Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Transitional justice – Colombia'

The US has been involved in the majority of transitional justice measures established since the 1990s. This study explores this phenomenon by examining the forces that shape US foreign policy on transitional justice. It first investigates US influence on the evolution of the field, and then traces US involvement in three illustrative cases in order to establish what US involvement entails, why the US gets involved and how the US has impacted individual measures and the field as a whole. The cases include: the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Cambodia; the trial of Liberian President Charles Taylor and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission; and the Justice and Peace Process in Colombia. These cases represent different transitional justice measures, transition types and geographic regions – all key dimensions in the field. These measures were also all established in the 2000s, a period which reflects a different historical moment in the field’s evolution. The cases shed light on the actors who play a key role in the field – from presidential administrations to Congress to the State Department and others. The study is based on nearly 200 interviews and archival research undertaken in the US, The Hague, Cambodia, Liberia and Colombia, providing a strong basis on which to draw conclusions about US foreign policy on transitional justice.

Between 2002 and 2006 the Colombian government of Álvaro Uribe counted with great international support to hand a demobilization process of right-wing paramilitary groups, along with the implementation of transitional justice policies such as penal prosecutions and the creation of a National Commission for Reparation and Reconciliation (NCRR) to address justice, truth and reparation for victims of paramilitary violence. The demobilization process began when in 2002 the United Self Defence Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, AUC) agreed to participate in a government-sponsored demobilization process. Paramilitary groups were responsible for the vast majority of human rights violations for a period of over 30 years. The government designed a special legal framework that envisaged great leniency for paramilitaries who committed serious crimes and reparations for victims of paramilitary violence. More than 30,000 paramilitaries have demobilized under this process between January 2003 and August 2006. Law 975, also known as the “Justice and Peace Law”, and Decree 128 have served as the legal framework for the demobilization and prosecutions of paramilitaries. It has offered the prospect of reduced sentences to demobilized paramilitaries who committed crimes against humanity in exchange for full confessions of crimes, restitution for illegally obtained assets, the release of child soldiers, the release of kidnapped victims and has also provided reparations for victims of paramilitary violence. The Colombian demobilization process presents an atypical case of transitional justice. Many observers have even questioned whether Colombia can be considered a case of transitional justice. Transitional justice measures are often taken up after the change of an authoritarian regime or at a post-conflict stage. However, the particularity of the Colombian case is that transitional justice policies were introduced while the conflict still raged. In this sense, the Colombian case expresses one of the key elements to be addressed which is the tension between offering incentives to perpetrators to disarm and demobilize to prevent future crimes and providing an adequate response to the human rights violations perpetrated throughout the course of an internal conflict. In particular, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration processes require a fine balance between the immunity guarantees offered to ex-combatants and the sought of accountability for their crimes. International law provides the legal framework defining the rights to justice, truth and reparations for victims and the corresponding obligations of the State, but the peace negotiations and conflicted political structures do not always allow for the fulfillment of those rights. Thus, the aim of this article is to analyze what kind of transition may be occurring in Colombia by focusing on the role that transitional justice mechanisms may play in political negotiations between the Colombian government and paramilitary groups. In particular, it seeks to address to what extent such processes contribute to or hinder the achievement of the balance between peacebuilding and accountability, and thus facilitate a real transitional process.
Zwischen 2002 und 2006 hat die kolumbianische Regierung von Álvaro Uribe einen Demobilisierungsprozess von paramilitärischen Gruppen und der Implementierung von Transitional Justice-Mechanismen durchgeführt als einem politischen Versuch, Frieden in Kolumbien durchzusetzen. Der Demobilisierungsprozess wurde durch einen sondergesetzlichen Rahmen geregelt: durch das Gesetz 782, das Dekret 128 und das Gesetz 975. Insbesondere das Gesetz 975 aus dem Jahr 2005, auch bekannt als das „Gesetz für Gerechtigkeit und Frieden“ (Ley de Justicia y Paz), bietet Strafmilderung für angeklagte Mitglieder illegaler Gruppen, die Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Mord begangen haben. Um diese Strafmilderung in Anspruch nehmen zu können, sind die angeklagten Ex-Kombattanten im Gegenzug aufgefordert, Informationen über ihre ehemalige Gruppe zu erteilen und illegal angeeignete Güter auszuhändigen. Um den Demobilisierungsprozess im Einklang mit Transitional Justice-Prinzipien umzusetzen, wurden eine Vielzahl von Institutionen eingerichtet: acht Sondergerichtskammern, eine Sondereinheit der Staatsanwaltschaft (Unidad Nacional de Fiscalia para la Justicia y la Paz), ein staatlicher Fonds für Entschädigung (Fondo de Reparación) und eine Nationale Kommission für Wiedergutmachung und Versöhnung (Comisión Nacional de Reparación und Reconciliación). In Kolumbien herrscht seit mehr als 40 Jahren ein bewaffneter Konflikt. Es ist der längste bewaffnete Konflikt in der westlichen Welt. An diesem Konflikt sind der Staat, die rechtsgerichteten Paramilitärs und linksgerichtete Guerillagruppen beteiligt. Bis heute hat der Staat in weiten Teilen des Landes de facto kein Gewaltmonopol über einige Gebiete, die stattdessen von der Guerilla oder den Paramilitärs beherrscht werden. Die paramilitarischen Gruppen sind für die überwiegende Zahl von Menschenrechtsverletzungen seit mehr als 30 Jahren verantwortlich. Als Folge wurden tausende Bauernfamilien von ihrem Land vertrieben. Kolumbien steht mit drei Millionen Binnenvertriebenen nach dem Sudan weltweit an zweiter Stelle. Neben Bauern sind auch andere Gruppen Opfer des Konflikts, vor allem Afro-Kolumbianer, Frauen, Gewerkschaftsfunktionäre, Menschenrechtsverteidiger und Journalisten. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist eine wesentliche Voraussetzungen für einen Übergang von Konflikt- zu Frieden, dass der Staat die Garantie der Nicht-Wiederholung der vorausgegangenen Verbrechen und die Stärkung der demokratischen Bürgerrechte sicherstellt. In diesem Zusammenhang sind Transitional Justice-Instrumente, wie u. a. Strafverfolgungen und Amnestie, Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommissionen, Wiedergutmachungen und Demobilisierungsprozesse zu sehen, die im Rahmen von Übergangsprozessen eingesetzt werden. Sie verfolgen das Ziel, die Vergangenheit eines gewaltsamen Konfliktes oder Regimes aufzuarbeiten, um so den Übergang zu einer nachhaltig friedlichen demokratischen Gesellschaftsordnung zu ermöglichen. Einerseits wird mit Hilfe von Transitional Justice-Instrumenten versucht, Gerechtigkeit und Entschädigung für die Opfer herzustellen. Andererseits sollen die angeklagten Täter mit Hilfe von Amnestie und Wiedereingliederungsprogrammen in die Gesellschaft reintegriert werden. So steht die Anwendung dieser Instrumente einem Dilemma zwischen Frieden und Gerechtigkeit, Verantwortlichkeit und Straflosigkeit, Strafe und Vergeben gegenüber. Diese Arbeit evaluiert die Umsetzung des Demobilisierungsprozesses, die gerichtlichen Prozesse und die Wiedergutmachungspolitik. Wichtig ist es zu analysieren, ob der Demobilisierungsprozess der paramilitärischen Gruppen einen Übergang von Krieg zu Frieden zum Ergebnis hat. Ein Übergang sollte die Erfüllung der oben erwähnten Bedingungen – Ausübung des legitimen Gewaltmonopols durch den Staat, Garantie der Nicht-Wiederholung von Gewaltverbrechen und die Stärkung von Bürgerrechten – bedeuten.

This thesis examines feminist engagement with, and gendered outcomes of, transitional justice in Chile, Northern Ireland, and Colombia. The focus throughout is twofold. Firstly, the thesis examines the mobilization of women and feminists in each jurisdiction to influence legal change in transition. In particular, the definition of violence and injustice to be ended by transition articulated by feminist and women's organizations is explored. Secondly, doctrinal analysis examines provision for truth, justice, reparations and institutional reform in transition, in order to identify legal definitions of the violence and injustice to be ended by transition. The doctrinal analysis reveals the extent to which women's gender-specific experiences of violence and injustice are recognized and addressed by legal change in transition. Feminist and legal definitions of violence and injustice in transition are thereby juxtaposed. Analysis proceeds with particular attention to the legal treatment of violence against women and the legal regulation of women's reproductive lives. These two issues have been cited for priority concern in transnational feminist campaigning over the past two decades. Similarly, the international human rights legal framework has adapted considerably over the same period to provide express recognition of a range of rights women with respect to violence against women and women's reproductive lives. The cases under study involve a substantial temporal range: from the Chilean transition to democracy in 1990, to the more recent transition to non-violent conflict in Northern Ireland, to the contemporary process of transitional justice in Colombia. Analysis reveals the changing tapestry of international law underpinning gender and transition over this period, in respect of women's human rights, and more demanding standards of accountability for harms of the past. Further, analysis reveals how this evolving legal context has impacted the terms of feminist engagement with, and gendered outcomes of, legal change in transition. The thesis contends that, over the course of two decades, feminist and legal articulations of violence and injustice in transition have been brought closer together through feminist-informed developments in international human rights law. As the practice of transitional justice has expanded and become increasingly standardized through the influence of international law, feminist organizations have established themselves transnationally and locally as players in the design of legal change in transition. The thesis concludes by considering how feminist and legal understandings of violence and injustice to be ended by transition might be brought together more comprehensively, in a feminist law of transitional justice. However, the case studies reveal the added responsibility and potential costs of feminist engagement with transitional justice engendered by the emergence of feminist organizations as players in the negotiation of legal change in transition. In an increasingly complex political and legal landscape, the thesis ultimately concludes against a feminist legal template for transitional justice. Instead, the thesis proposes the feminist pursuit of justice in transition, and outlines four key principles to guide such engagement.

Drawing lessons from South Africa, Chile, Peru and Colombia, the study seeks to contribute to the debate around reparations in a society where the likelihood of prosecutions against suspected perpetrators is limited.

Post-conflict law is an area of law that is a composite of a number of different legal categories. The fragmented nature of post-conflict law leads to a lack of clarity in relation to a number of different issue areas. These have been discussed under the rubric of ‘the jus post bellum’ concept which has attracted a considerable amount of attention from international lawyers. Its proponents argue that it is useful in terms of clarifying the law as it applies during transitions. Several theories of the jus post bellum can be identified. This thesis evaluates the practical and theoretical application of two jus post bellum theories in relation to child soldier perpetrators in transitional criminal justice in post-conflict Colombia.

I believe that the most important components of transitional justice must be the rights of victims, which include the right to the truth, the right to acknowledgment, the right to reparations and the obligation to take steps to ensure that violation will not occur again. In many societies, transition from war to peace or from dictatorship to democracy has been dominated by a debate on how best past massive human rights violations can be addressed without undermining a fragile and transitional peace. Therefore, political considerations have entirely shaped legal solutions adopted to bring about transitions with less regard to accountability and appropriate remedy for victims of human rights abuses and violations.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

The questions of business involvement in human rights violations in countries facing civil conflict, as well as access to remedy and accountability for these violations have generated a considerable amount of attention from academia and practitioners. While most theoretical efforts on access to remedy and accountability have focused on identifying the obstacles to access to justice, these do not explain the unlikely case of Colombia, where despite all structural obstacles being present (e.g. armed conflict, corruption), the country has positioned itself as a leader in the region in terms of judicialisation and convictions of economic actors for their complicity with grave human rights violations committed in the course of the 50 year internal armed conflict. This thesis is a theory building and theory-testing project that looks for alternative explanations to the outcomes registered in Colombia, focusing on the agents involved in these cases and how the variation in the power of the people (claimants) and the power of businesses (defendants) explains access to justice. This thesis uses the most comprehensive datasets in existence of business involvement in human rights violations (the Corporations and Human Rights Database and the Corporate Accountability and Transitional Justice Database) to present a novel and much needed systematic analysis to identify the factors explaining why and when remedy and accountability is possible. The results of the study suggest that the variations in the power of people and the power of business do offer a plausible alternative explanation to the unlikely case of Colombia. The Colombia data analyzed in this thesis suggests that while an increase in the power of the people (through the support of global actors and political opportunities) is necessary to secure judicialisation and remedy, these results are only possible when they face an economic actor with reduced veto power.

Esta dissertação consiste na análise da evolução da política de segurança do governo colombiano entre 2008 e 2016 para lidar com as FARC, conjuntamente com a análise da evolução das preferências de atores políticos domésticos e internacionais que compuseram uma representação da sociedade colombiana e de suas relações internacionais em momentos-chave desta transição. As preferências destes atores foram agrupadas em tipos ideais: a favor da exclusividade do combate militar ou de negociações que, informalmente reunidas, formam coalizões multiníveis em prol de uma ou outra diretriz. O objetivo foi identificar qual sustentação política possibilitou uma ruptura na política de segurança colombiana antes exclusivamente voltada ao combate e que se direcionou para o início de negociações dado que, diferentemente das duas rupturas anteriores, esta não foi resultado de uma escolha direta da população nas eleições presidenciais. A hipótese sustentada na pesquisa é que mudanças contextuais ocorreram simultaneamente nos âmbitos doméstico e internacional e que ambas foram igualmente necessárias para o sucesso desta transição. Estas mudanças contextuais geraram também uma mudança de narrativa da promoção da imagem da Colômbia como um Estado frágil para a de um país em franco desenvolvimento. A contribuição a que esta pesquisa se propõe é romper a barreira de análise destes dois âmbitos tratados na literatura primordialmente de forma cindida, impondo um empecilho para a compreensão desta política que é simultaneamente doméstica e internacional, impedindo uma maior compreensão dos mecanismos causais da sua evolução. Esta análise simultânea permitiu identificar um descompasso entre o entusiasmo internacional com a negociação e um cenário doméstico polarizado com preferências conflitantes. Os elementos que a pesquisa encontra como determinantes para esta transição são que este conflito, que fora intensamente internacionalizado, ter passado por um processo de \"renacionalização\" e também de estagnação em um confronto de baixa intensidade, redistribuindo os custos e os pesos dos atores politicamente determinantes. Em relação aos atores políticos, a pesquisa identifica que foram necessários para a transição: o presidente colombiano e as FARC, o Congresso colombiano, EUA e Venezuela. O apoio direto da mídia, da opinião pública e da União Europeia não teriam sido necessários, mas são importantes para a consistência política e para o sucesso na implementação da negociação e do processo transicional.
This work is an analysis of how the Colombian security policy to deal with FARC evolved between 2008 and 2016 and an analysis of how evolved the preferences of domestic and international political actors that composed a representation of the Colombian society and its international relations around key moments of this transition. The preferences of those actors were grouped in two ideal types: in favor of the military combat versus those favoring negotiations. Informally united, those actors formed multilevel coalitions in favor of one of those preferences. The goal was to identify which was the political support that enabled a radical change in the Colombian security policy from the military combat to negotiation considering that, differently from the two preceding political changes, this was not the result of a direct popular choice through presidential elections. The hipotesis sustained in this research is that contextual changes happened both in the domestic and international spheres and that both were necessary to enable this policy transition. Those contextual evolutions also generated the change of the main Colombian political narrative, from the promotion of the Colombian image as a fragile State to the one of a country in full development. This work contributes to break the analytical barrier between the domestic and international spheres, treated mostly as separated parts in the academy, which constitutes a barrier to the comprehension of this policy that is simultaneously domestic and international, demanding a double level analysis to understand its causal mechanisms. This simultaneous analysis enabled the identification of a large imbalance among the constant international enthusiasm and many conflicting preferences at the polarized domestic sphere. The factors that the research finds as determinant to this transition were the fact that this conflict that was intensely internationalized passed by a process of \'renationalization\' and by a process of stagnation at a low intensety confrontation redistributing the operational and political costs and also the relative relevance of the intervening political actors. Regarding these political actors, the research identified that the Presidency, FARC, Colombian congress, USA and Venezuela were necessary to the policy transition. The direct support from the Colombian population, the media and the European Union were not necessary, but were important to the political consistency and will be crucial to the success of the transitional process.

Through the Colombian Institute for Family Welfare (ICBF), the Colombian government aims to provide comprehensive reintegration for children demobilized from the country’s various armed groups. The reestablishment of rights, including the right to health (guaranteed by the Colombian constitution), is a key factor in successful reintegration. This thesis explores the topic of access to health care and health seeking behavior among former child soldiers in Manizales, Colombia who are over the age of 18 and were previously in the Hogar Tutor program (foster care-based youth reintegration) in Manizales. This thesis utilizes semi-structured interviews (n=9) and body mapping (n=9) with former child soldiers, key-informant interviews, participant observation, and a review of archival and secondary sources, including survey data, which is used to complement this research. This research is focused on understanding the barriers participants are experiencing in accessing health care, how participants understand and experience health and the health care system, and how health is handled within reintegration programs. Findings illustrate the incompatibility of transitional justice and the right to health within a neoliberal health system. This research suggests that former child soldiers face significant barriers in access to health care, experience persistent health conditions related to the conflict, and may be insufficiently aware of their rights as both citizens and victims of the armed conflict. These challenges likely affect the ability of former child soldiers to successfully reintegrate. This thesis provides recommendations for future research, as well as for the implementation of- and changes to- health education efforts within the ICBF and the Colombia Agency for Reintegration (ACR).

La justice transitionnelle est devenue une référence dans les pays qui tentent de faire face à un passé de violations massives et systématiques des droits de l’homme, en raison d’un régime autoritaire ou d’un conflit armé. La Colombie, ravagée par un conflit armé à caractère interne durant soixante ans, suit cette tendance. En 2005, une loi inspirée de la justice transitionnelle est adoptée. Pourtant, cette loi n’a pas été adoptée dans un contexte de sortie de conflit. Depuis son adoption, la justice transitionnelle est un sujet d’actualité dans la conjoncture colombienne. Que ce soit par le cadre normatif de 2005 ou par l’adoption de nouvelles dispositions, le système de transition colombien se développe peu à peu et fait l’objet de modifications importantes. L’analyse du système mène à établir une connexion avec les lois passées sur le conflit. L’étude globale de la législation colombienne sur le sujet offre une approche différente du modèle colombien. Dans cette perspective, l’utilisation de la justice transitionnelle est relativisée et le caractère du processus transitionnel est davantage favorisé. Il en résulte la construction d’un système d’une manière progressive dans lequel l’emploi de la justice de transition n’est pas encore épuisé. Le système transitionnel actuel en Colombie correspond à une législation de préparation pour le post-conflit. Cette perspective facilite le repérage des défaillances normatives et les obstacles à surmonter, pour mettre en oeuvre de façon efficace et efficiente un système transitionnel qui accompagnera les efforts afin de mettre fin au conflit armé et facilitera la phase post-conflictuelle
Transitional Justice has become a reference in the countries trying to deal with a past of massive and systematic violations of human rights, due to an authoritarian regime or armed conflict. Colombia, ravaged on internal armed conflict for sixty years, is following this trend. In 2005, inspired law on transitional justice was adopted. Nevertheless, this law has not been adopted in a country emerging from conflict. Since it was adopted, transitional justice is a current topic in the Colombian situation. Whether by the normative framework of 2005 or by the adoption of new provisions, the Colombian transitional justice system is developing gradually and has been exposed to significant changes. The analysis of the system leads to determine a link with the past national law over the conflict. The overall study of the legislation on the subject provides a different approach towards the Colombian model. In this perspective, the use of transitional justice is relativized and its character of transitional process is further promoted, the outcome is the progressive construction of the system where the use of transitional justice is not yet exhausted. The current Colombian transitional system matches with a preparatory system to the post-conflict phase. This perspective facilitates the identification of normative failures and the obstacles to overcome, in order to implement an effective and efficient transitional justice system, which will go along with the efforts to end the armed conflict and to ease the post-conflict period

In 2016, the Colombian government and the FARC-EP guerilla signed a historic peace agreement. After decades of internal armed struggle, the two parties have settled on terms that, hopefully, will allow Colombia to transit from wartime to peacetime. A substantial part of the peace agreement centers on how to adjudicate previous wrong-doings and bring perpetrators of conflict-related crimes to justice. For this purpose, the parties have created a temporary court system called the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP)). There are several remarkable aspects of the JEP and its legal mandate. However, this thesis focuses on the court’s explicit gender-based approach (enfoque de género). Through applying an international legal feminist method, the thesis establishes how the JEP functions, and how it takes account of gendered aspects. As a second step, the JEP is evaluated in light of international standards. The author concludes that the gender-based approach is in line with international norms on gender and transitional justice. As to equal participation, the JEP has a gender-balanced bench of magistrates, and it has launched a victims’ protection program that expressly focuses on gender-based violence. Furthermore, the JEP has incorporated procedural guarantees to prevent the re- traumatization of victims and witnesses. Additionally, the amnesty provisions of the JEP avoid impunity for gender-based crimes. Nevertheless, there are aspects of the JEP that limit the reach of the gender- based approach. Firstly, the JEP will focus on conflict-related public violence, and it lacks jurisdiction over intra-family private violence. Secondly, the court tends to center its attention on sexual violence and does not grant other forms of gender- based violence the same attention. However, these limitations are not unique for the JEP, and similar issues are found in international standards.

¿Cómo se construyó el modelo de justicia transicional durante las negociaciones entre el Gobierno colombiano y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia -Ejército del Pueblo- (FARC- EP)? ¿Quiénes tuvieron capacidad de incidencia en la construcción del modelo transicional durante este proceso de negociación? ¿Cuáles son las consecuencias y efectos de este modelo? A través de un método sintético se trabajará alrededor de la participación de la comunidad epistémica, referenciada en la subcomisión de Justicia Transicional (JT), para poder identificar su incidencia en la construcción del modelo de JT que se configuró en el escenario colombiano durante las negociaciones efectuadas entre el 2012 y el 2016. Se hará una revisión teórica acerca de las grandes categorías -JT y comunidades epistémicas-, así como una exploración histórica sobre el conflicto en Colombia y los procesos de negociación, para finalizar con los procesos específicos generados dentro de la subcomisión de JT y las condiciones analíticas posterior a su aprobación y expedición. Se concluye que la participación de la comunidad epistémica generó un proceso de organización que permitió la configuración de un sistema transicional acorde con las exigencias internacionales y nacionales alrededor de la JT, lo que facilita su vinculación a procesos de carácter glocal.
¿Com es va construir el model de justícia transicional durant les negociacions entre el Govern colombià i les Forces Armades Revolucionàries de Colòmbia -Exèrcit del Poble- (FARC-EP)? ¿Qui van tenir capacitat d'incidència en la construcció del model transicional durant aquest procés de negociació? ¿Quines són les conseqüències i efectes d'aquest model? A través d'un mètode sintètic es treballarà al voltant de la participació de la comunitat epistèmica, referenciada en la subcomissió de Justícia Transicional (JT), per a poder identificar la seva incidència en la construcció del model de JT que es va configurar en l'escenari colombià durant les negociacions efectuades entre el 2012 i el 2016. Es farà una revisió teòrica sobre les grans categories -JT i comunitats epistèmiques-, així com una exploració històrica sobre el conflicte a Colòmbia i els processos de negociació, per a finalitzar amb els processos específics generats dins de la subcomissió de JT i les condicions analítiques posterior a la seva aprovació i expedició. Es conclou que la participació de la comunitat epistèmica va generar un procés d'organització que va permetre la configuració d'un sistema transicional d'acord amb les exigències internacionals i nacionals al voltant de la JT, la qual cosa facilita la seva vinculació a processos de caràcter local.
How was the transitional justice model built during the negotiations between the Colombian Government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia -People's Army- (Spanish, FARC- EP)? Who could influence the construction of the transitional model during this negotiation process? What are the consequences and effects of this model? Through a synthetic method, we will work around the participation of the epistemic community, referenced in the Transitional Justice (Spanish, JT) subcommittee, to be able to identify its incidence in the construction of the JT model that was configured in the Colombian scenario during the negotiations. carried out between 2012 and 2016. There will be a theoretical review about the major categories -JT and epistemic communities-, as well as a historical exploration of the conflict in Colombia and the negotiation processes, to end with the specific processes generated within the JT subcommittee and the analytical conditions after its approval and issuance. It is concluded that the participation of the epistemic community generated an organizational process that allowed the configuration of a transitional system following the international and national demands around the JT, which facilitates its link to processes of a glocal nature.

El presente trabajo tiene como propósito realizar una propuesta teórica sobre la producción de territorios en el marco del sistema capitalista como modo de producción y sistema mundial de poder. Para el cumplimento de este propósito analizaremos las categorías de violencia política y justicia transicional como instrumentos en la producción de territorios para el capital. Vinculando la noción de territorio, como relación dialéctica y ontológica entre los seres humanos, la naturaleza y el mundo material, al daño colectivo, proponemos la configuración de daños colectivos territoriales que son invisibilizados y potenciados con las políticas de justicia transicional para el tránsito a la paz y la democracia. Se realiza estudio de caso del Departamento de Bolívar (Colombia) en la subregión de los Montes de María.
The purpose of this work is to make a theoretical proposal on the production of territories within the framework of the capitalist system as a mode of production and a world system of power. For the fulfillment of this purpose, we will analyze the categories of political violence and transitional justice as instruments in the production of territories for capital. Linking the notion of territory, as a dialectical and ontological relationship between human beings, nature and the material world, to collective damage, we propose the configuration of collective territorial damages that are made invisible and enhanced with transitional justice policies for the transition to the peace and democracy. A case study of the Department of Bolívar (Colombia) is carried out in the Montes de María subregion.

Los actos de violencia sexual cometidos de forma masiva y sistemática tanto en las dictaduras como en los conflictos armados no han recibido suficiente atención en cuanto a su persecución y sanción. Si bien la impunidad ha caracterizado tales agresiones, actualmente se observa como la práctica Estatal y la de las organizaciones internacionales la han convertido en un acto indefendible. El alto grado de reproche internacional que ha alcanzado la violencia sexual, la sobre exigencia de investigación y castigo de sus autores, especialmente si son autoridades del Estado la perfilan como una prohibición de ius cogens. La tensión que genera el acatamiento de tales obligaciones en procesos de justicia transicional con los grupos armados o políticos nos lleva a preguntarnos por los límites de la capacidad negociadora de los Estados respecto de la justicia de los crímenes sexuales. A través de un análisis documental, se revisa el régimen de la responsabilidad internacional Estatal aplicable a las obligaciones de sanción y persecución derivadas de una norma que podría ser reconocida como imperativa y se identifican sus posibles implicaciones en los procesos de justicia transicional con especial referencia al caso colombiano. En primer lugar, se afirma que existe una práctica internacional suficiente que permite establecer el reconocimiento de la prohibición de violencia sexual como norma imperativa de derecho internacional. En segundo término, esta tesis doctoral propone un marco doctrinal que permite entender el régimen de la responsabilidad internacional estatal aplicable a las obligaciones de persecución y sanción de la flagrante y sistemática transgresión de la prohibición de la violencia sexual en situaciones de transito a la paz o la democracia. En tercer lugar, se aborda el tratamiento normativo de la violencia sexual masiva y sistemática en la Ley de Justicia y Paz y se proyecta los posibles resultados de la aplicación de la Justicia Especial para la Paz acordada en La Habana. Al final se determina el ámbito de la responsabilidad internacional del Estado frente a un eventual incumplimiento de tales obligaciones debido a que tal situación resulta factible por los enfrentamientos que surgen entre las exigencias de la comunidad internacional y las expectativas de la justicia local.
Els actes de violència sexual comesos de forma massiva i sistemàtica tant en les dictadures com en els conflictes armats no han rebut prou atenció quant a la seva persecució i sanció. Si bé la impunitat s'ha caracteritzat tals agressions, actualment s'observa com la pràctica estatal i la de les organitzacions internacionals l'han convertit en un acte indefensable. L'alt grau de retret internacional que ha assolit la violència sexual, la sobre exigència d'investigació i càstig dels seus autors, especialment si són autoritats de l'Estat la perfilen com una prohibició de ius cogens. La tensió que genera l'acatament d'aquestes obligacions en processos de justícia transicional amb els grups armats o polítics ens porta a preguntar-nos pels límits de la capacitat negociadora dels Estats respecte de la justícia dels crims sexuals. A través d'una anàlisi documental, es revisa el règim de la responsabilitat internacional estatal aplicable a les obligacions de sanció i persecució derivades d'una norma que podria ser reconeguda com imperativa i s'identifiquen les possibles implicacions en els processos de justícia transicional amb especial referència al cas colombià. En primer lloc, s'afirma que hi ha una pràctica internacional suficient que permet establir el reconeixement de la prohibició de violència sexual com a norma imperativa de dret internacional. En segon terme, aquesta tesi doctoral proposa un marc doctrinal que permet entendre el règim de la responsabilitat internacional de l'Estat aplicable a les obligacions de persecució i sanció de la flagrant i sistemàtica transgressió de la prohibició de la violència sexual en situacions de trànsit a la pau o la democràcia. En tercer lloc, s'aborda el tractament normatiu de la violència sexual massiva i sistemàtica en la Llei de Justícia i Pau i es projecta els possibles resultats de l'aplicació de la Justícia Especial per a la Pau acordada a l'Havana. Al final es determina l'àmbit de la responsabilitat de l’Estat davant d'un eventual incompliment de tals obligacions pel fet que aquesta situació resulta factible pels enfrontaments que sorgeixen entre les exigències de la comunitat internacional i les expectatives de la justícia local.
Massive and systematic acts of sexual violence in both dictatorships and armed conflicts have not received enough attention in terms of their prosecution and punishment. Although impunity has characterized such aggressions, it is now observed that State practice and that of international organizations have made it an indefensible act. The high degree of international reproach that has reached sexual violence, the over-demand for investigation and punishment of its perpetrators, especially if they are state authorities, outline it as an ius cogens prohibition. The tension generated by the compliance with such obligations in transitional justice processes with armed or political groups leads us to research the limits of the negotiating capacity of States regarding the justice in sexual crimes. Through a documentary analysis, the regime of State international responsibility applicable to the obligations of sanction and persecution derived from a norm that could be recognized as imperative is reviewed and its possible implications in the transitional justice processes are identified, with special reference to the Case of Colombia. First, it is stated that there is sufficient international practice to establish recognition of the prohibition of sexual violence as a peremptory norm of international law. Second, this doctoral thesis proposes a doctrinal framework that allows understanding the regime of the international responsibility of the State applicable to the obligations of persecution and sanction of the flagrant and systematic breach of the prohibition of sexual violence in situations of transit to the peace or democracy. Thirdly, it addresses the normative treatment of mass and systematic sexual violence in the Justice and Peace Law and projects the eventual results of the application of the Special Justice for Peace agreed in Havana. Finally, the scope of State responsibility is determined by the event of a possible breach of such obligations because that kind of situation is feasible because of the clashes that arise between the demands of the international community and the expectations of local justice.

This thesis examines the use of amnesty as a tool for ending civil wars. The thesis is innovative in its focus on amnesties during civil wars and their impact on conflict termination. I examine the conditions under which governments grant amnesties, and the various mechanisms through which amnesty acts as an incentive to stop fighting. I then study how international laws and norms against impunity for atrocious crimes influences the use of amnesty. The thesis combines in-depth quantitative and qualitative analysis by using statistical analysis of all conflict episodes from 1975-2011, as well as an intensive study of the peace negotiations in Colombia. The thesis has a number of innovative findings. I show that governments are more likely to use amnesty as an instrument of war, and they use it to pick off weaker groups with whom it is easier to settle. Secondly, I find that amnesties are effective both as a direct incentive, but also because they give the government military advantages. Thirdly, I demonstrate that governments balance amnesty against other transitional justice measures to avoid giving political concessions. The thesis makes various contributions to different literatures. To the transitional justice literature, I bring a comprehensive study of amnesty during civil war, and empirical findings on its determinants and effectiveness. To the civil war literature, I bring a theory of amnesty as an incentive in conflict termination, and a model of the impact of legal intervention as an external action. Overall, this thesis offers both a comprehensive study and theoretical insights into the use of amnesty during civil war.
Aquesta tesis examina la utilització d’amnisties com a eines per a finalitzar guerres civils. La tesis és innovadora pel seu enfoc específic sobre amnisties en guerres civils i el seu impacte en la finalització del conflicte. Examino les condicions sota les quals els goberns atorguen amnisties, així com els mecanismes pels quals les amnisties actúen com a incentiu per deixar la lluita. A continuació estudio com les lleis i normatives internacionals contra la impunitat per atrocitats contra la humanitat influeix sobre l’us de les amnisties. La tesis combina anàlisis en profunditat quantitatius i qualitatius, incloent una anàlisis estadística de tots els episodis de conflicte en el període 1975-2011, així com un estudi a fons de les negociacions de pau a Colòmbia. Aquesta tesis presenta resultats innovadors. Demostro que els governs són proclius a fer servir les amnisties com a armes de guerra, amb la intenció de dividir i separar els grups rivals més febles, amb els quals és més fàcil arribar a acords. En segon lloc, trobo que les amnisties efectivament funcionen no sols com a incentius directes, sinò també perquè dónen avantatges militars als governs. En tercer lloc, demostro que els govern utilitzen les amnisties com una mesura més per a evitar concessions polítiques més costoses. Aquesta tesis contribueix a dues branques de la bibliografia política. A l’àrea de justícia transicional, hi aporto un estudi exhaustiu de les amnisties en guerres civils, amb resultats empírics sobre els seus factors determinants i efectivitat. A la literatura en guerres civils, hi aporto una teoria sobre la utilització d’amnisties com a eines en la terminació de conflictes, i un model sobre l’impacte de les intervencions legals externes. En conjunt, aquesta tesis presenta un estudi a fons i noves idees teòriques sobre l’us d’amnisties en guerres civils.

La justice transitionnelle est l’instrument juridique qu’a permis á la Colombie comme État, de sortir d’un long période de conflit armé et d’instaurer la paix dans son territoire. Cet outil utilisé par le gouvernement colombien et qui développe mécanismes juridiques et politiques appliqués dans ses processus de paix, doit être analysé sous différents angles. La première partie fait une étude des fondements théoriques des droits qui composent la justice transitionnelle comme la vérité, la justice et la réparation selon les instruments internationaux et la jurisprudence constitutionnelle colombienne et internationale. Dans cette partie les mécanismes qui rendent ces droits effectifs sont également analysés. L’étude de la deuxième partie propose un regard sur les deux étapes de la mise en œuvre du modèle colombien de justice transitionnelle. Ces étapes ont été appliquées par différents gouvernements du pays et dans de circonstances différentes. Cette analyse part tout d’abord, sur le développement de la nommé Loi de Justice et Paix de l’année 2005, ses caractéristiques et difficultés dans le processus avec les paramilitaires, pour ensuite se consacrer à la seconde étape du modèle qui á été mise en place pour donner suite à l’accord de paix signé entre le gouvernement colombien et la guérilla des FARC en 2016
The transitional justice is the legal system that allowed Colombia as a State to overcome a long period of armed conflict and to find peace. This system, used by the Colombian government to develop political and legal mechanisms applied to peace processes, must be analyzed from different angles. The first section studies the theoretical foundations of the rights that compose transitional justice, such as the truth, the justice and the reparation, according to international instruments and both the Colombian and international constitutional rulings. In this section the mechanisms that make effective the rights are analyzed equally. The study of the second section is a look at the two stages of the Colombian transitional justice model implementation. These stages were applied by different governments of the country and with different circumstances. This analysis is, on the one hand the development of the so-called Justice and Peace Law of 2005, its characteristics and difficulties within the process with the paramilitaries. On the other hand, the second stage of the model was consecrated to enable the development of the peace agreement signed by the Colombian government and the FARC guerrilla in 2016

abstract: Over the past decades, Colombian society has endured the impact of a longstanding political conflict among different actors and outrageous expressions of violence, especially among left wing guerrillas, right wing paramilitary groups and the state government. Drawing on socio-legal studies in transitional justice and human rights, this research attempts to analyze the recent experience of transitional justice in Colombia. The main purpose of this research is to understand how political, institutional and social actors, especially the government, the courts, the human rights and transitional justice NGOs, and victims associations, frame the mechanisms of transitional justice and use legal instruments to transform the conflict and reach what they consider "justice." It also attempts to understand the relations between politics and law in the context of a hegemonic discourse of security and give account of the expressions of resistance of human rights networks. In doing so, this research advances theory on literature about law and society and transitional justice by means of applying and expanding the theoretical framework of socio-legal research via the process of transitional justice in Colombia. The dissertation presents information gathered in the field in Colombia between July 2009 and July 2010 through a qualitative research design based on document analysis and in-depth interviews with members of different international and domestic human rights organizations, victims' organizations and national institutions. The research explains how these organizations combined political and legal actions in order to contest a project of security, and more specifically a project of impunity that came from negotiations with the paramilitary groups. The research also explains how the human rights networks not only mobilized internationally to gain political support from the international community, but also how these organizations contributed to transform the political debate about victims' rights. The research also explains how the human rights organizations and victims' groups articulated the global discourse on human rights and the local and domestic meanings constructed by the emerging movements of victims. Finally, the research analyses the relevance of legal practices consisting on strategic use of law in order to protect the victims of human rights violations.
Dissertation/Thesis
Ph.D. Justice Studies 2011

What are the causes and consequences of judicial empowerment? What motivates the political decision to delegate authority to independent judiciaries, and what explains the subsequent behavior of these institutions? Going against current trends in comparative judicial politics, this dissertation answers these questions by taking ideas seriously. Dominant accounts of judicial empowerment and behavior associate the emergence of rights protecting judiciaries with the actions of powerful political actors concerned with the protection and promotion of their political self-interests. In contrast, my analysis of Brazil and Colombia links the emergence of such institutions to the actions of groups and individuals who subscribe to the principled belief that courts should focus their efforts on the protection and promotion of constitutional guarantees. These ideational carriers use their resources to convince institutional designers of the suitability of their proposals, and exert powerful influence over the institutional outcome of constitutional transitions. These actors also influence the actions of newly empowered courts to the extent that they are able to entrench their ideational allies on the bench during the uncertainty of the transition. These findings contradict the arguments that judicial empowerment is designed to weaken electoral opponents or to insulate the political process from popular pressures, and that judges are rational-strategic actors whose main concern is to protect their institutional integrity.
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