Academic literature on the topic 'Transitional justice – Colombia'
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Journal articles on the topic "Transitional justice – Colombia"
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Carlos Orjuela. "Transitional justice in Colombia." Socialist Lawyer, no. 72 (2016): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.13169/socialistlawyer.72.0008.
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Romana-Rivas, Yuri Alexander. "Legal Pluralism, Transitional Justice, and Ethnic Justice Systems." McGill GLSA Research Series 2, no. 1 (October 25, 2022): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.26443/glsars.v2i1.190.
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Colombian law recognizes that traditional Indigenous and Black authorities can exercise legal jurisdiction and apply their laws and traditions in their ancestral territories. Despite this legal recognition, the legal system does not operate in a way that genuinely guarantees legal pluralism. In practice, higher courts repeatedly overturn or dismiss decisions by indigenous legal authorities.
As a result of the 2016 Peace Agreement between the Colombian Government and the former guerilla of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – The People’s Army (“FARC-EP” in Spanish), a transitional justice tribunal was established: the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (“SJP” or “the Special Jurisdiction”). The Special Jurisdiction’s main task is to investigate and try the most serious crimes committed during the armed conflict, a conflict that has disproportionately impacted racialized communities. The SJP, unlike other tribunals in Colombia, has sought to adapt its work to meet the reality of legal pluralism by: 1) negotiating protocols for inter-jurisdictional interaction between the SJP and ethnic authorities, 2) consulting with Indigenous and Black communities on the adoption of some legal instruments, and 3) having a dialogue between equals with ethnic authorities when potential jurisdictional conflicts arise. This paper seeks to analyze this interaction and how it has allowed the Special Jurisdiction, as transitional justice mechanism, to work in close cooperation with Indigenous and Black communities in Colombia. As will be discussed throughout this paper, through the lens of the legal pluralism framework, such interaction has strengthened the legitimacy and recognition of Indigenous and Black communities’ legal authorities as parallel legal orders that can operate side-by-side with the State judicial system. This, in turn, has created an important precedent that can be emulated by other court jurisdictions in Colombia and elsewhere.
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Evseev, Aleksandr. "Transitional justice in Colombia: unrealized potential." Meždunarodnoe pravosudie 10, no. 4 (2020): 77–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.21128/2226-2059-2020-4-77-99.
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The article analyzes the theoretical and practical problems that arise during the construction of the Colombian model of transitional justice. The latter is viewed as a combination of judicial and quasi-judicial means, with the help of which it becomes possible to achieve a peaceful settlement after the end of the civil war of 1964–2016. Particular attention is paid to the socio-political context and mass sentiments prevailing in Colombian society regarding the legitimacy of transferring the Anglo-American construction of Transitional Justice to Latin America. The so-called “Integrated System of Truth, Justice, Reparation and Non-Repetition”, which is a consolidated version of the four main elements of transitional justice: criminal prosecution, truth seeking, reparations to the innocent victims and “deal with the past”, is being studied in detail. In particular, the author dwells on the issue of amnesties for participants in an armed conflict, the activities of the “truth commission” and compensation payments to victims of mass violence. In addition, the article examines the activities of the Colombian Special Jurisdiction for Peace, the relevant statistical data are provided. The “Santrich case” is mentioned as a marker of negative trends that continue to grow in the activities of a new jurisdiction. The conclusion is that the legal means of resolving the conflict are secondary, albeit of absolute importance, in comparison with political agreements, to which all participants of the process of national reconciliation sometimes are not ready organizationally and psychologically.
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Daly, Sarah Zukerman. "Determinants of ex-combatants’ attitudes toward transitional justice in Colombia." Conflict Management and Peace Science 35, no. 6 (August 14, 2018): 656–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894218788084.
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This article draws on original survey data of 10,951 Colombian ex-paramilitaries to study the determinants of victimizers’ support for transitional justice. Understanding ex-combatants’ attitudes toward victims of the conflict and measures of justice is critical to gaining leverage on when transitional justice is likely to prove effective. The data suggest that former fighters’ views of transitional justice are shaped by the intimacy with which they experience transitional justice: whether they are known to, in close proximity, and accepted by the communities they victimized. Their attitudes are also constrained by the norms of justice in which they have been socialized, and by the extent of the risks to them personally: in judicial terms given their own culpability and in security terms given their vulnerability to retribution. The study has important implications for the prospects of successful transitional justice with the FARC rebels and for the consolidation of peace in Colombia.
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Rúa Delgado, Carlos Felipe. "The moments of transitional justice in colombia." Revista de Derecho Uninorte, no. 43 (January 1, 2015): 71–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/dere.43.6270.
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Erçakıca, Mustafa. "La Havana-Bogota Peace Agreement and the Transitional Justice in Colombia." Comparative Cultural Studies - European and Latin American Perspectives 7, no. 14 (March 15, 2022): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/ccselap-13469.
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In this article armed conflict in Colombia and the post-agreement period, which is still very recent, are evaluated. The armed conflict between the armed forces of the State and the FARC-EP has terminated in Colombia by making The La Havana-Bogota Peace Agreement. By the virtue of this agreement, the post-agreement period in Colombia is started. With this agreement, some other various steps have been taken to increase the political participation of the Colombian people and the democratization in Colombia. The Integrated System, containing the Commission for the Clarification of Truth, Coexistence and Non-Repetition, the Unit for the Search of Missing People Due to and in the Context of the Armed Conflict and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, was established. Colombia is a current issue for international community in the context of transitional justice period.
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Williams, Philip J., and Juanita Duque. "Justicia transicional antes y después de la transición: Colombia en perspectiva comparada." Revista de Derecho Uninorte, no. 51 (June 12, 2019): 134–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/dere.51.303.69.
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Galaviz Armenta, Tania. "Infraestructuras para la paz y Justicia Transicional en Colombia." Revista Reflexiones 97, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/rr.v97i2.28849.
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ResumenEl artículo analiza la interacción entre la Justicia Transicional y las Infraestructuras para la Paz. Para ello, se presentan algunas de las características del conflicto armado y los procesos de negociación con las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia durante el periodo 1982-2016, así como los antecedentes de la Justicia Transicional en dicho país. Además, se examinan las Infraestructuras para la paz, entendidas como mecanismos que generan dinámicas de interdependencia entre distintos grupos sociales para la construcción de paz. Derivado de un análisis documental se concluye que, en el caso colombiano, la Justicia Transicional interactúa con las Infraestructuras para la Paz al vincular el cumplimiento de las sanciones restaurativas con las acciones para el desarrollo territorial comunitario realizadas desde los Comités Locales de Paz.Palabras clave: Construcción de paz, Víctimas, Participación social, Conflicto armado, FARC Infrastructures for Peace and Transitional Justice in Colombia AbstractThe article analyzes Colombia’s interaction between its Transitional Justice and its Infrastructures for Peace. For this purpose, the article presents some of the characteristics of the armed conflict and negotiation processes associated to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia during the period 1982-2016 along with the country’s Transitional Justice background. In addition, itexamines the Infrastructures for Peace, understood as mechanisms that generate interdependence dynamics between different social groups for peacebuilding. From a documentary analysis, it is concluded that Colombian Transitional Justice interacts with its Infrastructures for Peace by connecting the compliance of restorative sanctions to the actions for the community territorial development carried out by Local Peace Committees.Key Words: Peacebuilding, Victims, Social participation, armed conflict, FARC Acerca del proceso editorial y sus publicaciones la revista Reflexiones utiliza la licencia Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0)
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Alviar-García, Helena, and Laura Betancur-Restrepo. "International Law and Transitional Justice: Exploring Some Challenges Through the Colombian Case." AJIL Unbound 116 (2022): 302–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2022.49.
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Latin America has always been central to the configuration, interpretation, and operation of the field of transitional justice. Starting in the late 1980s with contributions from scholars interested in democratic transitions after dictatorships in the Southern Cone, the 1996 signing of the Peace Agreement in Guatemala, and the Truth Commission in Peru, to the more recent case of Colombia, Latin American academics and activists have contributed significantly to the theory and practice of transitional justice. This essay explores a question central to recent transitional justice processes: the interaction and possible contradictions between the aim of ending a violent internal conflict and the demands imposed by international law. Colombia serves as an example. The Colombian case is informed by all previous experiences, but it is also novel because it is the first transitional justice process established in the region since the establishment of the International Criminal Court. Although the Colombian process is still being implemented and it is too early to claim its success or failure, the case offers important insights into the tense, complex, and overarching interactions between international law, internal peace, and transitional justice. This essay explores how local and external actors involved in negotiating and implementing the agreement presented international law as if it were univocal and universal, as if there were no competing interpretations within the discipline, and as if it were neutral in relation to local political discussions. Building upon this analysis, the goal is to shed light upon the ideological uses of international law.
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Walschütz, Christian. "Transitional Justice in Colombia: Does it Contribute to Reconciliation?" Journal für Entwicklungspolitik 27, no. 3 (2011): 88–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.20446/jep-2414-3197-27-3-88.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Transitional justice – Colombia"
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Bird, Annie. "US foreign policy on transitional justice : case studies on Cambodia, Liberia and Colombia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/473/.
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The US has been involved in the majority of transitional justice measures established since the 1990s. This study explores this phenomenon by examining the forces that shape US foreign policy on transitional justice. It first investigates US influence on the evolution of the field, and then traces US involvement in three illustrative cases in order to establish what US involvement entails, why the US gets involved and how the US has impacted individual measures and the field as a whole. The cases include: the Khmer Rouge Tribunal in Cambodia; the trial of Liberian President Charles Taylor and the Liberian Truth and Reconciliation Commission; and the Justice and Peace Process in Colombia. These cases represent different transitional justice measures, transition types and geographic regions – all key dimensions in the field. These measures were also all established in the 2000s, a period which reflects a different historical moment in the field’s evolution. The cases shed light on the actors who play a key role in the field – from presidential administrations to Congress to the State Department and others. The study is based on nearly 200 interviews and archival research undertaken in the US, The Hague, Cambodia, Liberia and Colombia, providing a strong basis on which to draw conclusions about US foreign policy on transitional justice.
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Figari, Layús Rosario. "The role of transitional justice in the midst of ongoing armed conflicts : the case of Colombia." Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4250/.
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Between 2002 and 2006 the Colombian government of Álvaro Uribe counted with great international support to hand a demobilization process of right-wing paramilitary groups, along with the implementation of transitional justice policies such as penal prosecutions and the creation of a National Commission for Reparation and Reconciliation (NCRR) to address justice, truth and reparation for victims of paramilitary violence. The demobilization process began when in 2002 the United Self Defence Forces of Colombia (Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, AUC) agreed to participate in a government-sponsored demobilization process. Paramilitary groups were responsible for the vast majority of human rights violations for a period of over 30 years. The government designed a special legal framework that envisaged great leniency for paramilitaries who committed serious crimes and reparations for victims of paramilitary violence. More than 30,000 paramilitaries have demobilized under this process between January 2003 and August 2006. Law 975, also known as the “Justice and Peace Law”, and Decree 128 have served as the legal framework for the demobilization and prosecutions of paramilitaries. It has offered the prospect of reduced sentences to demobilized paramilitaries who committed crimes against humanity in exchange for full confessions of crimes, restitution for illegally obtained assets, the release of child soldiers, the release of kidnapped victims and has also provided reparations for victims of paramilitary violence.
The Colombian demobilization process presents an atypical case of transitional justice. Many observers have even questioned whether Colombia can be considered a case of transitional justice. Transitional justice measures are often taken up after the change of an authoritarian regime or at a post-conflict stage. However, the particularity of the Colombian case is that transitional justice policies were introduced while the conflict still raged. In this sense, the Colombian case expresses one of the key elements to be addressed which is the tension between offering incentives to perpetrators to disarm and demobilize to prevent future crimes and providing an adequate response to the human rights violations perpetrated throughout the course of an internal conflict. In particular, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration processes require a fine balance between the immunity guarantees offered to ex-combatants and the sought of accountability for their crimes. International law provides the legal framework defining the rights to justice, truth and reparations for victims and the corresponding obligations of the State, but the peace negotiations and conflicted political structures do not always allow for the
fulfillment of those rights. Thus, the aim of this article is to analyze what kind of transition may be occurring in Colombia by focusing on the role that transitional justice mechanisms may play in political negotiations between the Colombian government and paramilitary groups. In particular, it seeks to address to what extent such processes contribute to or hinder the achievement of the balance between peacebuilding and accountability, and thus facilitate a real transitional process.Zwischen 2002 und 2006 hat die kolumbianische Regierung von Álvaro Uribe einen Demobilisierungsprozess von paramilitärischen Gruppen und der Implementierung von Transitional Justice-Mechanismen durchgeführt als einem politischen Versuch, Frieden in Kolumbien durchzusetzen. Der Demobilisierungsprozess wurde durch einen sondergesetzlichen Rahmen geregelt: durch das Gesetz 782, das Dekret 128 und das Gesetz 975. Insbesondere das Gesetz 975 aus dem Jahr 2005, auch bekannt als das „Gesetz für Gerechtigkeit und Frieden“ (Ley de Justicia y Paz), bietet Strafmilderung für angeklagte Mitglieder illegaler Gruppen, die Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit und Mord begangen haben. Um diese Strafmilderung in Anspruch nehmen zu können, sind die angeklagten Ex-Kombattanten im Gegenzug aufgefordert, Informationen über ihre ehemalige Gruppe zu erteilen und illegal angeeignete Güter auszuhändigen. Um den Demobilisierungsprozess im Einklang mit Transitional Justice-Prinzipien umzusetzen, wurden eine Vielzahl von Institutionen eingerichtet: acht Sondergerichtskammern, eine Sondereinheit der Staatsanwaltschaft (Unidad Nacional de Fiscalia para la Justicia y la Paz), ein staatlicher Fonds für Entschädigung (Fondo de Reparación) und eine Nationale Kommission für Wiedergutmachung und Versöhnung (Comisión Nacional de Reparación und Reconciliación). In Kolumbien herrscht seit mehr als 40 Jahren ein bewaffneter Konflikt. Es ist der längste bewaffnete Konflikt in der westlichen Welt. An diesem Konflikt sind der Staat, die rechtsgerichteten Paramilitärs und linksgerichtete Guerillagruppen beteiligt. Bis heute hat der Staat in weiten Teilen des Landes de facto kein Gewaltmonopol über einige Gebiete, die stattdessen von der Guerilla oder den Paramilitärs beherrscht werden. Die paramilitarischen Gruppen sind für die überwiegende Zahl von Menschenrechtsverletzungen seit mehr als 30 Jahren verantwortlich. Als Folge wurden tausende Bauernfamilien von ihrem Land vertrieben. Kolumbien steht mit drei Millionen Binnenvertriebenen nach dem Sudan weltweit an zweiter Stelle. Neben Bauern sind auch andere Gruppen Opfer des Konflikts, vor allem Afro-Kolumbianer, Frauen, Gewerkschaftsfunktionäre, Menschenrechtsverteidiger und Journalisten. Vor diesem Hintergrund ist eine wesentliche Voraussetzungen für einen Übergang von Konflikt- zu Frieden, dass der Staat die Garantie der Nicht-Wiederholung der vorausgegangenen Verbrechen und die Stärkung der demokratischen Bürgerrechte sicherstellt. In diesem Zusammenhang sind Transitional Justice-Instrumente, wie u. a. Strafverfolgungen und Amnestie, Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommissionen, Wiedergutmachungen und Demobilisierungsprozesse zu sehen, die im Rahmen von Übergangsprozessen eingesetzt werden. Sie verfolgen das Ziel, die Vergangenheit eines gewaltsamen Konfliktes oder Regimes aufzuarbeiten, um so den Übergang zu einer nachhaltig friedlichen demokratischen Gesellschaftsordnung zu ermöglichen. Einerseits wird mit Hilfe von Transitional Justice-Instrumenten versucht, Gerechtigkeit und Entschädigung für die Opfer herzustellen. Andererseits sollen die angeklagten Täter mit Hilfe von Amnestie und Wiedereingliederungsprogrammen in die Gesellschaft reintegriert werden. So steht die Anwendung dieser Instrumente einem Dilemma zwischen Frieden und Gerechtigkeit, Verantwortlichkeit und Straflosigkeit, Strafe und Vergeben gegenüber. Diese Arbeit evaluiert die Umsetzung des Demobilisierungsprozesses, die gerichtlichen Prozesse und die Wiedergutmachungspolitik. Wichtig ist es zu analysieren, ob der Demobilisierungsprozess der paramilitärischen Gruppen einen Übergang von Krieg zu Frieden zum Ergebnis hat. Ein Übergang sollte die Erfüllung der oben erwähnten Bedingungen – Ausübung des legitimen Gewaltmonopols durch den Staat, Garantie der Nicht-Wiederholung von Gewaltverbrechen und die Stärkung von Bürgerrechten – bedeuten.
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O'Rourke, Catherine. "The law and politics of gender in transition : a feminist exploration of transitional justice in Chile, Northern Ireland and Colombia." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.554289.
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This thesis examines feminist engagement with, and gendered outcomes of, transitional justice in Chile, Northern Ireland, and Colombia. The focus throughout is twofold. Firstly, the thesis examines the mobilization of women and feminists in each jurisdiction to influence legal change in transition. In particular, the definition of violence and injustice to be ended by transition articulated by feminist and women's organizations is explored. Secondly, doctrinal analysis examines provision for truth, justice, reparations and institutional reform in transition, in order to identify legal definitions of the violence and injustice to be ended by transition. The doctrinal analysis reveals the extent to which women's gender-specific experiences of violence and injustice are recognized and addressed by legal change in transition. Feminist and legal definitions of violence and injustice in transition are thereby juxtaposed. Analysis proceeds with particular attention to the legal treatment of violence against women and the legal regulation of women's reproductive lives. These two issues have been cited for priority concern in transnational feminist campaigning over the past two decades. Similarly, the international human rights legal framework has adapted considerably over the same period to provide express recognition of a range of rights women with respect to violence against women and women's reproductive lives. The cases under study involve a substantial temporal range: from the Chilean transition to democracy in 1990, to the more recent transition to non-violent conflict in Northern Ireland, to the contemporary process of transitional justice in Colombia. Analysis reveals the changing tapestry of international law underpinning gender and transition over this period, in respect of women's human rights, and more demanding standards of accountability for harms of the past. Further, analysis reveals how this evolving legal context has impacted the terms of feminist engagement with, and gendered outcomes of, legal change in transition. The thesis contends that, over the course of two decades, feminist and legal articulations of violence and injustice in transition have been brought closer together through feminist-informed developments in international human rights law. As the practice of transitional justice has expanded and become increasingly standardized through the influence of international law, feminist organizations have established themselves transnationally and locally as players in the design of legal change in transition. The thesis concludes by considering how feminist and legal understandings of violence and injustice to be ended by transition might be brought together more comprehensively, in a feminist law of transitional justice. However, the case studies reveal the added responsibility and potential costs of feminist engagement with transitional justice engendered by the emergence of feminist organizations as players in the negotiation of legal change in transition. In an increasingly complex political and legal landscape, the thesis ultimately concludes against a feminist legal template for transitional justice. Instead, the thesis proposes the feminist pursuit of justice in transition, and outlines four key principles to guide such engagement.
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Berry, Didier Nibogora. "The right to reparations in the context of transitional justice: lessons for Burundi from South Africa, Chile, Peru and Colombia." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4501_1360923367.
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Drawing lessons from South Africa, Chile, Peru and Colombia, the study seeks to contribute to the debate around reparations in a society where the likelihood of prosecutions against suspected perpetrators is limited.
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Eskauriatza, Javier Sebastian. "Does the 'jus post bellum' help practitioners to identify the law on transitional criminal justice in post-conflict Colombia?" Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8604/.
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Post-conflict law is an area of law that is a composite of a number of different legal categories. The fragmented nature of post-conflict law leads to a lack of clarity in relation to a number of different issue areas. These have been discussed under the rubric of ‘the jus post bellum’ concept which has attracted a considerable amount of attention from international lawyers. Its proponents argue that it is useful in terms of clarifying the law as it applies during transitions. Several theories of the jus post bellum can be identified. This thesis evaluates the practical and theoretical application of two jus post bellum theories in relation to child soldier perpetrators in transitional criminal justice in post-conflict Colombia.
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Nibogora, Berry Didier. "The right to reparations in the context of transitional justice : lessons for Burundi from South Africa, Chile, Peru and Colombia." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18620.
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I believe that the most important components of transitional justice must be the rights of victims, which include the right to the truth, the right to acknowledgment, the right to reparations and the obligation to take steps to ensure that violation will not occur again.
In many societies, transition from war to peace or from dictatorship to democracy has been dominated by a debate on how best past massive human rights violations can be addressed without undermining a fragile and transitional peace. Therefore, political considerations have entirely shaped legal solutions adopted to bring about transitions with less regard to accountability and appropriate remedy for victims of human rights abuses and violations.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
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Centre for Human Rights
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Bernal-Bermudez, Laura. "The power of business and the power of people : understanding remedy and business accountability for human rights violations, Colombia 1970-2014." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f211a449-8222-4fbb-8a53-07abc6add43c.
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The questions of business involvement in human rights violations in countries facing civil conflict, as well as access to remedy and accountability for these violations have generated a considerable amount of attention from academia and practitioners. While most theoretical efforts on access to remedy and accountability have focused on identifying the obstacles to access to justice, these do not explain the unlikely case of Colombia, where despite all structural obstacles being present (e.g. armed conflict, corruption), the country has positioned itself as a leader in the region in terms of judicialisation and convictions of economic actors for their complicity with grave human rights violations committed in the course of the 50 year internal armed conflict. This thesis is a theory building and theory-testing project that looks for alternative explanations to the outcomes registered in Colombia, focusing on the agents involved in these cases and how the variation in the power of the people (claimants) and the power of businesses (defendants) explains access to justice. This thesis uses the most comprehensive datasets in existence of business involvement in human rights violations (the Corporations and Human Rights Database and the Corporate Accountability and Transitional Justice Database) to present a novel and much needed systematic analysis to identify the factors explaining why and when remedy and accountability is possible. The results of the study suggest that the variations in the power of people and the power of business do offer a plausible alternative explanation to the unlikely case of Colombia. The Colombia data analyzed in this thesis suggests that while an increase in the power of the people (through the support of global actors and political opportunities) is necessary to secure judicialisation and remedy, these results are only possible when they face an economic actor with reduced veto power.
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Pollachi, Natália. "De Estado falido a país do futuro: a coalizão multinível que transformou a política de segurança da Colômbia." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-09062017-171836/.
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Esta dissertação consiste na análise da evolução da política de segurança do governo colombiano entre 2008 e 2016 para lidar com as FARC, conjuntamente com a análise da evolução das preferências de atores políticos domésticos e internacionais que compuseram uma representação da sociedade colombiana e de suas relações internacionais em momentos-chave desta transição. As preferências destes atores foram agrupadas em tipos ideais: a favor da exclusividade do combate militar ou de negociações que, informalmente reunidas, formam coalizões multiníveis em prol de uma ou outra diretriz. O objetivo foi identificar qual sustentação política possibilitou uma ruptura na política de segurança colombiana antes exclusivamente voltada ao combate e que se direcionou para o início de negociações dado que, diferentemente das duas rupturas anteriores, esta não foi resultado de uma escolha direta da população nas eleições presidenciais. A hipótese sustentada na pesquisa é que mudanças contextuais ocorreram simultaneamente nos âmbitos doméstico e internacional e que ambas foram igualmente necessárias para o sucesso desta transição. Estas mudanças contextuais geraram também uma mudança de narrativa da promoção da imagem da Colômbia como um Estado frágil para a de um país em franco desenvolvimento. A contribuição a que esta pesquisa se propõe é romper a barreira de análise destes dois âmbitos tratados na literatura primordialmente de forma cindida, impondo um empecilho para a compreensão desta política que é simultaneamente doméstica e internacional, impedindo uma maior compreensão dos mecanismos causais da sua evolução. Esta análise simultânea permitiu identificar um descompasso entre o entusiasmo internacional com a negociação e um cenário doméstico polarizado com preferências conflitantes. Os elementos que a pesquisa encontra como determinantes para esta transição são que este conflito, que fora intensamente internacionalizado, ter passado por um processo de \"renacionalização\" e também de estagnação em um confronto de baixa intensidade, redistribuindo os custos e os pesos dos atores politicamente determinantes. Em relação aos atores políticos, a pesquisa identifica que foram necessários para a transição: o presidente colombiano e as FARC, o Congresso colombiano, EUA e Venezuela. O apoio direto da mídia, da opinião pública e da União Europeia não teriam sido necessários, mas são importantes para a consistência política e para o sucesso na implementação da negociação e do processo transicional.This work is an analysis of how the Colombian security policy to deal with FARC evolved between 2008 and 2016 and an analysis of how evolved the preferences of domestic and international political actors that composed a representation of the Colombian society and its international relations around key moments of this transition. The preferences of those actors were grouped in two ideal types: in favor of the military combat versus those favoring negotiations. Informally united, those actors formed multilevel coalitions in favor of one of those preferences. The goal was to identify which was the political support that enabled a radical change in the Colombian security policy from the military combat to negotiation considering that, differently from the two preceding political changes, this was not the result of a direct popular choice through presidential elections. The hipotesis sustained in this research is that contextual changes happened both in the domestic and international spheres and that both were necessary to enable this policy transition. Those contextual evolutions also generated the change of the main Colombian political narrative, from the promotion of the Colombian image as a fragile State to the one of a country in full development. This work contributes to break the analytical barrier between the domestic and international spheres, treated mostly as separated parts in the academy, which constitutes a barrier to the comprehension of this policy that is simultaneously domestic and international, demanding a double level analysis to understand its causal mechanisms. This simultaneous analysis enabled the identification of a large imbalance among the constant international enthusiasm and many conflicting preferences at the polarized domestic sphere. The factors that the research finds as determinant to this transition were the fact that this conflict that was intensely internationalized passed by a process of \'renationalization\' and by a process of stagnation at a low intensety confrontation redistributing the operational and political costs and also the relative relevance of the intervening political actors. Regarding these political actors, the research identified that the Presidency, FARC, Colombian congress, USA and Venezuela were necessary to the policy transition. The direct support from the Colombian population, the media and the European Union were not necessary, but were important to the political consistency and will be crucial to the success of the transitional process.
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Dail, Adriana Marcella. "Access to Health Services and Health Seeking Behavior Among Former Child Soldiers in Manizales, Colombia." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6489.
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Through the Colombian Institute for Family Welfare (ICBF), the Colombian government aims to provide comprehensive reintegration for children demobilized from the country’s various armed groups. The reestablishment of rights, including the right to health (guaranteed by the Colombian constitution), is a key factor in successful reintegration. This thesis explores the topic of access to health care and health seeking behavior among former child soldiers in Manizales, Colombia who are over the age of 18 and were previously in the Hogar Tutor program (foster care-based youth reintegration) in Manizales. This thesis utilizes semi-structured interviews (n=9) and body mapping (n=9) with former child soldiers, key-informant interviews, participant observation, and a review of archival and secondary sources, including survey data, which is used to complement this research. This research is focused on understanding the barriers participants are experiencing in accessing health care, how participants understand and experience health and the health care system, and how health is handled within reintegration programs. Findings illustrate the incompatibility of transitional justice and the right to health within a neoliberal health system. This research suggests that former child soldiers face significant barriers in access to health care, experience persistent health conditions related to the conflict, and may be insufficiently aware of their rights as both citizens and victims of the armed conflict. These challenges likely affect the ability of former child soldiers to successfully reintegrate. This thesis provides recommendations for future research, as well as for the implementation of- and changes to- health education efforts within the ICBF and the Colombia Agency for Reintegration (ACR).
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Romero, Cortes Elsa Patricia. "Vers la construction d'une justice transitionnelle par degrés : le cas colombien." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM1020.
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La justice transitionnelle est devenue une référence dans les pays qui tentent de faire face à un passé de violations massives et systématiques des droits de l’homme, en raison d’un régime autoritaire ou d’un conflit armé. La Colombie, ravagée par un conflit armé à caractère interne durant soixante ans, suit cette tendance. En 2005, une loi inspirée de la justice transitionnelle est adoptée. Pourtant, cette loi n’a pas été adoptée dans un contexte de sortie de conflit. Depuis son adoption, la justice transitionnelle est un sujet d’actualité dans la conjoncture colombienne. Que ce soit par le cadre normatif de 2005 ou par l’adoption de nouvelles dispositions, le système de transition colombien se développe peu à peu et fait l’objet de modifications importantes. L’analyse du système mène à établir une connexion avec les lois passées sur le conflit. L’étude globale de la législation colombienne sur le sujet offre une approche différente du modèle colombien. Dans cette perspective, l’utilisation de la justice transitionnelle est relativisée et le caractère du processus transitionnel est davantage favorisé. Il en résulte la construction d’un système d’une manière progressive dans lequel l’emploi de la justice de transition n’est pas encore épuisé. Le système transitionnel actuel en Colombie correspond à une législation de préparation pour le post-conflit. Cette perspective facilite le repérage des défaillances normatives et les obstacles à surmonter, pour mettre en oeuvre de façon efficace et efficiente un système transitionnel qui accompagnera les efforts afin de mettre fin au conflit armé et facilitera la phase post-conflictuelleTransitional Justice has become a reference in the countries trying to deal with a past of massive and systematic violations of human rights, due to an authoritarian regime or armed conflict. Colombia, ravaged on internal armed conflict for sixty years, is following this trend. In 2005, inspired law on transitional justice was adopted. Nevertheless, this law has not been adopted in a country emerging from conflict. Since it was adopted, transitional justice is a current topic in the Colombian situation. Whether by the normative framework of 2005 or by the adoption of new provisions, the Colombian transitional justice system is developing gradually and has been exposed to significant changes. The analysis of the system leads to determine a link with the past national law over the conflict. The overall study of the legislation on the subject provides a different approach towards the Colombian model. In this perspective, the use of transitional justice is relativized and its character of transitional process is further promoted, the outcome is the progressive construction of the system where the use of transitional justice is not yet exhausted. The current Colombian transitional system matches with a preparatory system to the post-conflict phase. This perspective facilitates the identification of normative failures and the obstacles to overcome, in order to implement an effective and efficient transitional justice system, which will go along with the efforts to end the armed conflict and to ease the post-conflict period
Books on the topic "Transitional justice – Colombia"
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Justicia transicional en Colombia: Formulación de propuestas desde un análisis comparado. Bogotá, Colombia: Universidad Nacional de Colombia, 2008.
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La justicia transicional en Colombia: Un proceso en construcción : Informe Observatorio Justicia Transicional 2005-2010. Bogotá D.C: Procuraduría General de la Nación, 2011.
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Arboleda, Juan Felipe García. El lugar de las víctimas en Colombia: Análisis sobre las instituciones de verdad, justicia y reparación desde una perspectiva de víctimas. Bogotá, Colombia: Editorial Temis, 2013.
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Ambos, Kai, and Stefan Peters, eds. Transitional Justice in Colombia. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783748923534.
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The Colombian Special Jurisdiction for Peace (Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz, JEP) is the judicial centrepiece of the country’s national Transitional Justice system. At the same time, the JEP is also at the centre of public controversies surrounding the Colombian peace process and is facing a series of legal and political challenges in its daily work. In this sense, the JEP generates a continuous need for consultation, discussion and research. The articles in this volume aim to contribute to a better understanding of the JEP and to identify further necessary research avenues on this topic. At the same time, we hope to contribute to the still limited research on the Colombian peace process and the JEP in the English language.
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Freeman, Mark, and Ivan Orozco Abad. Negotiating Transitional Justice: First-Hand Lessons from Colombia. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2020.
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Freeman, Mark, and Iván Orozco Abad. Negotiating Transitional Justice: First-Hand Lessons from Colombia. Cambridge University Press, 2019.
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Freeman, Mark, and Iván Orozco. Negotiating Transitional Justice: Firsthand Lessons from Colombia and Beyond. University of Cambridge ESOL Examinations, 2019.
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Ambos, Kai, and Stefan Peters. Transitional Justice in Colombia: The Special Jurisdiction for Peace. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, 2022.
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Freeman, Mark, and Iván Orozco. Negotiating Transitional Justice: Firsthand Lessons from Colombia and Beyond. Cambridge University Press, 2019.
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Aristas del conflicto colombiano (2014). Editorial Universidad del Rosario, 2014.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Transitional justice – Colombia"
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León, Nelson Camilo Sánchez. "Constitutional Justice and Negotiated Peace in Colombia." In Constitutionalizing Transitional Justice, 97–114. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429505089-7.
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O’Rourke, Catherine. "Transitioning to What? Transitional Justice and Gendered Citizenship in Chile and Colombia." In Gender in Transitional Justice, 136–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230348615_6.
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Clark, Janine Natalya. "Connectivity Stories of Resilience in Colombia." In Resilience, Conflict-Related Sexual Violence and Transitional Justice, 169–203. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003323532-7.
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Schultze-Kraft, Markus. "Introduction." In Memory Politics and Transitional Justice, 1–12. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-93654-9_1.
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AbstractEducation on and for peace in countries wrestling with, or emerging from, protracted violent conflict is up against major challenges. Both conventional and critical approaches to peace education are of limited help to address these challenges. Incorporating a focus on historical memory, without losing sight of its own pitfalls, into peace education can support learners and teachers to come to grips with achieving positive, peace-sustaining change at both the micro (individual) and macro (social and institutional) levels and develop concepts and practices of effective and legitimate alternatives to violence and war. Conceived in these terms, historical memory-oriented peace education also stands to enhance the work-in-progress that is the UN-led sustaining peace agenda, closely aligned as it is with the Sustainable Development Goals. Informed by the author’s long-standing work on violent conflict, peace and education in countries of the global South, particularly Colombia, the book presents a comprehensive narrative about the relationship between peace education, historical memory and the sustaining peace agenda, advocating for the adoption of a new perspective on education for sustaining peace through historical memory.
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Schultze-Kraft, Markus. "Conventional and Critical Approaches to Peace Education." In Memory Politics and Transitional Justice, 13–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-93654-9_2.
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AbstractPeace and education are both “essentially contested concepts.” Welding them together in one single term—peace education—raises tough questions about what it is that is being proposed and done. With their normative, morally appellative and culturally universalist focus on the individual learner, conventional conceptions and practices of peace education do not easily relate to variable, heterogeneous and context-dependent notions and realities of peace and education in violence-inflected societies. They also shy away from taking account of asymmetric and unequal power relationships. Evoking the importance of building “cultures of peace” falls short of addressing these realities. Critical approaches to peace education forefront empowering individuals as well as collectives to become agents of social transformation. Education for peace is understood as social action geared towards finding solutions to manifold manifestations of direct, cultural and structural violence, injustice and inequality. Critical peace education is more attuned to the thorny issues of power and exclusion. However, it faces the challenge of showing how the empowerment and emancipation of the marginalised and oppressed through formal and informal education for peace can lead to broader institutional transformation. The chapter illustrates peace education’s challenges in relation to the case of Colombia.
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Schultze-Kraft, Markus. "Historical Memory and Its (Dis)contents." In Memory Politics and Transitional Justice, 37–61. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-93654-9_3.
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AbstractEfforts to recover and preserve the historical memory of past violence and injustice are today increasingly widespread in countries wrestling with, or emerging from, violent conflict. This reflects the rise of memory studies as a distinct field of inquiry as well as the growing recognition of the importance of centrally including the voices of victims in the elaboration of narratives of past suffering and evil. However, as an “essentially contested concept,” historical memory faces numerous challenges that have to be navigated when conducting applied historical memory work in violence-inflected settings. Among the pitfalls, historical memory work faces the unresolved tension between history and memory, which gives substance to claims that forgetting should trump remembering. Furthermore, owing to it being anchored in the subjective domain of memory, applied historical memory work risks deepening prevailing patterns of hatred, enmity and exclusion, in addition to being instrumentalised and manipulated by hegemonic societal groups and interests. This notwithstanding, the case of Colombia reveals that under certain conditions historical memory work can yield positive results in terms of giving voice to victims on all sides and honouring their entitlement to recover and preserve the memories of past suffering, thereby helping them to address traumatic past experiences.
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Clark, Janine Natalya. "The Conflicts and Use of Sexual Violence in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Colombia and Uganda." In Resilience, Conflict-Related Sexual Violence and Transitional Justice, 98–133. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003323532-5.
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Giraldo, Marta Lucía, and Daniel Jerónimo Tobón. "Personal archives and transitional justice in Colombia: the Fonds of Fabiola Lalinde and Mario Agudelo." In Beyond Evidence, 148–68. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003260622-7.
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Capone, Francesca. "Children in Colombia: Discussing the Current Transitional Justice Process Against the Backdrop of the CRC Key Principles." In Justiciability of Human Rights Law in Domestic Jurisdictions, 197–215. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-24016-9_9.
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Oyola, Sandra Milena Rios. "Religion and the Social Reconstruction of Memory Amid Violence in Bojayá, Chocó (Colombia): Creating Transitional Justice from Below." In The Changing World Religion Map, 3679–99. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-9376-6_192.
Full textReports on the topic "Transitional justice – Colombia"
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Bull, Benedicte. A Social compromise for the Anthropocene? Elite reactions to the Escazú Agreement and the prospects for a Latin American transformative green state. Fundación Carolina, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtfo07en.
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The world is urgently facing the need for a “green transformation”, involving not only a transition towards the use renewable energy and reduction of biodiversity loss, but a deep social change towards social justice and sustainability. Such action requires social compromises between elites and popular sectors that allow the building of strong institutions to implement changes. Latin America is faced with huge tasks to increase equality, justice and sustainability, but it also plays a pivotal role in the global green transformation. The region is further characterized by both strong elites, strong socio-environmental movements and deep environmental conflicts making social compromises difficult. This Working Paper discusses elite reactions to the most advanced regional agreement on environmental regulation and conflict resolution, the Escazù Agreement. In many countries, elites opposed it vehemently referring to national sovereignty, but particularly rejecting the institutional implications of the agreement involving a stronger compromise to allow popular participation. This was opposed by economic elites in democratic countries (Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica and Peru) as well as governmental elites in authoritarian countries (El Salvador and Venezuela). However, in various cases, elite opposition was overcome after popular mobilization and dialogue. The paper discusses what we can learn from elite reactions to the Escazú Agreement of importance for future social compromises as a basis for the emergence for transformative states in Latin America.