agreements, to which all participants of the process of national reconciliation sometimes are not ready organizationally and psychologically.
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Daly, Sarah Zukerman. "Determinants of ex-combatants’ attitudes toward transitional justice in Colombia." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 6 (August 14, 2018): 656–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894218788084.

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This article draws on original survey data of 10,951 Colombian ex-paramilitaries to study the determinants of victimizers’ support for transitional justice. Understanding ex-combatants’ attitudes toward victims of the conflict and measures of justice is critical to gaining leverage on when transitional justice is likely to prove effective. The data suggest that former fighters’ views of transitional justice are shaped by the intimacy with which they experience transitional justice: whether they are known to, in close proximity, and accepted by the communities they victimized. Their attitudes are also constrained by the norms of justice in which they have been socialized, and by the extent of the risks to them personally: in judicial terms given their own culpability and in security terms given their vulnerability to retribution. The study has important implications for the prospects of successful transitional justice with the FARC rebels and for the consolidation of peace in Colombia.
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Rúa Delgado, Carlos Felipe. "The moments of transitional justice in colombia." Revista de Derecho Uninorte, no. 43 (January 1, 2015): 71–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/dere.43.6270.

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6

Erçakıca, Mustafa. "La Havana-Bogota Peace Agreement and the Transitional Justice in Colombia." Comparative Cultural Studies - European and Latin American Perspectives 7, no. 14 (March 15, 2022): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/ccselap-13469.

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In this article armed conflict in Colombia and the post-agreement period, which is still very recent, are evaluated. The armed conflict between the armed forces of the State and the FARC-EP has terminated in Colombia by making The La Havana-Bogota Peace Agreement. By the virtue of this agreement, the post-agreement period in Colombia is started. With this agreement, some other various steps have been taken to increase the political participation of the Colombian people and the democratization in Colombia. The Integrated System, containing the Commission for the Clarification of Truth, Coexistence and Non-Repetition, the Unit for the Search of Missing People Due to and in the Context of the Armed Conflict and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, was established. Colombia is a current issue for international community in the context of transitional justice period.
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Williams, Philip J., and Juanita Duque. "Justicia transicional antes y después de la transición: Colombia en perspectiva comparada." Revista de Derecho Uninorte, no. 51 (June 12, 2019): 134–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/dere.51.303.69.

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8

Galaviz Armenta, Tania. "Infraestructuras para la paz y Justicia Transicional en Colombia." Revista Reflexiones 97, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rr.v97i2.28849.

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ResumenEl artículo analiza la interacción entre la Justicia Transicional y las Infraestructuras para la Paz. Para ello, se presentan algunas de las características del conflicto armado y los procesos de negociación con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia durante el periodo 1982-2016, así como los antecedentes de la Justicia Transicional en dicho país. Además, se examinan las Infraestructuras para la paz, entendidas como mecanismos que generan dinámicas de interdependencia entre distintos grupos sociales para la construcción de paz. Derivado de un análisis documental se concluye que, en el caso colombiano, la Justicia Transicional interactúa con las Infraestructuras para la Paz al vincular el cumplimiento de las sanciones restaurativas con las acciones para el desarrollo territorial comunitario realizadas desde los Comités Locales de Paz.Palabras clave: Construcción de paz, Víctimas, Participación social, Conflicto armado, FARC Infrastructures for Peace and Transitional Justice in Colombia AbstractThe article analyzes Colombia’s interaction between its Transitional Justice and its Infrastructures for Peace. For this purpose, the article presents some of the characteristics of the armed conflict and negotiation processes associated to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia during the period 1982-2016 along with the country’s Transitional Justice background. In addition, itexamines the Infrastructures for Peace, understood as mechanisms that generate interdependence dynamics between different social groups for peacebuilding. From a documentary analysis, it is concluded that Colombian Transitional Justice interacts with its Infrastructures for Peace by connecting the compliance of restorative sanctions to the actions for the community territorial development carried out by Local Peace Committees.Key Words: Peacebuilding, Victims, Social participation, armed conflict, FARC Acerca del proceso editorial y sus publicaciones la revista Reflexiones utiliza la licencia Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)
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9

Alviar-García, Helena, and Laura Betancur-Restrepo. "International Law and Transitional Justice: Exploring Some Challenges Through the Colombian Case." AJIL Unbound 116 (2022): 302–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.49.

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Latin America has always been central to the configuration, interpretation, and operation of the field of transitional justice. Starting in the late 1980s with contributions from scholars interested in democratic transitions after dictatorships in the Southern Cone, the 1996 signing of the Peace Agreement in Guatemala, and the Truth Commission in Peru, to the more recent case of Colombia, Latin American academics and activists have contributed significantly to the theory and practice of transitional justice. This essay explores a question central to recent transitional justice processes: the interaction and possible contradictions between the aim of ending a violent internal conflict and the demands imposed by international law. Colombia serves as an example. The Colombian case is informed by all previous experiences, but it is also novel because it is the first transitional justice process established in the region since the establishment of the International Criminal Court. Although the Colombian process is still being implemented and it is too early to claim its success or failure, the case offers important insights into the tense, complex, and overarching interactions between international law, internal peace, and transitional justice. This essay explores how local and external actors involved in negotiating and implementing the agreement presented international law as if it were univocal and universal, as if there were no competing interpretations within the discipline, and as if it were neutral in relation to local political discussions. Building upon this analysis, the goal is to shed light upon the ideological uses of international law.
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Walschütz, Christian. "Transitional Justice in Colombia: Does it Contribute to Reconciliation?" Journal für Entwicklungspolitik 27, no. 3 (2011): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.20446/jep-2414-3197-27-3-88.

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11

GARCÍA-GODOS, JEMIMA, and KNUT ANDREAS O. LID. "Transitional Justice and Victims' Rights before the End of a Conflict: The Unusual Case of Colombia." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 3 (August 2010): 487–516. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x10000891.

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AbstractIn a context of continuing armed conflict, a comprehensive scheme of transitional justice has been developed in Colombia since 2005 through the Law of Justice and Peace, with the aim of achieving peace with one of the armed actors in the conflict, the paramilitary groups. The clear link between the demobilisation of illegal armed groups and the rights of the victims is the main feature of the Colombian process. This article provides a systematic review of the implementation of the law, focusing on the institutions, mechanisms and procedures put in place to fulfil its goals. Emphasis is given to the legal category of ‘victim’, victims' rights and victim reparation measures. By exploring how the scheme works in principle and in practice, we are able to assess the prospects for victims' rights in Colombia today.
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12

Clark, Janine Natalya. "‘Leaky’ Bodies, Connectivity and Embodied Transitional Justice." International Journal of Transitional Justice 13, no. 2 (February 25, 2019): 268–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijz003.

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Abstract∞ Within the ever-growing field of transitional justice, it is striking that little attention has been given to bodies, except in the sense of what has been done to them. Seeking to address this gap by focusing on what bodies can do, this interdisciplinary article argues that bodies represent important sites of connectivity that can bring together communities fractured by war and armed conflict. In developing this thesis, it emphasizes how the leakiness of bodies – which has traditionally been viewed in negative terms – can help to foster a positive awareness of corporeal connectivity. Distinguishing between what it terms grounded and meta-functional connectivity, it calls for embodied ways of doing transitional justice that operationalize both types of connectivity. While the article is primarily a theoretical and conceptual piece, its empirical threads draw from the author’s recent fieldwork with victims–survivors of conflict-related sexual violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Colombia and Uganda.
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Jamie Rebecca, Rowen. "“We Don't Believe in Transitional Justice:” Peace and the Politics of Legal Ideas in Colombia." Law & Social Inquiry 42, no. 03 (2017): 622–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12262.

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This article draws on law and society theories on the circulation of legal ideas to explain the instrumentalization of transitional justice in Colombia. Most scholarship explains transitional justice as a theoretical framework or as a set of instruments that helps redress mass violence. In contrast, this study reveals that the idea serves as a placeholder for different political actors to promote their respective interests. Drawing on over fifty interviews, the study suggests that the power of transitional justice lies in its malleability, which is both its strength and its weakness, as those with different political agendas can appropriate the idea in contradictory ways. The findings emphasize that understanding transitional justice requires a turn from abstract analyses that either take the idea for granted or try to define its meaning toward examining how people on the ground understand the idea, and how they translate those understandings into political action.
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Phillips-Amos, Georgia. "A Dystopian Climate for Transitional Justice." Latin American Perspectives 43, no. 5 (July 9, 2016): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16648949.

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As Colombia’s asymmetric war has evolved, gravitating toward cities, it has become absorbed by a transitional justice system. In the process, language used to name relevant stakeholders, shape national narratives of collective memory, and activate legal infrastructure is mediated by a symbolic and often duplicitous system of governance. A history of political violence and attempts to impose security focusing on the contemporary population of Comuna 13, the fastest-growing site of urban displacement in the city of Medellín, gives context to stories of violence that are otherwise eclipsed by the process of collective memory making and describes grassroots attempts at retracing a public narrative. Mientras la guerra asimétrica en Colombia ha ido evolucionado, gravitando más y más hacia las ciudades, ésta ha sido absorbida por un sistema de justicia transicional. En este proceso, el lenguaje que se utiliza para nombrar a los actores más importantes, construir narrativas nacionales sobre la memoria colectiva y activar una infraestructura legal está condicionado por un sistema de gobernanza simbólico y a menudo engañoso. La historia sobre la violencia política y los esfuerzos por imponer medidas de seguridad en la Comuna 13—la zona de desplazamiento urbano de más alto crecimiento en la ciudad de Medellín— le da un contexto a las historias de violencia que de otra manera serían eclipsadas por el proceso de construir la memoria colectiva y describe los esfuerzos de base para recrear una narrativa pública.
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Urueña, René. "Playing with Fire: International Criminal Law, Transitional Justice, and the Implementation of the Colombian Peace Agreement." AJIL Unbound 110 (2016): 364–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.13.

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On November 30, 2016, after much uncertainty, the Colombian Congress finally approved a historic peace deal between the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), bringing to an end the country's fifty-year conflict. This peace deal was a historical achievement, and had important ramifications for international law, as discussed in a recent AJIL Unbound symposium. But once the spotlights were off, the government was faced with the daunting challenge of implementing the complex, lengthy accord. In particular, the government had to draw up and pass through Congress the legal and constitutional framework for the transitional justice process—a key component of the peace deal. It is there, in the subtle details of domestic criminal law, where the balance between peace and justice must be achieved.
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Muñoz Hernández, Luis Antonio. "Trial, truth, verifobia in transitional justice. Tensión right, peace and justice - Colombia, law 975/2005." Jurídicas CUC 2016, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 211–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17981/juridcuc.12.1.2016.12.

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Nauenberg Dunkell, Saskia. "From global norms to national politics: decoupling transitional justice in Colombia." Peacebuilding 9, no. 2 (March 11, 2021): 190–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2021.1895621.

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Torregrosa Jiménez, Rodolfo Alfonso, Nhoris Torregroza Jiménez, and Alexander Giraldo. "Transitional Justice and the Victims and Land Restitution Law in Colombia." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Civic and Political Studies 14, no. 1 (2019): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2327-0071/cgp/v14i01/33-44.

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ESTRADA-FUENTES, MARÍA. "Performative Reintegration: Applied Theatre for Conflict Transformation in Contemporary Colombia." Theatre Research International 43, no. 3 (October 2018): 291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883318000548.

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Civil wars and internal armed conflicts are commonly followed by transitional justice processes known as Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration programmes. Focusing on the social reintegration of ex-combatants in Colombia, this article examines the role of embodiment and secondary care in conflict transformation, and outlines the process of incorporating creative and embodied practice as core elements of transitional justice mechanisms. It discusses the relational qualities of applied theatre, policy development and implementation to demonstrate how embodied practice enables peace-building practitioners and ex-combatants to develop a better understanding of how affective transactions and emotional states shape transitional societies. In so doing, this article discusses some of the challenges of devising sustainable arts-based interventions when working with communities that have been significantly affected by war.
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Laguna Trujillo, Juliana. "A legal obligation under international law to guarantee access to abortion services in contexts of armed conflict? An analysis of the case of Colombia." International Review of the Red Cross 102, no. 914 (August 2020): 851–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383121000692.

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AbstractThis article discusses the existence of an international obligation for the State of Colombia to guarantee access to abortion services for women and girls who are victims of conflict-related sexual violence in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. By examining international humanitarian law rules from an international human rights law lens, it sets out the interdependence between both frameworks from reproductive health and human rights perspectives. Furthermore, the article provides considerations on the recognition and redress of these violations in the transitional justice scenario in Colombia.
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Moreno Durán, Álvaro Moreno Durán, Jaime Alberto Sandoval Mesa, Norhy Esther Torregrosa Jiménez, and Rodolfo Torregrosa Jiménez. "EL CAMPO JURÍDICO HÍBRIDO EN LA JUSTICIA TRANSICIONAL EN COLOMBIA." Revista Republicana 27 (July 20, 2019): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.21017/rev.repub.2019.v27.a68.

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Santamaría, Angela, Dunen Muelas, Paula Caceres, Wendi Kuetguaje, and Julian Villegas. "Decolonial Sketches and Intercultural Approaches to Truth: Corporeal Experiences and Testimonies of Indigenous Women in Colombia." International Journal of Transitional Justice 14, no. 1 (January 13, 2020): 56–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijz034.

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Abstract This article explores the corporeal and testimonial memories of a group of female indigenous ex-combatants and victims in the Colombian Caribbean and Amazon. Although these groups have often been analyzed in the transitional justice literature, our primary objective is to analyze two local processes for retrieving indigenous women’s memories and possible feminist participatory action research methodologies in the Colombian postconflict context. We examined empowering intercultural and intersectional methodologies to promote the political participation of indigenous women – both ‘victims’ and ‘perpetrators’ – in the Colombian Truth Commission implemented after the peace agreement was enacted. We explain how participatory action research should be used, including techniques such as indigenous women’s body mapping, creating testimonial spaces and conducting ethnographic observations. The article is based on a transitional justice ‘from below’ perspective as well as local transitional justice practices.
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Samudio, Vera, and Alejandra Figueredo. "Aproximaciones al derecho a la verdad en la justicia transicional, en Colombia." REVISTA CONTROVERSIA, no. 217 (September 30, 2021): 121–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.54118/controver.vi217.1238.

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Resumen: La configuración de la verdad como el derecho a “saber qué ocurrió”, es uno de los pilares fundamentales del sistema de justicia transicional implementado tras la firma del Acuerdo Final de Paz entre el Gobierno colombiano y las FARC-EP. En la verdad se ha depositado parte im- portante de la esperanza por la construcción de una paz estable y duradera, y de la reconciliación en el país. En el presente artículo se sostiene que el derecho a la verdad en el funcionamiento del Sistema Integral de Verdad, Justicia, Reparación y No Repetición (sIvJRnR) se experimenta como una construcción ética, jurídica, política y fáctica, que se desarrolla en el marco de un proceso relacional, multidireccional y polifónico, que va cambiando, modificándose y perfeccionándose en el tiempo, y puede pasar, según las necesidades y problemas a resolver, de tener un carácter puramente instrumental y racional, a uno ampliamente axiológico y moral. Para ello, se presenta una propuesta de operacionalización de esta verdad en respuesta a interrogantes sobre su com- prensión: ¿Qué? ¿Cómo? ¿Para qué? ¿Cuándo? y ¿Quién? Approaches to the Right to Truth in Transitional Justice in Colombia Abstract: The truth’s configuration as the right to “know what happened” has become one of the fundamental pillars of the transitional justice system implemented after signing the Final Peace Agreement between the Colombian Government and the FARC-EP. Thus, in truth, lays the hope for building a stable and lasting peace and reconciliation in the country. This article sustains that the right to the truth in the operation of the Comprehensive System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition (sIvJRnR) is experienced as an ethical, legal, political and factual construction that is developed within the framework of a relational, multidirectional and polyphonic process. This construction is changing, modifying and improving through time and can go, depending on the needs and problems to be solved, from having a purely instrumental and rational character to a broadly axiological and moral one. To this end, a proposal for operationalisation of this truth is presented in response to questions about its understanding: What? How? Why? When? and Who? Keywords: Truth, Transitional Justice, Final Agreement, SIVJRNR
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Arizabaleta Domínguez, Sandra Lucía, and Jenny Marlody Arias Durán. "Sobre las víctimas con respecto a la implementación de modelos de justicia transicional en países latinoamericanos: perspectivas en cinco entrevistas realizadas a víctimas en Colombia, Argentina y Perú." Revista Lumen Gentium 3, no. 2 (October 20, 2020): 103–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.52525/lg.v3n2a7.

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Este texto tiene como finalidad presentar el ejercicio de documentación sobre las perspectivas de cinco víctimas de los Estados de Colombia, Argentina y Perú sobre la implementación de los modelos de justicia transicional en sus países. Uno de los propósitos del documento es evidenciar algunas lecturas, desde el rol de víctima, que surgen con relación a la puesta en práctica de estos modelos de justicia de transición, a la luz de las construcciones que desde el discurso existen sobre la materia, por ejemplo: la versión oficial del Estado, los estudios académicos, las producciones normativas y las relaciones políticas globales. Abstract This text aims to present a documentation exercise about the perspectives of five victims in Colombia, Argentina and Peru regarding the implementation of the models of transitional justice in each country. One of the goals is to evidence from a victim rolesome readings that arise related to the execution of these models of transitional justice, in the light of the constructions on the matter, such as the official version of the country, academic studies, production of regulations, and global and political relations.
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Bueno, Isabella, and Andrea Diaz Rozas. "Which Approach to Justice in Colombia under the Era of the ICC." International Criminal Law Review 13, no. 1 (2013): 211–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01301007.

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How could Colombia deal with the overwhelming cruelty of mass atrocities committed during its ongoing conflict? This article intends to thoroughly explain the strategies implemented in Colombia to deal with the issues of transitional justice in an ongoing conflict and to illustrate the state of the art of the approaches to justice. In order to do so, we will show the limits of the retributive justice approach at both the national and the international level and propose the applicability of the restorative justice approach in dealing with mass victimisation. This debate becomes even more complex due to the shadow of the International Criminal Court (ICC), which has exerted great influence in implementing a dominant retributive oriented approach to the expenses of other ways of doing justice.
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Caicedo-Moreno, Angélica, Pablo Castro-Abril, Wilson López-López, and Lorena Gil Montes. "Colombian Transitional Justice: The media discourse of the Peace Agreement and perceptions regarding its institutions." Deusto Journal of Human Rights, no. 8 (December 28, 2021): 51–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18543/djhr.2284.

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Colombia had the longest internal armed conflict in Latin America, and its government reached a peace agreement with the FARC guerrillas in 2016. This article explores the transitional justice social representations during the signing of the peace agreement (study 1) and their implementation, during 2019-2020 (study 2). The first study analyzes the news related to the institutions created from the peace agreement during 2016. The second study explores different psychosocial variables associated with its two most controversial institutions, the Truth Commission (TC) and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) during 2019-2020, after the beginning of its work. The findings revealed that news articles from two principal Colombian newspapers illustrate two anchoring categories of transitional justice with an emphasis on victims, while the political position of the newspaper suggests possible disagreements on what peace entails. Surveys showed that political position and victimization are crucial for the approval and support of the TC and the JEP, as well as correlated with the level of media consumption regarding these institutions. Received: 17 September 2021Accepted: 15 November 2021
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Lemaitre, Julieta. "Transitional justice and the challenges of a feminist peace." International Journal of Constitutional Law 18, no. 2 (July 2020): 455–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moaa050.

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Abstract Colombia’s 2016 Peace Accords with the former FARC guerrillas expressed the triumphs and challenges of feminist mobilization. The resulting deal has been touted as “history’s most inclusive peace deal internationally.” During the negotiations groups of women combatants, government officials, and activists were successful in integrating a gender perspective into the Accords; their triumph extended to the selection of the judges of the new transitional justice system, where gender parity is a first for regional courts. With power, however, come new and complex challenges, not least the fact that perpetrators who admit perpetrating crimes of sexual violence will receive lenient, community service, sentences. Hope is perhaps to be found in feminist peace activism in Colombia, which has far exceeded the reiteration of women’s sexual victimization, and is set to take advantage of the incorporation of restorative justice to insist on the centrality of victim impact statements, the assessment of harm as part of transitional justice, and the incorporation of victim agency and expertise. However, as this article also argues, feminist activists are also right to be skeptical: there is no clear path to the construction of a feminist peace.
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Espejo, Maria Paula. "Drug-Trafficking in Colombia: The New Civil War Against Democracy and Peacebuilding." Co-herencia 18, no. 34 (June 2, 2021): 157–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17230/co-herencia.18.34.6.

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Drug-trafficking in Colombia has been a widely researched phenomenon, especially now, as the country undergoes a transition process with its older guerrilla. Now more than ever it is fundamental to examine how drug-trafficking organizations violent activities affect the consolidation of peace. This article considers different approaches to study violence derived from drug-trafficking, in order to advance towards the objectives of transitional justice. For that matter, this work is based on the idea that drug-trafficking directly generates and reproduces violence which is fueled by the structural violence present in the Colombian context. My thesis is that this phenomenon deters non-repetition guarantees and weakens democracy, which is why there will be three main arguments presented that will revolve around the lack of consensus and the implications of considering drug wars as civil wars, how decisions related to the conceptual apprehension limit the competence of international humanitarian law, and the need for holistic strategies capable of facing drug-trafficking’s political and violent power. Later, alternatives will be explored around the possibilities that each argument offers, as well as which aspects could contribute to a more appropriate approach to combat drug-trafficking. Lastly, I will defend why implementing bottom-up oriented actions can advance towards transitional justice’s intermediate and final objectives, as it is the only alternative that escapes fatalist, utopian or interventionist scenarios.
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Olarte-Sierra, María Fernanda. "(Un)Doing the Colombian Armed Conflict." Social Anthropology/Anthropologie sociale 30, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/saas.2022.300303.

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English Abstract: In 2005, Colombia enacted the Justice and Peace Law, which was a transitional framework for addressing the legal status of demobilised members of the paramilitary group Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia [United Self-Defence of Colombia] and other armed groups. In exchange for providing intelligence on the whereabouts of the bodies of people these groups had kidnapped and killed, prison sentences could be reduced. Forensic experts from the Attorney General’s Office were in charge of exhuming and identifying the bodies, placing them centre-stage as a source of scientific evidence, testimony and authority based on their presumed objectivity and non-prejudicial approach. However, forensic knowledge, like all knowledge, is situated, partial and performative. Here, I attend to the effects of forensic knowledge on victims’ right to truth, memory practices and the administration of justice under the Justice and Peace Law. I argue that forensic knowledge co-produces conflict by producing victims and perpetrators whose identities and stories can be at odds with other accounts of the violence that occurred.French Abstract: En 2005, la loi sur la justice et la paix a été promulguée en Colombie. Il s’agissait d’un cadre transitoire permettant de régler le statut juridique des membres démobilisés du groupe paramilitaire Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia [Autodéfenses unies de Colombie] et d’autres groupes armés. Cette loi prévoyait la réduction des peines de prison en échange de renseignements sur l’emplacement des corps des personnes que ces groupes avaient enlevées et tuées. Des experts médico-légaux du bureau du procureur étaient chargés d’exhumer et d’identifier les corps. Cela les plaçait au centre de la scène en tant que source de preuves scientifiques, de témoignages et d’autorité, en raison de leur objectivité présumée et de leur approche non préjudiciable. Cependant, la connaissance médico-légale, comme toute connaissance, est située, partielle et performative. Je m’intéresse ici aux effets des connaissances médico-légales sur le droit des victimes à la vérité, les pratiques de mémoire et l’administration de la justice dans le cadre de la loi Justice et Paix en Colombie. Je soutiens que les connaissances médico-légales coproduisent des conflits en produisant des victimes et des auteurs dont les identités et les histoires peuvent être en contradiction avec d’autres récits de la violence qui s’est produite.
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Vinjamuri, Leslie. "The Distant Promise of a Negotiated Justice." Daedalus 146, no. 1 (January 2017): 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00425.

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A basic dilemma for political transitions and peace talks, whether to hold perpetrators of mass atrocities accountable or to negotiate a deal, has once again become the source of intense political controversy. Originally seen as containing a pathbreaking and innovative solution to this problem, a peace deal designed to bring an end to the war between the government of Colombia and the FARC was instrumentalized by former President Uribe to mobilize popular support and was struck down when it was put to the public for a vote. Elsewhere, political realities have impinged on efforts to hold trials, provoking a backlash by powerful individuals determined to spoil the peace rather than sacrifice their personal freedom. But when international criminal tribunals fail to prosecute powerful spoilers, they have been condemned for their hypocrisy or charged with being selective in their pursuit of justice. One measure to address the basic accountability dilemma would be to accept transitional justice compromises that hold a reasonable prospect of delivering peace and that have a strong base of support among those individuals and communities most affected by political violence. Transitional justice strategies should be guided by a do-no-harm principle.
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Torregrosa Jiménez, Rodolfo, Paula Mazuera, and Andrea Mahecha. "GÉNERO Y JUSTICIA TRANSICIONAL EN COLOMBIA, UNA MIRADA DESDE LA LEY 1257 DE 2008." Revista Republicana 25 (July 15, 2018): 161–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21017/rev.repub.2018.v25.a54.

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Cubides Cárdenas, Jaime Alfonso, Paola Alexandra Sierra Zamora, Diego Alexander Calixto Ortiz, and Nicolás Pabón Caballero. "Terrorism by the FARC-EP and public policies oriented towards national security in Colombia during 1990-2000." Revista Científica General José María Córdova 17, no. 26 (April 1, 2019): 309–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.21830/19006586.404.

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This article addresses the terrorist acts perpetrated by illegal armed actors during 1990-2000, as well as the policies related to national security. The role of a society in the relationship with terrorism is stressed as a coercive method used to gain control over government and groups of people. Terrorism and power relations based on violence and fear are used as a means of coercion to create states of anxiety. This study approaches three thematic axes. First, the general aspects of the concept of terrorism and the incidents in the Colombian system are studied. Then, public policies are analyzed, focusing on security in Colombia, opening the way to the third axis in which an analysis is carried out to determine their effectiveness and whether they are an asset to justice. This study seeks to determine the efficiency of public policies in matters of security related to transitional justice regarding the conflict with the FARC in the Colombian state. To conclude, brief conclusions are provided.
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Chaparro, Laura. "The Right to Truth in Colombia's Comprehensive System of Truth, Justice, Reparation, and Non-Repetition. A Direct Approach to the Intrinsic Relationship between its Mechanisms and Objectives." Nuevo Derecho 18, no. 31 (December 15, 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.25057/2500672x.1462.

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The peace deal between the Colombian Government and the former Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia established the Comprehensive System of Truth, Justice, Reparation, and Non-Repetition, comprised of the Truth, Coexistence, and Non-Repetition Commission, the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, and the Unit for the Search of Persons Presumed Disappeared in the context and because of the armed conflict. This set of mechanisms guarantee the rights to truth, justice, reparation, and measures of non-recurrence as stipulated in the Final Agreement for the Termination of the Armed Conflict and the Construction of a Stable and Lasting Peace. One of its most critical and imperative aspects is the right to truth for the victims of serious human rights violations and their relatives. This right, conceived primarily as a human right, coexists with the other three pillars of transitional justice, interacting and complementing them. This paper aims to define the content of the right to truth in the three bodies that make up the Comprehensive System, to conclude that, although each mechanism pursues a different kind of truth, there is a bond of complementarity between them, addressing the rights of its victims and their needs, structuring a collective memory on the war in Colombia.
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Zúñiga Lindao, Sixta Dilia. "Análisis de la política pública de reintegración social y económica en el marco del proceso de justicia transicional en Colombia periodo 2013-2014." Revista Jurídica Mario Alario D´Filippo 9, no. 17 (January 15, 2017): 95–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.32997/2256-2796-vol.9-num.17-2017-1544.

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En el marco del proceso de paz, es perentorio realizar un análisis consistente de las diversas discusiones y posiciones de la sociedad con el fin de desarrollar un proceso integratorio. Para ello, es importante realizar un estudio histórico enfocándose en los orígenes, desarrollo y métodos implementados para desarrollar una buena política pública de esta temática en medio de conflictos anteriores. Es aquí precisamente donde enfocaremos nuestra investigación, pero no sin antes, tomar como punto de partida las teorías sobre la justicia transicional, seguido de esto, estudiaremos las distintas políticas públicas que se han desempeñado en Colombia sobre los procesos de paz y la propuesta actual del gobierno que se enlaza con elementos de la justicia transicional para buscar la reintegración social, y por último, se hará una exposición de las necesarias transformaciones o modificaciones que se deben surtir al interior de la política pública estatal de reintegración social procurando un buen éxito del proceso. ABSTRACTWithin the framework of the peace process, it is imperative to carry out a consistent analysis of the various discussions and positions of society in order to develop an integrative process. For this, it is important to carry out a historical study focusing on the origins, development and methods implemented to develop a good public policy of this subject in the middle of previous conflicts. It is here precisely where we will focus our research, but not before, take as a starting point theories on transitional justice, followed by this, we will study the different public policies that have been carried out in Colombia on the peace processes and the current proposal of the A government that is linked to elements of transitional justice to seek social reintegration, and finally, an exposition of the necessary transformations or modifications that must be provided within the state public policy of social reintegration seeking a successful process. KEYWORDS Transitional justice, Public Policy, Reintegration, Armed Groups, Peace, Post-Conflict.
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Chenou, Jean-Marie, Lina P. Chaparro-Martínez, and Ana María Mora Rubio. "Broadening Conceptualizations of Transitional Justice through Using Technology: ICTs in the Context of Justicia y Paz in Colombia." International Journal of Transitional Justice 13, no. 1 (January 9, 2019): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijy028.

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de Waardt, Mijke, and Sanne Weber. "Beyond Victims’ Mere Presence: An Empirical Analysis of Victim Participation in Transitional Justice in Colombia." Journal of Human Rights Practice 11, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huz002.

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Van Ho, Tara L. "Is it Already Too Late for Colombia’s Land Restitution Process?" International Human Rights Law Review 5, no. 1 (July 15, 2016): 60–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131035-00501003.

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Approximately five million people were forcefully displaced by the civil war in Colombia. The 2011 Colombian Victims’ Law is intended to provide property restitution to some of the individuals displaced as a result of human rights and humanitarian law violations. During the conflict, however, land titles and property rights were transferred to corporations, including foreign corporations protected by international investment law. The impact of the restitution process outlined in the Victims’ Law on foreign corporations raises concerns that international investment law may inhibit the full realisation of the Victims’ Law’s restitution process. This article uses the Colombian context to explore broader issues of the impact investment law’s protection of foreign corporations can have on transitional justice initiatives aimed at remedying and redressing serious and systematic human rights and humanitarian law violations.
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Eckhardt, Niklas. "The legal framework for the peace process in Colombia and the precarious role of transitional justice." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 49, no. 4 (2016): 368–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-2016-4-368.

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Villamil Rodríguez, Juan Sebastián. "Legal Pluralism and Transitional Justice in Colombia - Is the Special Jurisdiction for Peace a Hybrid Tribunal?" Korean Association of International Association of Constitutional Law 26, no. 1 (April 30, 2020): 229–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24324/kiacl.2020.26.1.229.

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Mendes, Isa. "Inclusion and Political Representation in Peace Negotiations: The Case of the Colombian Victims’ Delegations." Journal of Politics in Latin America 11, no. 3 (December 2019): 272–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x19889756.

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This article discusses the issue of inclusion in peace negotiations, in particular the Colombian peace process with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionárias de Colombia, with special emphasis to a perceived tension between “direct” and “indirect” inclusive initiatives. It argues that, as currently discussed by the Peace and Conflict literature, inclusion tends to be seen as neutral and benign, which leaves little room for critical discussions about the political contention behind peace negotiations deemed “inclusive.” It thus proposes to discuss inclusion through the theoretical lens of political representation and apply such reflections to the specific case of the Colombian victims’ delegations that travelled to Havana in 2014 in order to take part in the table’s discussions on the victims and transitional justice topic. Ultimately, I will argue there was simultaneous utilisation and rejection of the language of representation.
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Giraldo Muñoz, Marcela, and Jose Serralvo. "International humanitarian law in Colombia: Going a step beyond." International Review of the Red Cross 101, no. 912 (December 2019): 1117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383120000181.

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AbstractEver since the first quarter of the nineteenth century, Colombia has shifted from one war to the next, be it the War of Independence, the fierce confrontations between liberal and conservative parties or the countless conflicts among guerrillas, paramilitary groups and the State. These wars have brought along a unique contribution to the development of international humanitarian law (IHL). The purpose of this article is to explore the myriad of ways in which Colombia has implemented (and at times made progress on) IHL rules, and to analyze how different conflicts have led the country to explore issues such as the protection of minors, the meaning of the principle of precaution, the compensation of armed conflict victims and the creation of some rather sophisticated transitional justice mechanisms.
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Rios Oyola, Sandra Milena. "Uses of the Concept of Human Dignity and the Dignification of Victims in Transitional Justice in Colombia." European Review of International Studies 9, no. 1 (April 13, 2022): 28–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-09010015.

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Abstract The idea of human dignity appears extensively in Transitional Justice (tj); nevertheless, it has not received critical examination. Based on the insights from the Colombian tj, this article analyses the challenges and tensions in the operationalisation of the mandate to restore victims’ human dignity. It studies three pathways of dignification that explain victims’ different engagement with steps that intend to restore their dignity. One of these pathways is refusing to be part of a state-led process while perceiving the state as a perpetrator. The article follows a qualitative methodology based on interviews with victims, civil servants acting in different tj mechanisms, and scholars; observation of tj meetings and public events; and the review of relevant documentation. The article firstly explains the background of dignity in human rights law and constitutional law. Secondly, it describes how the mandate of victim dignification appears in the Colombian tj and explains its use in practice. Finally, it presents different pathways used for the dignification of victims.
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Acosta García, Mónica. "Law and Globalization: the ‘multi-sited’ uses of Transitional Justice by indigenous peoples in Colombia (2005-2016)." Oñati Socio-legal Series 8, no. 5 (December 12, 2018): 760–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-0960.

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Torregrosa Jiménez, Rodolfo Alfonso. "Transitional Justice in Colombia and Legal Framework for Peace: Reflections from the Viewpoint of International Humanitarian Law." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Civic and Political Studies 11, no. 4 (2016): 28–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2327-0071/cgp/v11i04/28-34.

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Taylor, Laura K. "Transitional justice, demobilisation and peacebuilding amid political violence: examining individual preferences in the Caribbean coast of Colombia." Peacebuilding 3, no. 1 (June 26, 2014): 90–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2014.928555.

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Panjor, Fareeda, and Anchana Heemmina. "Chapter 3: Peace Process and Transitional Justice: The Comparative Study of Mindanao, Colombia, and Thailand’s Deep South." Asian Affairs: An American Review 45, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.2019.1584279.

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47

Rudling, Adriana. "What’s Inside the Box? Mapping Agency and Conflict within Victims’ Organizations." International Journal of Transitional Justice 13, no. 3 (September 26, 2019): 458–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijz025.

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Abstract∞ This article provides a better understanding of victims’ individual-level agency and their differences in terms of transitional justice preferences and capabilities by inquiring into intra-organizational conflict. While it is primarily conceptual, it combines secondary literature with case study material from Colombia and Panama, converging on Latin America as a geographical area and the crime of forced disappearance. Tracing the evolution of the 2004/2005 fragmentation of the Colombian Association of Relatives of Detained Disappeared Persons, it argues that victims’ collective action and perceived homogeneity is a performance that builds on much internal negotiation between members. When deliberations have clear winners, they end in adjustments of the mission statement of the group, purges and voluntary member withdrawal, but fragmentations result from situations where the leaders of opposing coalitions are evenly matched and their proposals equally engaging to peers.
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Betancourt Torres, Valentina, and Carlos Andrés Duque Acosta. "La paz territorial como enfoque para comprender la justicia transicional y la construcción de paz en Colombia: mirada desde el Distrito Especial de Santiago de Cali." Revista Lumen Gentium 5, no. 2 (December 16, 2021): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.52525/lg.v5n2a6.

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La implementación de medidas de justicia transicional en Colombia está condicionada a las posibilidades de paz en los territorios. En ese sentido, este artículo refleja resultados de un proyecto de investigación que tuvo dentro de sus objetivos aportar a la comprensión del enfoque de paz territorial —analizando sus posibles elementos teóricos constitutivos—, así como identificar las miradas que sobre dicho enfoque tienen algunos actores sociales, políticos y administrativos participantes en el proceso de elaboración, aprobación y adopción del Plan de Desarrollo de Santiago de Cali 2020-2023. The implementation of transitional justice measures in Colombia is conditional on the possibilities of peace in the territories. In this sense, this article reflects the results of a research project that had within its objectives to contribute to the understanding of the territorial peace approach —analyzing its possible constitutive theoretical elements—, as well as identifying the views that about this approach have some social, political and administrative participant actors in the process of preparation, approval and adoption of the Santiago de Cali Development Plan 2020-2023.
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Eskauriatza, Javier Sebastián. "The jus post bellum as ‘integrity’ – Transitional criminal justice, the ICC, and the Colombian amnesty law." Leiden Journal of International Law 33, no. 1 (November 7, 2019): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156519000530.

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AbstractThis article is about a relatively new version of the ‘emerging’ jus post bellum concept. It asks whether the jus post bellum as ‘integrity’ is useful as a normative guide in the interpretation of international criminal law during transitions when the requirements of international criminal law are ambiguous or unclear. It develops the main elements of the jus post bellum as integrity as an analytical framework. It then evaluates the theoretical and practical application of the concept in relation to the task of the International Criminal Court in evaluating the ‘alternative sentences’ regime in Colombia. It argues that a Dworkinian approach to international criminal law must make certain assumptions about the international legal order which are difficult to sustain. The difficulties discussed here are related to the structural conditions needed for a ‘community of principle’ to arise in Dworkin’s theory. The article demonstrates that the jus post bellum as integrity may be useful for identifying the principles of international criminal law that should apply to states in transition from conflict to peace. However, despite its usefulness, the concept is susceptible to the usual arguments against adopting ‘natural law’ constructions in international legal method (and post-conflict law).
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Tellez, Juan Fernando. "Peace agreement design and public support for peace: Evidence from Colombia." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 6 (July 1, 2019): 827–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319853603.

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Conflict negotiations are often met with backlash in the public sphere. A substantial literature has explored why civilians support or oppose peace agreements in general. Yet, the terms underlying peace agreements are often absent in this literature, even though (a) settlement negotiators must craft agreement provisions covering a host of issues that are complex, multidimensional, and vary across conflicts, and (b) civilian support is likely to vary depending on what peace agreements look like. As a result, we know much less about how settlement design molds overall public response, which settlement provisions are more or less controversial, or what citizens prioritize in conflict termination. In this article, I identify four key types of peace agreement provisions and derive expectations for how they might shape civilian attitudes toward conflict termination. Using novel conjoint experiments fielded during the Colombian peace process, I find evidence that citizens evaluate agreements based primarily on how provisions mete out justice to out-group combatants, and further that transitional justice provisions produced sharp divisions among urban voters in the 2016 referendum. Additional analysis suggests that material, distributive concerns were particularly salient for rural citizens. The results have implications for understanding the challenge of generating public buy-in for conflict termination and sheds light on the polarizing Colombian peace process.
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