Academic literature on the topic 'Transition Debate'
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Journal articles on the topic "Transition Debate"
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Rutar, Tibor. "The Transition Debate Today." Historical Materialism 26, no. 3 (September 25, 2018): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001701.
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AbstractSpencer Dimmock has produced a convincing restatement, defence and update of Robert Brenner’s influential work on the origin of capitalism in England. The book productively engages with many Marxist and non-Marxist critics of the so-called ‘Brenner Thesis’, and presents fresh secondary and primary evidence in favour of it. This review sketches the theoretical background of Brenner’s intervention, summarises Dimmock’s take on Brenner, and comments on a few notable contemporary critiques of Brenner’s general framework which are not explicitly engaged with by Dimmock.
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ORENSTEIN, MITCHELL A. "Transition Economics: The Debate Continues." Russian Review 80, no. 1 (January 2021): 134–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/russ.12302.
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Ibrahim, Jibrin. "Political Transition, Ethnoregionalism, and the “Power Shift” Debate in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503047.
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The Nigerian military has been engaged in a program of transition to democratic rule since 1985. The country’s military rulers developed “transition politics” into a strategy of transitions without end, a ruse to prevent democratization. Hopefully, Nigeria is now at the crossroads. One of the most important issues posed in the transition has been the ethnoregional one: Would entrenched ethnoregional forces allow political power to shift from the North to the South? It is not a new question in Nigerian transition politics.Two broad issues surface when ethnoregional domination emerges as a political issue in Nigeria: control of political power and its instruments, such as the armed forces and the judiciary; and control of economic power and resources.
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Blackburn, Robin. "Revisiting the Transition to Capitalism Debate." Almanack, no. 17 (December 2017): 465–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2236-463320171713.
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Majumdar, Sayonee. "Disinterring the Transition Debate in Maoist China." Arthaniti: Journal of Economic Theory and Practice 17, no. 1 (June 2018): 83–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0976747918776387.
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This article tries to extricate the rationale behind China’s transition debate in the Maoist era (1949–1978). Using a re-casted theory of historical materialism (HM) to posit the shared ground of engagement of Chinese Marxists, I unpack the emergence of two competing development strategies for socialist transition, one which foregrounds forces of production (FOP) as the prime mover of this transition and the other class struggle to change relations of production (ROP) as the determining factor. I conclude by briefly discussing the shift from Mao Tse-tung to Deng Xiaoping’s era as a resolution of the development strategy in favour of the development of FOP as the key to China’s socialist transition.
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Szelenyi, Ivan, and Eric Kostello. "The Market Transition Debate: Toward a Synthesis?" American Journal of Sociology 101, no. 4 (January 1996): 1082–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/230791.
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Mauger, Romain. "Promoting Public Participation in the Energy Transition: The Case of France's National Debate." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 22 (March 18, 2019): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2019/v22i0a4290.
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In an energy transitions era, the citizens tend to be increasingly considered as actors of the energy system. This situation reinforces in turn the importance of public participation processes into energy policy or legislation design. In 2012-2013, a significant public participation process in the field of energy policy was organised in France, named National Debate on the Energy Transition. From the beginning, it was proclaimed that its results would be integrated into a flagship energy transition act, which did happen with the adoption of the Energy Transition for Green Growth Act of 2015. This paper provides an overview of the organisation of this public debate and of the integration of its outcome into the Energy Transition Act. The experience of France can serve for other countries engaged in a process of transition towards a more sustainable society and especially towards a massive change of their energy mix. It addresses the successes as well as the failures of the French case and provides some key learning points to enhance the public participation into the Law-making process concerning the energy transition.
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Koistinen, Katariina, and Satu Teerikangas. "The Debate If Agents Matter vs. the System Matters in Sustainability Transitions—A Review of the Literature." Sustainability 13, no. 5 (March 5, 2021): 2821. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13052821.
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Transition studies is a growing discipline for addressing sustainability challenges. Traditionally, its focus has been at the system level. However, addressing sustainability challenges also requires attending to the role of agents in sustainability transitions. This is the focus adopted in this paper. We review the literature on agency in sustainability transitions, based on 77 journal articles on sustainability transitions listed in Scopus from 2014 to 2018. We find that agency is increasingly explored in the sustainability transitions literature. Despite this growing interest, this body of knowledge remains scattered in regard to typologies or theoretical framings. Our review leads us to identify three recurring themes. One theme drew our attention in particular: the transition research community is divided into those who argue that agency is sufficiently embedded in the transition literature and those who oppose this argument. Going forward, the dynamics of individual-level agency, including behaviors and motivation, deserve further attention.
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McHenry, Dean E. "The South African Debate over the Democratic Transition." African Studies Review 36, no. 2 (September 1993): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524735.
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Cao, Yang, and Victor G. Nee. "Comment: Controversies and Evidence in the Market Transition Debate." American Journal of Sociology 105, no. 4 (January 2000): 1175–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/210402.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Transition Debate"
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Kanjanapinyowong, Natthaporn. "Le Débat National sur la Transition Énergétique en France (2013) : analyse discursive et textuelle." Thesis, Paris Est, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PESC0005/document.
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En raison du changement climatique, le monde doit de plus en plus faire face aux urgences environnementales. Plusieurs questions écologiques, notamment énergétiques, surgissent globalement d’une manière préoccupante et impose dans les esprits la nécessité d’une « transition énergétique » comme solution. Cette transition implique des changements économiques, politiques et sociétaux n’engagent plus la seule responsabilité gouvernementale. Et c’est au nom de ce principe que les autorités ont appelé tout à chacun à se prononcer sur ces questions lors du Débat National sur la Transition Énergétique (DNTE) en France en 2013. L’objectif principal de cette thèse est d’exposer les spécificités discursives et textuelles de ce débat national, depuis son origine jusqu’à son aboutissement présenté sous forme de synthèse. En situant dans le cadre théorique de l’analyse du discours, ce travail recourt à diverses approches : historique, communicationnelle, socio-politique et linguistique. Il entend en particulier décrire la fabrication des synthèses de ce débat et leur dimension textuelle pour à la fois rendre compte des caractéristiques propres du DNTE et son issue, laquelle devant permettre en principe au gouvernement de délibérer et décider sur des politiques à adopterDue to climate change, the world is experiencing numerous environmental problems, which are in urgent need of solutions. Among the major ecological concerns being discussed globally are energy-related problems. The "energy transition" is known as an effective solution to such a situation. This implies the economic, political and societal changes that the government is no longer solely responsible for this global issue. In France, everyone is called upon to take a stand as evidenced by the National Debate on Energy Transition (DNTE) in 2013. The main objective of this thesis is to demonstrate the discursive and textual specificities of this national debate, from its origin to its completion presented in the form of synthesis. Within the theoretical framework of the French discourse analysis, this thesis combines historical, communicational, socio-political and linguistic approaches to analyze the debate. It focuses particularly on describing the production of the synthesis of this debate and their textual dimension in order to show the specific characteristics of the DNTE as well as its result which allows the government to deliberate and decide on the policies to adopt
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Özbolat, Nida Kamil Süel Akın. "The debate on the transition to flexible production:A case study on manufacturing industry in Turkey and its provinces/." s.l.]: [s.n.], 2003. http://library.iyte.edu.tr/tezler/master/sehirplanlama/T000275.rar.
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Vullers, Pieter. "Nature as a Political Enactment Within the Global Biodiversity Debate and a Plea for a Process-Inspired Transition Governance." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Stockholm Resilience Centre, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-194677.
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A revolution is brewing within global biodiversity governance as attempts to govern and to deal with biodiversity loss have not led to any substantial results. The underlying drivers of biodiversity loss keep adding to the total ecological predicament which in turn sets in motion an epistemological paradigm shift (episteme) with a call for transformative change. This shift of episteme confronts Western modern ways of thinking and challenges to leave bifurcated views of Nature behind. This leads to a shift in the great conservation debate towards a new Anthropocene conservation debate, where new discursive positions arise stressing to move beyond nature-culture dichotomies and beyond capitalism. These positions challenge the reformist and prosaic mainstream conservation regime of the Convention of Biological Diversity (CBD) with its tendency for rational problem-solving and incremental adjustments. Contemporary process philosophers are now also creating their own discursive niche position within academia as “Earth bound”. This study draws from this position to shed a different light on the new Anthropocene conservation debate. It outlines how a “dogmatic image of thought” and how “the fallacy of the bifurcation of Nature” have created the conditions for the underlying drivers of biodiversity loss maintaining the mainstream conservation regime. “Living in harmony with nature” and “bending the curve of biodiversity loss” prove to be useful synergetic epistemic notions to break out of the dogmatic image and to leave bifurcation behind. Process-relational thinking can help understand how transition governance can support new policies that aim to create cross-scale alignments for local action within international negotiations. Therefore, this study proposes a renewed process-inspired transition governance, which could help to find capacities that have yet remained unexercised. Based on speculative methods creating social-ecological imaginaries, these capacities can be discovered but this requires the global conservation community to see beyond the dogmatic image and bifurcation in the journey to living in harmony with nature in 2050, for which the epistemic notions of “living in harmony with nature” and “bending the curve of biodiversity loss” could turn out to be useful synergetic starting points.
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Weber, Isabella Maria. "China's escape from the 'big bang' : the 1980s price reform debate in historical perspective." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271826.
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China’s rise and Russia’s fall shape today’s global political economy. This new great divergence originates from the different policies pursued in the transition from a command economy. Russia applied a ‘big-bang’ doctrine with rapid price liberalisation at its core. In contrast, a policy of experimentalist gradualism manifested in the dual track price system (DTPS) laid the foundations for China’s economic success. But the Chinese reform approach was highly contested in the 1980s and China came close to implementing a big bang. My dissertation sheds light on this critical crossroads by asking on what intellectual grounds China escaped a big bang in price reform; or to turn the question positively, on what intellectual grounds the DTPS was defended against the plans to implement a big bang. To derive an answer, the first part presents the broad historical and theoretical context of the 1980s Chinese price reform debate. In particular, I analyse the ancient Chinese tradition of price regulation, the US price control experience and controversies during and after the Second World War, and the Chinese Communists’ price policies in the Maoist period. Against this background, the second part conducts an in-depth study of the 1980s price reform debate drawing on more than 50 interviews with Chinese and foreign economists, previously unexplored archival evidence and a wealth of Chinese sources. I show that the DTPS emerged from bureaucratic practices and was justified by large-scale empirical research efforts conducted by young intellectuals, who had gained influence through their contribution to rural reform. In contrast, I find that the big bang reform approach was introduced to China by Eastern European émigré scholars and Western economists, and was promoted by a group of Chinese academic economists. I demonstrate how the DTPS was grounded in a pragmatic philosophy of economic policy-making deeply rooted in China’s bureaucratic tradition, which prevailed over the idealist stance underlying the panacea of a big bang.
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Misnikov, Yuri. "Public activism online in Russia : participation in web-based interactive political debate in the context of civil society development and transition to democracy." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.539687.
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Simão, André Luciano. "Modernização e civilização em debate: proposta(s) positivista(s), embate de ideias e ação política no Brasil ao final do século XIX." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-24102013-094949/.
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O presente trabalho analisa a obra de dois autores positivistas com atuação intelectual, política e social marcante durante os últimos anos do século XIX e primeiros anos do século XX no Brasil: Luís Pereira Barreto e Alberto Sales. Importantes representantes do positivismo paulista, tais autores, guiados por visão cientificista da realidade do país, elaboraram visão peculiar das necessidades de mudanças do país rumo à civilização e ao progresso. A hipótese trabalhada é a de que tais autores expressam, na esfera intelectual, um embate entre diferentes grupos e estratos nacionais interessados em impor à nação seu projeto de modernização, um embate pela hegemonia intelectual em momento de importante transição do país. Desta forma, trabalha-se com a ideia de que tais autores apropriam-se do discurso positivista com interesse sincero de colocar suas percepções e entendimentos em prática e alterar concretamente as condições sociais, econômicas e políticas do país. Discorda- se, deste modo, das análises que compreendem os posicionamentos intelectuais apenas como forma de reorganizar o discurso autoritário ou como modo de crítica ao governo, mais ou menos acentuada, de indivíduos distantes das esferas de poder.The present study examines the work of two positivist authors with outstanding intellectual, political and social performance during the last years of the nineteenth century and the early years of the twentieth century in Brazil: Luís Pereira Barreto and Alberto Sales. Important representatives of paulista positivism, such authors, led by scientist vision of the reality of the nation, developed peculiar vision of the changing needs of the country towards progress and civilization. A crafted hypothesis is that such authors express, in the intellectual sphere, a contest between different groups and strata national interested in impose to the nation its modernization project, a contest for the intellectual hegemony in a important moment for the country\'s transition. Thus, we work with the idea that such authors appropriated from the positivist discourse with sincere interest to put their perceptions and understandings into practice and change concretely the social, economic and political of the nation. Disagree is thus of the analyzes who understand the intellectual positions only as a way of reorganize the authoritative discourse or as a form of criticism of the government, more or less pronounced, of individuals distant of the spheres of power.
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Rochera, Miravet Sergio. "Aprender a discrepar. La clave, el debate televisivo y la formación de una cultura política democrática en España (1976-1985)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Jaume I, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666060.
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La clave (1976-85) fue el primer programa de debates en directo que hubo en España. Dirigido y presentado por José Luis Balbín, fue un programa innovador que dio voz a colectivos históricamente discriminados y permitió visibilizar las aspiraciones, las demandas y las presiones de la sociedad española.
Por primera vez en televisión se abordaron temas inéditos como la pena de muerte, las drogas, el aborto, la homosexualidad, la Iglesia, el Ejército o la guerra civil, que ayudaron a erosionar los valores sociales que el franquismo había permeabilizado en la sociedad española durante casi cuarenta años de dictadura. A lo largo de los 408 programas pasaron un total de 2.708 invitados, entre los que figuraban algunas de las personalidades más influyentes del panorama político español (Adolfo Suárez, Manuel Fraga, Santiago Carrillo, Enrique Tierno Galván, Federica Montseny, Jordi Pujol, Gil Robles, Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta…) y del ámbito internacional como Olof Palme, Neil Armstrong, Mário Soares, Truman Capote o J. K. Galbraith. Un pluralismo que conllevó un principio demoledor del franquismo: ningún invitado era acusado por sus ideas políticas.
Este trabajo parte del análisis de numerosa documentación de archivo, fuentes periodísticas, publicaciones oficiales de RTVE, y la última entrevista concedida por José Luis Balbín para defender la hipòtesis que La clave, a través de sus debates televisivos, contribuyó a la formación de una cultura política democrática en la España de la Transición.La clave (1976-1985), the first live debate TV programme in Spain, directed and conducted by José Luis Balbín, was an innovative programme that gave a voice to groups of people who had historically been subjected to discrimination and (enabled the visualization of) fashioned the aspirations, sensitivities, claims and pressure of Spanish society. For the first time, television raised unprecedented (unthinkable) issues such as death penalty, drugs, abortion, homosexuality, the Church, the Army or the Civil War, eroding the social values that Francoism had instilled in Spanish society for about forty years of dictatorship. Throughout the 408 programmes, a total of 2,708 guests, among whom there were some of the most outstanding (influential) personalities of Spanish political scene (Adolfo Suárez, Manuel Fraga, Santiago Carrillo, Enrique Tierno Galván, Federica Montseny, Jordi Pujol, Gil Robles, Raimundo Fernández-Cuesta…) and of international scope, such as Olof Palme, Neil Armstrong, Mário Soares, Truman Capote o J. K. Galbraith. Such cultural diversity and pluralism entailed a demolishing principle of Francoism: no guest was ever accused by their political ideas. This thesis is based on the analysis of extensive archival documentation, media sources, RTVE official publications, and the last interview given by José Luis Balbín, to defend the hypothesis that La clave, throughout its TV debates, fostered a democratic political culture in the Spanish Transition.
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Vasconcelos, Francisco Thiago Rocha. "Esboço de uma sociologia política das ciências sociais contemporâneas (1968-2010): a formação do campo da segurança pública e o debate criminológico no Brasil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-13042015-171013/.
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Esta pesquisa tem como objeto a formação de uma área de pesquisas sobre crime, violência e punição nas ciências sociais contemporâneas no Brasil(1968-2010) e sua relação com a constituição de um campo da segurança públicaconvergência entre campo científico e arenas de política pública -,concebido como parte de um dispositivo de saber-poder(Foucault, 2000;2005), que se pretende alternativo ao monopólio do saber jurídico e policial no sistema de justiça criminal. Considerando a conversão da \"violência urbana\" em problema público, analisamos como no debate sobre o tema se constituem pontes entre preocupações públicas e questões científicas a partir de centros de pesquisa e de sua articulação com redes de ativismo na sociedade civil e no interior do Estado. Estivemos atentos a dois aspectos: 1) de um lado, à constituição de especialidades ou (sub)disciplinas em meio às disputas entre grupos de pesquisa por recursos burocráticos no interior de um campo científico; 2) de outro, à formação de redes de atores voltadas à legitimação política dos princípios causais, normativos e instrumentais a que estão identificados. Em, outras palavras, os cientistas sociais são analisados como atores voltados à conversão de contextos de politização em processos de disciplinarização e de estatização. Buscamos, assim, problematizar as ambiguidades do duplo papel dos pesquisadores deste campo, como construtores de padrões organizacionais de autonomia científica e como reformadores se esforçando por transformar seus saberes em práticas de governo através da profissionalização dos agentes aserviço do Estado e da formalização dos saberes a partir dos quais a administração se legitima. Trata-se, em suma, de analisar a mobilização de cientistas sociais para se legitimarem como agentes reconhecidos na disputa pela imposição de uma visão legítima do fenômeno da violência que sirva de base para o desenvolvimento de novas práticas técnico-políticas de gestão do social por parte do Estado. Observamos que o embate entre correntes políticas nas agendas de reforma dos sistemas de justiça criminal e segurança pública tensio na o campo de pesquisas entre esforços de reconfiguração crítica do modelo de Ciências Criminais integradas ao Direito Penal e um modelo de Criminologia independente, como formação profissional na área de gestão da segurança pública e justiça criminal.This research analyzes the formation of an area of research on crime, violence and punishment in contemporary social sciences in Brazil (1968-2010) and its relation to the constitution of a field of public security-convergence between scientific fields and arenas of political public designed as part as knowledge-power apparatus (Foucault, 2000; 2005), which is intended alternative to the monopoly of legal and police knowledge in the criminal justice system. Whereas the conversion of \" urban violence\" in public problem, we analyze how the debate on the subject constitute bridges between public concerns and issues from scientific research centers and their coordination with networks of activism in civil society and within the state . We were aware of two aspects:1) on one hand, the establishment of specialties or (sub)disciplines amidst disputes between research groups by bureaucratic resources within a scientific field; 2) otherwise, the formation of networks of actors facing the political legitimacy of causal, instrumental and normative principles that are identified. In other words, social scientists are as actors aimed at converting contexts of politicization in processes of disciplinarisation and étatisation. We seek, therefore, to question the ambiguities of the double role of researchers in this field, as builders of organizational standards of scientific autonomy and as reformers striving to transform their knowledge in governance practices through the professional development of staff in the service of the state and formalization of knowledge from which the administration is legitimized. It is, in short, to analyze the mobilization of social scientists to legitimize themselves as agents recognized in dispute by imposing a legitimate view of the phenomenon of violence as a basis for the development of new technical practices -management policies for social the State. We observed that the clash between current policy agendas for reform of criminal justice and public safety systems tightens the field of research efforts between critical reconfiguration of Criminal Sciences Integrated Model to the Criminal Law and Criminology independent model, as professional training in management of public security and criminal justice.
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Moskalyuk, Svitlana. "Public debt management in transition countries." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3421624.
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Public debt management (PDM) in transition and other emerging countries is more complex and crucial than in developed ones. In these economies, the choice of the financial structure of the public debt is key to warrant fiscal stability because of higher volatility of macroeconomic and financial conditions. In addition, public debt dynamics exacerbate the weight of fiscal risk as a source of macroeconomic instability. This work is a contribution to the analysis of these issues; in particular, it is focussed on the optimal PDM in the Former Soviet Union (FSU) countries, a relatively unexplored issue in the economic literature.
This Ph.D. thesis is composed by three papers, each one corresponding to a chapter. The first one presents a brief description of the economy and public debt structure of the FSU countries since their independence, while the last two provide the optimal debt structure of Armenia and Lithuania.
Break up of the Soviet Union put the FSU republics in front of a number of issues, which they had to solve on their own. Lack of significant own resources and loss of subsidies from the consolidated budget of the USSR necessitated foreign borrowings of financial resources. In the early years of the transition the republics borrowed from the international financial institutions mainly on concessional terms, thus, external debt increased to extremely high levels. Lately, the markets for debt securities expanded significantly in order to diversify the risks and to look for a different sources of finance. But these financial markets remain undeveloped, which causes extremely difficulties to collect data on debt composition. Chapter 1 is the first attempt to describes the public debt evolution in the FSU republics since their independence, thus, represents a unique contribution to the literature.
Chapter 2, relying on a stylized set of securities and on a simple econometric model of the Armenian economy, analyzes the optimal public debt composition, balancing fiscal and financial risks and costs. Considering several alternative macroeconomic shocks hitting the economy, I find that the balance of risks and costs underlying Armenian public debt can be improved by reducing foreign-currency denominated debt (both on concessional and commercial terms), and by increasing fixed-rate bonds. Also, the analysis clearly supports the introduction of real bonds.
Chapter 3 presents a model in which PDM stabilizes the debt ratio to minimize the risk that the budget deficit exceeds the 3% limit set by the EU Stability and Growth Pact, in face of different macroeconomic and financial shocks affecting Lithuanian economy in the context of a pegged exchange rate. To minimize debt risks and costs the estimated results suggest giving priority to fixed rate securities. The model introduces inflation-indexed bonds and describes the share necessary for potential gains to the government from their issuing.La gestione del debito pubblico nelle economie emergenti ed in transizione è più complessa e cruciale rispetto alle economie sviluppate. A causa della maggiore volatilità delle condizioni macroeconomiche e finanziarie tipiche di queste economie, la scelta della struttura del debito pubblico è fondamentale per garantire la stabilità fiscale. Inoltre le dinamiche del debito aumentano il peso del rischio fiscale come fonte di instabilità macroeconomica. Questo lavoro contribuisce all'analisi di questi argomenti; in particolare, focalizzandosi sull'ottimizzazione della gestione del debito pubblico nelle repubbliche ex-URRS, aspetto ancora relativamente inesplorato nella letteratura. Questa tesi di dottorato è composta da tre articoli, ognuno dei quali corrisponde ad un capitolo. Il primo rappresenta una descrizione dell'economia e della struttura del debito pubblico delle repubbliche ex-URRS dalla loro indipendenza ad oggi, mentre gli ultimi due sono dedicati al calcolo della composizione ottimale del debito pubblico di Armenia e Lituania. La caduta dell'Unione Sovietica ha posto le repubbliche ex-URRS di fronte a diverse difficoltà che ogni paese ha dovuto affrontare individualmente. La mancanza di risorse proprie e la perdita dei sussidi dal bilancio consolidato dell'URRS ha creato la necessità di ricorrere a prestiti dall'estero. Nei primi anni dell'indipendenza le repubbliche si sono indebitate principalmente con istituzioni finanziarie internazionali usufruendo di prestiti agevolati. Successivamente, hanno cominciato a sviluppare il mercato dei titoli di stato allo scopo di diversificare i rischi ed accedere ad altre fonti finanziarie. Ma questi mercati finanziari rimangono ancora poco sviluppati, ciò rende la raccolta dei dati sul debito pubblico difficile. Il Capitolo 1 è il primo tentativo di descrivere l'evoluzione del debito pubblico nei paesi ex-URRS dalla loro indipendenza, per cui rappresenta un contributo unico alla letteratura. Il Capitolo 2, basandosi su un set semplificato di titoli di stato ed un modello econometrico semplificato dell'economia armena, analizza la composizione ottimale del debito pubblico della Repubblica di Armenia, bilanciando rischi e costi fiscali e finanziari. Applicando differenti shock macroeconomici all'economia Armena, emerge che il bilanciamento fra rischi e costi sottostanti il debito pubblico armeno può essere migliorato riducendo i titoli di stato denominati in valuta estera e aumentando l'emissione di titoli a tasso fisso. Inoltre, l'analisi supporta l'introduzione di titoli indicizzati all'inflazione. Il Capitolo 3 presenta un modello in cui la gestione del debito è orientata a stabilizzare il rapporto del debito-PIL per minimizzare il rischio che il deficit ecceda il 3% (limite stabilito dal Patto Europeo di Stabilità e Crescita) nel contesto di tasso di cambio fisso considerando diversi shock che colpiscono l'economia lituana. I risultati suggeriscono di dare priorità ai titoli a tasso fisso. Per minimizzare i rischi e costi del debito, il modello introduce l'emissione di titoli indicizzati all'inflazione e descrive i possibili vantaggi per il governo dovuti alla loro emissione sul mercato.
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Marassi, Camila Verri. "Educação e desigualdades: teorias, reflexões e debates atuais." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2012. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/1952.
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A dissertação focaliza de que forma a educação importa / contribui no processo de (re) produção das desigualdades sociais a partir da reflexão dos três eixos temáticos abordados nas Ciências Sociais: estratificação educacional, educação e entrada no mercado de trabalho e a relação entre educação e renda. São considerados os modelos explicativos e evidências empíricas relativas ao Brasil sobre as relações estabelecidas pela educação com os processos de estratificação social.
The dissertation focus on the way of education contributes to the social inequality (re) production process from the reflection on the three thematic issues that were dealt with Social Science: educational stratification, education and the access to the labour market and the relations between education and income. The explicably models and empiric evidences related to Brazil are considered about the relations between education with the social stratification process.
Books on the topic "Transition Debate"
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Bank, World, ed. Anticorruption in transition: A contribution to the policy debate. Washington, DC: World Bank, 2000.
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Balcerowicz, Leszek. Common fallacies in the debate on the economic transition in Central and Eastern Europe. London: European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, 1993.
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Auerbach, Paul. The dialectic of market and planning: A acomment on the debate about feasible socialism and the transition from real existing capitalism. Kingston upon Thames: School of Economics and Politics, Kingston Polytechnic, 1985.
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Auerbach, Paul. The dialectic of market and planning: A comment on the debate about feasible socialism and the transition from real existing capitalism. Kingston upon Thames: Kingston Polytechnic. School of Economics and Politics, 1987.
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Scherrer, Christian P. Justice in transition and conflict prevention in Rwanda after the genocide: Debate for a national and international response : ECOR assessment and draft project proposal : to peace researchers, practitioners of conflict resolution and management ... 2nd ed. Moers: IFEK/IRECOR, 1996.
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Ageing: Debates on demographic transition and social policy. London: Zed Books, 1994.
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Leon, Hurwitz, Lequesne Christian, and European Community Studies Association, eds. Poli cies, institutions & debates in the transition years. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1991.
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Maia, Fábio Fernandes. Lei de anistia & justiça de transição: O redimensionamento do debate e o julgamento da ADPF 153 pelo STF. Curitiba: Juruá Editora, 2014.
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Transitions to sustainability: Theoretical debates for a changing planet. Champaign, Illinois, USA: Common Ground Publishing LLC, 2014.
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Roubini, Nouriel. Current account sustainability in transition economies. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, 1998.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Transition Debate"
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Iwasaki, Ichiro, and Taku Suzuki. "Transition strategy debate." In The Economics of Transition, 25–66. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge advanced texts in economics and finance: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429264979-2.
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Asmonti, Luca. "“From Athens to Athens”. Europe, Crisis, and Democracy: Suggestions for a Debate." In Democracy in Transition, 135–57. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-30068-4_8.
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Cox, Kevin R. "Period and Place, Capitalist Development, and the Flexible Specialization Debate." In The Transition to Flexibility, 155–77. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4613-1425-7_10.
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Groves, Tamar, Nigel Townson, Inbal Ofer, and Antonio Herrera. "Citizen Building During the Spanish Transition to Democracy: Between the Spanish Debate and the Social Movements Debate." In Social Movements and the Spanish Transition, 125–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-61836-4_6.
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Brundenius, Claes, Bo Göransson, and Jan Ågren. "The Role of Academic Institutions in the National System of Innovation and the Debate in Sweden." In Universities in Transition, 307–25. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-7509-6_15.
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Benedikter, Roland, Katja Siepmann, and Miguel Zlosilo. "The Fiscal Dimension: Greater Fairness at the Price of a Slowing Economy? The Ideological Debate Behind Bachelet’s Envisaged Tax Reform." In Chile in Transition, 127–57. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-17951-3_6.
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Dobrusin, Bruno. "A Just Transition for All? A Debate on the Limits and Potentials of a Just Transition in Canada." In The Palgrave Handbook of Environmental Labour Studies, 295–316. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71909-8_13.
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Magliulo, Antonio. "Come fermare una grande recessione. Il dibattito sulla crisi economica del 1929 in Italia." In Studi e saggi, 19–41. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-455-7.01.
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The aim of this essay is to assess how the debate on the Great Depression of 1929 changed Italian economic culture in the transition from Fascism to the Republic. The essay is divided into three paragraphs. In the first, we will look at the international debate dominated by the dispute between Hayek and Keynes and by Röpke’s synthesis. In the second, we will analyse the debate in Italy, which is characterised by the convergent synthesis proposed by Bresciani Turroni, Einaudi and Fanno. The last section will outline the economic policy choices of the Fascist regime and the legacy of the debate on the great crisis in the period of post-war reconstruction
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Correljé, Aad. "Perspectives on Justice in the Future Energy System: A Dutch Treat." In Shaping an Inclusive Energy Transition, 55–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-74586-8_3.
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AbstractThe (un)affordability, the (un)reliability and the (un)sustainability of our energy supply are increasingly associated with the phenomenon of energy justice. This concerns the way in which different groups of citizens and businesses experience the benefits and burdens of the energy transition. We explore how the concept of energy justice may support a just transition. Firstly, we address the socio-political embedding of the energy sector and policy-making. Then we explain how the concept of energy justice is defined and operationalized, in respect of policy making and implementation. Thereupon we apply the concept of energy justice to the current Dutch energy debate, addressing the reduction of natural gas production to diminish the number and strength of earthquakes in Groningen, and the longer-term policy objectives of the energy transition. It addresses the radical changes in energy use and supply and the consequent wide variety in direct and indirect consequences for citizens and businesses, depending on their specific circumstances. The notion of energy justice is discussed as a feature in local, national and EU policy making and implementation, and as a claim of social actors, communities and individuals. The suggestion that justice issues can be identified and solved at these levels, is too simple. It is important to consider the layout and nature of the socio-technical energy system and its functioning. It is concluded that the concept of justice may help researchers to identify the relevant values and value conflicts in the energy transition. This can help policymakers to make informed choices.
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Bongaarts, John, and Dennis Hodgson. "The Impact of Voluntary Family Planning Programs on Contraceptive Use, Fertility, and Population." In Fertility Transition in the Developing World, 97–122. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11840-1_7.
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AbstractThis chapter examines the long-standing debate about the effects of family planning programs on contraceptive behavior and fertility. We begin with a brief overview of the main rationale for family planning, namely the removal of obstacles to practicing contraception by women who want to space or limit their births. The central sections of the chapter then discuss the evidence on the effects of family planning programs. Three sources of evidence are examined: (1) controlled experiments; (2) natural experiments; and (3) statistical studies. These sources provide broadly comparable estimates of the effects of a high-quality family planning program: an increase of 25–35% in contraceptive prevalence and a decline of about 1.5 births per woman in the Total Fertility Rate (TFR) compared to a population without family planning support. The statistical analyses examine the roles of family planning programs in changing contraceptive demand and its satisfaction and the pattern of wanted and unwanted fertility. Demand refers to the proportion of women who do not want to get pregnant and its satisfaction refers to the proportion of women with a demand that practice contraception. As expected, family planning programs raise the satisfaction of demand for contraception and reduce unwanted fertility. Contrary to common conclusions made in economic theories of fertility, family planning programs have a substantial impact on demand for contraception and on wanted fertility. We conclude with a discussion of the criticisms of family planning programs and the claims that these programs have at best a small impact and are not cost-effective.
Conference papers on the topic "Transition Debate"
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Elórtegui Gómez, Claudio, and Hanns De La Fuente-Mella. "Analysis of Political Debate Programs to Identify the Elements of Political Transition Process in Chile." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002296.
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The Chilean political transition has experienced strong questioning in recent years, especially at the level of the younger generations. These aspects have been made visible in the social mobilizations that took place in Chile in 2019 and in a growing context of political polarization, perception of corruption towards institutions and criticism of the media, spaces conceived from an agreed or semi-sovereign democracy. As a way of analyzing the political communication experienced in these original contexts of the return of Chilean democracy, the research will take a series of programs of political debates, broadcast on television between 1989 and 1991, that is, at the very beginning of the transition as historical process. The objective is through the use of probabilistic econometric models to measure the characteristics of the political debate, through the political identification of the panelists, types of participation of the participants in these programs and the dominant topics between the interactions, as a way of putting in perspective the critics towards that moment.
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Kilinc, Ramazan. "THE PATTERNS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN ISLAM AND LIBERALISM: THE CASE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/qhfj3934.
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The unprecedented resurgence of religious organisations in the public sphere in recent years has given particular urgency to the old question of the compatibility of Islam and liberalism. Some scholars have argued that Islamic notions of social–political order are not hospitable to democracy and human rights. Others have argued that notions of democracy and human rights are firmly established in the Islamic political discourse but their expression depends on history, social structure and context. Although this debate has proved fruitful in framing the role of Islam in the public sphere, both sides have generally focused on essential sources of Islam. The debate needs to be extended to the empirical realm through study of particular Islamic movements and their responses to liberalisation trends. Such study should take into account local context, the organisational capabilities of the movement, and the Islamic repertoire that it deploys in mobilising its followers. This paper looks at the Gülen movement’s response to liberalisation processes in Turkey in the 1990s and 2000s. Since liberalism has radically transformed the economic and political system of the country over the last two decades, Turkey is a good example for our purposes. Furthermore, the increased influence of the Gülen movement in Turkey provides rich empiri- cal data of an Islamic movement engaging with liberalisation in civil society and politics. The paper concludes that, while the movement’s discourse and practice are compatible with liberalism, its Islamic ethos means that at some points it must engage liberalism critically.
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Tulbure, Ildiko, Marius Berca, and Mircea Salcudean. "CLEAN ENERGY TRANSITION FOR SUSTAINABLE URBAN DEVELOPMENT." In 22nd SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific GeoConference 2022. STEF92 Technology, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgem2022/4.1/s17.03.
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The vision of succeeding in shaping sustainable cities is representing a fascinating matter, but a challenging one. This provoking issue is including several tasks, among others connected to available possibilities for assuring needed energy supply with minimum environmental impacts. Humanity innovative thinking way has always been driving the field of shaping more efficient energy supply systems with less environmental impacts, being always a debate regarding available energy resources. Conventional energy supply systems, especially based on fossil fuels, being since long applied on a global level, have demonstrated considerable impacts on environment, but also on society. Transition to clean energy resources is accordingly required as a base of succeeding in shaping sustainable cities. Renewable energy resources, as water, wind and solar one must be used in the future, a holistic analysis and assessment needed by Technology Assessment, simultaneously considering technical, economic, environmental, social, also political fields. To succeed assuring Sustainable Urban Development potential impacts of various developments must be analyzed and assessed. New innovative development strategies in energy field must be analyzed, as the newly adopted European Green Deal by the European Commission, what actually requires production processes with low environmental footprint, what is emphasized for a certain case in Romania, drawing corresponding conclusions.
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Gurbuz, Mustafa. "PERFORMING MORAL OPPOSITION: MUSINGS ON THE STRATEGY AND IDENTITY IN THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/hzit2119.
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This paper investigates the Gülen movement’s repertoires of action in order to determine how it differs from traditional Islamic revivalist movements and from the so-called ‘New Social Movements’ in the Western world. Two propositions lead the discussion: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against the perceived threat of a trio of enemies, as Nursi named them a century ago – ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to understanding the apolitical mind-set of the Gülen movement’s fol- lowers. Second, unlike the confrontational New Social Movements, the Gülen movement has engaged in ‘moral opposition’, in which the movement’s actors seek to empathise with the adversary by creating (what Bakhtin calls) ‘dialogic’ relationships. ‘Moral opposition’ has enabled the movement to be more alert strategically as well as more productive tactically in solving the everyday practical problems of Muslims in Turkey. A striking example of this ‘moral opposition’ was witnessed in the Merve Kavakci incident in 1999, when the move- ment tried to build bridges between the secular and Islamist camps, while criticising and educating both parties during the post-February 28 period in Turkey. In this way the Gülen movement’s performance of opposition can contribute new theoretical and practical tools for our understanding of social movements. 104 | P a g e Recent works on social movements have criticized the longstanding tradition of classify- ing social movement types as “strategy-oriented” versus “identity-oriented” (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Rucht 1988) and “identity logic of action” versus “instrumentalist logic of ac- tion” (Duyvendak and Giugni 1995) by regarding identities as a key element of a move- ment’s strategic and tactical repertoire (see Bernstein 1997, 2002; Gamson 1997; Polletta 1998a; Polletta and Jasper 2001; Taylor and Van Dyke 2004). Bifurcation of identity ver- sus strategy suggests the idea that some movements target the state and the economy, thus, they are “instrumental” and “strategy-oriented”; whereas some other movements so-called “identity movements” challenge the dominant cultural patterns and codes and are considered “expressive” in content and “identity-oriented.” New social movement theorists argue that identity movements try to gain recognition and respect by employing expressive strategies wherein the movement itself becomes the message (Touraine 1981; Cohen 1985; Melucci 1989, 1996). Criticizing these dualisms, some scholars have shown the possibility of different social movement behaviour under different contextual factors (e.g. Bernstein 1997; Katzenstein 1998). In contrast to new social movement theory, this work on the Gülen movement indi- cates that identity movements are not always expressive in content and do not always follow an identity-oriented approach; instead, identity movements can synchronically be strategic as well as expressive. In her article on strategies and identities in Black Protest movements during the 1960s, Polletta (1994) criticizes the dominant theories of social movements, which a priori assume challengers’ unified common interests. Similarly, Jenkins (1983: 549) refers to the same problem in the literature by stating that “collective interests are assumed to be relatively unproblematic and to exist prior to mobilization.” By the same token, Taylor and Whittier (1992: 104) criticize the longstanding lack of explanation “how structural inequality gets translated into subjective discontent.” The dominant social movement theory approaches such as resource mobilization and political process regard these problems as trivial because of their assumption that identities and framing processes can be the basis for interests and further collective action but cannot change the final social movement outcome. Therefore, for the proponents of the mainstream theories, identities of actors are formed in evolutionary processes wherein social movements consciously frame their goals and produce relevant dis- courses; yet, these questions are not essential to explain why collective behaviour occurs (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996). This reductionist view of movement culture has been criticized by a various number of scholars (e.g. Goodwin and Jasper 1999; Polletta 1997, 1999a, 1999b; Eyerman 2002). In fact, the debate over the emphases (interests vis-à-vis identities) is a reflection of the dissent between American and European sociological traditions. As Eyerman and Jamison (1991: 27) note, the American sociologists focused on “the instrumentality of movement strategy formation, that is, on how movement organizations went about trying to achieve their goals,” whereas the European scholars concerned with the identity formation processes that try to explain “how movements produced new historical identities for society.” Although the social movement theorists had recognized the deficiencies within each approach, the attempts to synthesize these two traditions in the literature failed to address the empirical problems and methodological difficulties. While criticizing the mainstream American collective behaviour approaches that treat the collective identities as given, many leading European scholars fell into a similar trap by a 105 | P a g e priori assuming that the collective identities are socio-historical products rather than cog- nitive processes (see, for instance, Touraine 1981). New Social Movement (NSM) theory, which is an offshoot of European tradition, has lately been involved in the debate over “cog- nitive praxis” (Eyerman and Jamison 1991), “signs” (Melucci 1996), “identity as strategy” (Bernstein 1997), protest as “art” (Jasper 1997), “moral performance” (Eyerman 2006), and “storytelling” (Polletta 2006). In general, these new formulations attempt to bring mental structures of social actors and symbolic nature of social action back in the study of collec- tive behaviour. The mental structures of the actors should be considered seriously because they have a potential to change the social movement behaviours, tactics, strategies, timing, alliances and outcomes. The most important failure, I think, in the dominant SM approaches lies behind the fact that they hinder the possibility of the construction of divergent collective identities under the same structures (cf. Polletta 1994: 91). This study investigates on how the Gülen movement differed from other Islamic social move- ments under the same structural factors that were realized by the organized opposition against Islamic activism after the soft coup in 1997. Two propositions shall lead my discussion here: First, unlike many Islamic revivalist movements, the Gülen movement shaped its identity against perceived threat of the triple enemies, what Nursi defined a century ago: ignorance, disunity, and poverty. This perception of the opposition is crucial to grasp non-political men- tal structures of the Gülen movement followers. Second, unlike the confrontational nature of the new social movements, the Gülen movement engaged in a “moral opposition,” in which the movement actors try to empathize with the enemy by creating “dialogic” relationships.
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Williams, Ian. "“A STATION ABOVE THAT OF ANGELS”: THE VISION OF ISLAMIC EDUCATION WITHIN PLURALISTIC SOCIETIES IN THE THOUGHT OF FETHULLAH GÜLEN - A STUDY OF CONTRASTS BETWEEN TURKEY AND THE UK." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/jmbu4194.
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Gülen cites ‘Ali ibn Abi Talib as saying, ‘... if a person’s intellect dominates his or her desire and ferocity, he or she rises to a station above that of angels ...’. Both historically as well as in modern contexts Muslim education is not characterised by uniformity but rather by a plurality of actors, institutions, ideas and political milieus. The two central questions are: What is required to live as a Muslim in the present world? Who is qualified to teach in this time? The debate over the nature and purpose of Islamic education is no recent phenomenon. It has been conducted for the past two centuries throughout the Islamic world: the transmission of both spiritual and empirical knowledge has always been dependent upon the support of religious, social and political authorities. Based on fieldwork in Turkey and the UK amongst schools associated with the Gülen move- ment, examination of national government policies and on readings of contemporary Muslim educationalists, this paper seeks to examine the ideals of Fethullah Gülen on contemporary Islamic and religious education. It reports critically on the contribution of these schools to social cohesion, inter-religious dialogue and common ambitions for every child and student. We should accept the fact that there is a specific way of being Muslim, which reflects the Turkish understanding and practices in those regions [which] stretch from Central Asia to the Balkans. [Ocak 1996 79] Islam, a rich and strong tradition in many diverse societies is both a living faith and in every generation has been the means of enabling Muslims to address social developments, justice, and both corporate and individual questions of identity and ethics. Drawing on the Qur’an, Hadith, Sunnah and fiqh new Islamic social movements have constantly formed fresh public spaces in which new identities and lifestyles could emerge. Some of the finest expressions of Islam have occurred in the most pluralist religio-social circumstances when intellectual dis- course, educational achievements and social harmony have flourished. Amongst contempo- rary Islamic thinkers who are professedly concerned to interpret the sources and their practice in an “Islamically correct” manner is Fethullah Gülen [b. 1938], the spiritual father of what is probably the most active Turkish-Islamic movement of the late 20th and early 21st centuries. In considering this movement however, one soon realizes that Fethullah Gülen is neither an innovator with a new and unique theology nor a revolutionary. His understanding of Islam is oriented within the conservative mainstream and his arguments are rooted in the traditional sources of Islam. They stand in a lineage represented as I shall argue through al-Ghazali, Mevlana Jalal ud-Din Rumi, Bediuzzaman Said Nursi, and in company with Muhammad Asad and Muhammad Naquib Syed Al-Attas, and Seyyed Hossein Nasr. Nonetheless, in less than thirty years his followers as Islamic activists have made significant contributions to inter-communal and national peace, inter-religious dialogue, economic development, and most certainly in the field of education out of all proportion to their numbers. Moreover, this is a de-centralised polymorphic social movement.
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Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.
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The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.
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Sarı, Yaşar. "Kyrgyzstan’s Relations with International Financial Organizations: Curse or Curve?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00358.
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Kyrgyzstan since the collapse of Soviet Union went to the transition path and while it is argued that it succeeded at some points, levels or degree. It is certainly that major obstacles to the successful transition are not overcome. First of all it was necessary to get out of Russian dominated economy since it was itself declining. Kyrgyzstan was the first former Soviet republics left Russian ruble zone and accepted its own currency, som in 1993. Moreover, it is also the first former Soviet republics entered to World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1998.
Second, finding new trade partners and external markets was a challenge. Kyrgyz governments wanted to go outside for two reasons: trading with outsiders at time of economic downturn in CIS was rise profitable and trading with outsiders would be a manifestation of their independence and sovereignty.
It is obvious that since the independence Kyrgyzstan still serves as supply of raw material such as Kyrgyzstan’s primary budget income is still composed from natural resources (gold export). The Kyrgyz Republic is also classified as a low-income country with high debt vulnerability, due to these characteristics it is eligible to receive a significant level of grant from international financial organization, like World Bank.
In this paper, Kyrgyzstan’s relations with the International Financial Organizations will divide three stages: Romantic years in 1990s, Debate on Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative in 2000s, and the last one, after HIPC and Revolution in 2010.
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Staníčková, Michaela, and Lukáš Melecký. "EU Cohesion After Covid-19: What Are the New Trends for the Resilient Future?" In XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-33.
Full textAbstract:
COVID-19 pandemic presents a significant challenge for the entire European Union. National, regional and local communities are on the front line in countering the disease and its socio-economic impact. Solidarity and responsibility across our societies and between Member States are key to overcoming this challenge. COVID-19 intensified and accelerated the debate on the resilience of regional economies not only to respond to exogenous shocks but how to shape viable environments. These are systems that meet today's demands and future challenges. In the first line, especially, the green and digital transitions' potential is highlighted as new drivers of EU growth. New economic, social and territorial disparities may appear without appropriate policy action. The aim is that the cohesion policy should respond to these challenges and, in particular, ensure that place-based, multilevel, and partnership-led approaches continue to improve cohesion while building on synergies and mainstreaming cohesion objectives into other policies and instruments. Via literature review method, the paper aims to summarise the fundamental aspects of the EU Cohesion Policy not only for the programming period 2021-2027 but in the long-term perspectives, i.e., cohesion towards 2050. How will the EU Cohesion Policy help in the future? The transition to carbon-neutrality will transform the EU’s economy. The digital transition is moving forward at different speeds across the EU. The EU Cohesion Policy will become more flexible, drawing on the lessons from the pandemic, to adapt more easily to unexpected shocks, e.g., by a higher flexibility in transferring resources.
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GĂINĂ, Liviu, Mihai-Alin MECLEA, and Mircea BOȘCOIANU. "SOCIO-TECHNICAL IMPLICATIONS OF DIGITIZATION IN THE MAINTENANCE OF AIR SURVEILLANCE SYSTEMS." In SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH AND EDUCATION IN THE AIR FORCE. Publishing House of "Henri Coanda" Air Force Academy, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19062/2247-3173.2022.23.10.
Full textAbstract:
Digitisation has become a topic of debate and a challenging topic of interest in increased fields. The transition from analogue to digital aerial surveillance systems has been a particularly major step as aerial surveillance has as a major requirement the provision of real- time airborne situation information. The maintenance of these systems is essential as their active operational status and their resilience to intentional disruptive factors, depends on their proper performance. The article treats the socio-technical relationship through the lens of digitisation with elements on blockchain, cloud, Big Data, Industry 4.0, IoT (Internet of Things), AI (artificial intelligence), AR (augmented reality). Through the SWOT analysis conducted the article identifies key points on the proposed topic and draws guidelines towards a bright digitalization horizon.
Reports on the topic "Transition Debate"
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Houzer, Ella, and Ian Scoones. Are Livestock Always Bad for the Planet? Rethinking the Protein Transition and Climate Change Debate. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/steps.2021.003.
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Urgent climate challenges have triggered calls for radical, widespread changes in what we eat, pushing for the drastic reduction if not elimination of animal-source foods from our diets. But high-profile debates, based on patchy evidence, are failing to differentiate between varied landscapes, environments and production methods. Relatively low-impact, extensive livestock production, such as pastoralism, is being lumped in with industrial systems in the conversation about the future of food. This report warns that the dominant picture of livestock’s impacts on climate change has been distorted by faulty assumptions that focus on intensive, industrial farming in rich countries. Millions of people worldwide who depend on extensive livestock production, with relatively lower climate impacts, are being ignored by debates on the future of food. The report identifies ten flaws in the way that livestock’s climate impacts have been assessed, and suggests how pastoralists could be better included in future debates about food and the climate.
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Reeve, Sophie, Susanna Cartmell, Alice Mutimer, and Olivia Frost. e-Dialogues Spark Debate on the Dynamics of Agricultural Commercialisation. APRA, Future Agricultures Consortium, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2022.029.
Full textAbstract:
In early 2022, the Agricultural Policy Research in Africa (APRA) Programme of the Future Agricultures Consortium (FAC), in partnership with the United Nations Sustainable Development Solutions Network and Foresight4Food, held an e-Dialogue series: Towards an Equitable and Sustainable Transformation of Food Systems. This followed an earlier, highly successful series organised with the same partners in the second half of 2020 on What Future for Small-Scale Farming? The latest series included three online Zoom sessions led by APRA over January-March 2022 on topics including COVID-19 and its effects on local food systems and rural livelihoods, and transition pathways and strategies for supporting more equitable and resilient food systems in Africa. These virtual events were designed to replace an international conference that was part of APRA’s original end-of-programme plan, before the COVID-19 crisis prevented large, physical gatherings. The three e-Dialogues brought together APRA researchers and expert commentators from across sub-Saharan Africa, as well as a wider audience. The objective of these dialogues was to examine evidence and lessons from APRA’s six-year collaborative research programme (2016-22) analysing the dynamics of agricultural commercialisation processes, agrarian change and rural transformation in the region. This report looks at their impact, what worked well, and what could have been improved.
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Simmons, Ruth, and Rezina Mita. Women's status and family planning in Bangladesh: An analysis of focus group data. Population Council, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/rh1995.1000.
Full textAbstract:
This study involved secondary analysis of a substantial set of 1987–88 focus group data from Bangladesh’s Matlab Thana, where the Family Planning and Health Services Project was underway since 1977. The project was highly successful in increasing family planning (FP) acceptance and provided a rich research base for studying the diffusion of FP and its effects. The study involved 36 focus groups with fieldworkers, community women, husbands, educated women, and community leaders. The intent of the present study is to examine the effect of FP on women's status in Bangladesh, and to prepare papers on that topic. Following leads in the data itself, two papers were prepared under this subcontract. One concerns the effect of the FP fieldworkers on the knowledge and attitudes of young, unmarried women toward fertility and FP; the other presents a qualitative analysis of the fertility transition in Bangladesh, contributing to the ongoing debate on whether fertility decline is caused by demand-side or supply-side factors. This report reviews both documents.
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Handa, Sudhanshu, Zhiyuan Liu, Gelson Tembo, Clement Adamba, and Peter Mvula. An empirically driven theory of poverty reduction. Centre for Excellence and Development Impact and Learning (CEDIL), February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51744/crpp4.
Full textAbstract:
The persistence of poverty, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, means that public policy in this region continues to debate the right mix of supply- versus demand-side interventions that can move large groups of households out of extreme or ultra-poverty. There is unlikely to be a single approach that can transition all poor or ultra-poor households out of poverty. This paper describes the use of secondary evaluation data from four government unconditional cash transfer programmes (UCTs) to identify high- and low-flyers, that is, those households that are able to use the income shock to significantly improve their living standards and those who aren’t. The authors attempt to categorize the high- and low-flyers to create typologies based on their pre-shock characteristics. They also look at post-treatment behaviours to see what participants of these programmes did with the cash to improve (or not) their living standards. Putting together these different pieces of information (pre-treatment characteristics and post-treatment behaviours) can help with understanding the different pathways out of poverty, and ultimately contribute to a middle-range theory of sustained poverty reduction.
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Ayele, Seife, and Vianney Mutyaba. Chinese-Funded Electricity Generation in Sub-Saharan Africa and Implications for Public Debt and Transition to Renewable Energy. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.063.
Full textAbstract:
While China has been increasingly contributing to the recent growth in electricity generation in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), the effects of China-funded investment on host countries’ debt burden and transition to renewable energy sources have not been sufficiently explored. Drawing on secondary data, combined with deep dive studies of Ethiopia and Uganda, this paper shows that despite significant liberalisation of the power sector in SSA, Chinese investments in the electricity industry continue to follow state-led project contract-based models. We show that this approach has failed to encourage Chinese firms to build compelling investment portfolios for competitive procurements within the region and, instead and inadvertently, it has exacerbated the debt burden of host country governments. Second, in spite of the global drive towards climate resilient energy generation, Chinese funding of electricity generation in SSA is not sufficiently channelled towards modern renewable energy sources such as wind and solar power that could reduce vulnerability to climate change. While recognising that the private sector-led competitive model of power generation is not without limitations, we argue that SSA’s electricity generation strategy that leads to less public debt and more climate resilience involves increased involvement of Chinese investment in the competitive model, with more diversification of such investment portfolios towards modern renewables such as wind and solar energy resources.
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Shirai, Sayuri. An Overview on Climate Change, Environment, and Innovative Finance in Emerging and Developing Economies. Asian Development Bank Institute, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56506/drtf8552.
Full textAbstract:
The global economy has been facing a series of adverse shocks in recent years including the COVID-19 pandemic, climate crisis, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, high inflation, and interest rate shocks driven by global monetary policy normalization. The high cost of fossil fuels since 2021, moreover, has reminded the world that investment for clean energy projects has been severely inadequate due to limited implementation of climate policies and limited capital inflows to financing decarbonization efforts. While overdependence on fossil fuels might be inevitable currently, the world needs to accelerate transition to carbon neutrality and also begin to cope with nature capital stock and biodiversity losses, which are happening at an alarming pace. In particular, more financial support should be provided to emerging and developing economies (EMDEs) to help achieve climate and environmental goals and other sustainable development goals (SDGs). We give an overview of some innovative finance schemes applicable to EMDEs, including blended finance to mobilize more private capital to climate and environmental projects and debt-for-climate swaps (or debt-for-nature swaps), to provide de facto grants to small high-debt economies in exchange for climate projects (or nature protection). We also provide some suggestions for further actions through better coordination among donor and recipient nations led by G7 and G20 nations.
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Bano, Masooda. The Missing Link: Low-Fee Private Tuition and Education Options for the Poor – The Demand-Side Dynamics in Pakistan. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-risewp_2022/113.
Full textAbstract:
Low-fee private schools are today recognised as important players in the education market in developing countries, as they are argued to provide at least marginally better education than is on offer in the state schools. Leading international development agencies have begun encouraging governments in developing countries to include them within the policy-planning process. Based on fieldwork in two urban neighbourhoods in Pakistan, this paper shows that low-income parents are keen to secure good-quality education for their children, but they have to choose not only between state schools and low-fee private schools but also from among an array of low-fee tuition providers in their immediate neighbourhood to ensure that the child can cope in class, complete daily homework assignments, and pass exams in order to transition to the next grade. The evidence presented in this paper suggests that whether their child is enrolled in a state school or in a low-fee private school, the parents’ dependence on low-fee tuition providers is absolute: without their services, the child will not progress through the primary grades. Yet the sector remains entirely under-researched. The paper argues for the need to map the scale of this sector, document the household spending on it, and bring it within policy debates, placing it alongside low-fee private schools and state schools in order to provide access to primary education to all and improve the quality of education. At the same time it complicates the existing debates on low-fee private schools, by showing that parents on very low incomes — in this case households where mothers are employed as domestic workers and fathers are in casual employment — find them inaccessible; it also shows that household spending on education needs to take into account not just the charges imposed by low-fee schools, but also the cost of securing religious education, which is equally valued by the parents and is not free, and also the cost of paying the low-fee tuition provider. When all these costs are taken into account, the concerns that low-fee private schools are not truly accessible to the poor gain further traction. The paper also shows that mothers end up bearing the primary burden, having to work to cover the costs of their children’s education, because the core income provided by the father can barely cover the household costs.
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Rao, Krishna D., Andrés I. Vecino Ortiz, Tim Roberton, Angélica Lopez Hernandez, and Caitlin Noonan. Open configuration options Future Health Spending in Latin America and the Caribbean: Health Expenditure Projections & Scenario Analysis. Inter-American Development Bank, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004185.
Full textAbstract:
Latin American and Caribbean countries will face significant increases in future health expenditures. A variety of factors are responsible - population growth and aging, the epidemiological transition to noncommunicable diseases (NCDs), and economic growth and technology, among others. Increasing health expenditures are particularly concerning to countries in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) given growing levels of debt, insufficient fiscal revenues, and high out-of-pocket payments. The projected average annual per capita CHE growth rate from 2018-2050 is slightly higher in Latin American countries (3.2%) than in the Caribbean (2.4%). The share of health expenditure in GDP is projected to increase to 2030 in all LAC countries except for Guyana. The effect of demographics and epidemiology on health spending growth are more modest. Among strategies to control NCD risk factors, a focus on hypertension control generally had the strongest effect on restraining CHE growth except in countries where smoking is particularly prevalent. The main driver of health expenditure growth is economic growth and technology, demonstrating the importance of adopting policies such as explicit prioritization systems and benefit plans that establish common rules for payers and providers that encourage cost-effective decisions. The underlying model for making projections and analyzing alternative scenarios is publicly available.
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Financial Stability Report - Second Semester of 2021. Banco de la República, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32468/rept-estab-fin.sem2.eng-2021.
Full textAbstract:
Banco de la República’s main objective is to preserve the purchasing power of the currency in coordination with the general economic policy that is intended to stabilize output and employment at long-term sustainable levels. Properly meeting the goal assigned to the Bank by the 1991 Constitution critically depends on preserving financial stability. This is understood to be a general condition in which the financial system assesses and manages the financial risks in a way that facilitates the economy’s performance and efficient allocation of resources while, at the same time, it is able to, on its own, absorb, dissipate, and mitigate the shocks that may arise as a result of adverse events. This Financial Stability Report meets the goal of giving Banco de la República’s diagnosis of the financial system’s and its debtors’ recent performance as well as of the main risks and vulnerabilities that could affect the stability of the Colombian economy. In this way, participants in financial markets and the public are being informed, and public debate on trends and risks affecting the system is being encouraged. The results presented here also serve the monetary authority as a basis for making decisions that will enhance financial stability in the general context of its objectives. In recent months, several positive aspects of the financial system have preserved a remarkable degree of continuity and stability: the liquidity and capital adequacy of financial institutions have remained well above the regulatory minimums at both the individual and consolidated levels, the coverage of past-due loans by loan-loss provisions remains high, and the financial markets for public and private debt and stocks have continued to function normally. At the same time, a surge in all the types of loan portfolios, a sharp downturn in the non-performing loan portfolio, and a rise in the profitability of credit institutions can be seen for the first time since the beginning of the pandemic. In line with the general recovery of the economy, the main vulnerability to the stability of the Colombian financial system identified in the previous edition—uncertainty about changes in the non-performing loans portfolio—has receded and remains on a downward trend. In this edition, the main source of vulnerability identified for financial stability in the short term is the system’s exposure to sudden changes in international financial conditions; the results presented in this Report indicate that the system is sufficiently resilient to such scenarios. In compliance with its constitutional objectives and in coordination with the financial system’s security network, Banco de la República will continue to closely monitor the outlook for financial stability at this juncture and will make the decisions necessary to ensure the proper functioning of the economy, facilitate the flow of sufficient credit and liquidity resources, and further the smooth functioning of the payment system. Leonardo Villar Gomez Governor Box 1 -Decomposition of the Net Interest Margin in Colombia and Chile Wilmar Cabrera Daniela Rodríguez-Novoa Box 2 - Spatial Analysis of New Home Prices in Bogota, Medellín, and Cali Using a Geostatistical Approach María Fernanda Meneses Camilo Eduardo Sánchez Box 3 - Interest Rate Model for the SYSMO Stress Test Exercise Wilmar Cabrera Diego Cuesta Santiago Gamba Camilo Gómez Box 4 - The Transition from LIBOR and other International Benchmark Rates Daniela X. Gualtero Briceño Javier E. Pirateque Niño