Journal articles: 'Trajan's Column'

1

Gergel, Richard A., Frank Lepper, and Sheppard Frere. "Trajan's Column." Classical World 84, no. 6 (1991): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350928.

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Lancaster, Lynne. "Building Trajan's Column." American Journal of Archaeology 103, no. 3 (July 1999): 419. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506969.

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Fox, Andrew. "TRAJANIC TREES: THE DACIAN FOREST ON TRAJAN'S COLUMN." Papers of the British School at Rome 87 (October 26, 2018): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824621800034x.

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Trajan's Column stands in the centre of Rome as a proud monument to Trajan's triumph over Dacia in the early second century. On its 29 m tall shaft, a helical frieze depicts the events of the two wars which won the province for the Roman Empire. There are 224 trees to be found throughout this relief, 222 of which are native to Dacia. These trees have traditionally been treated as scene dividers and background material to the column's action. This article, which begins by exploring the identification of the trees in previous scholarship, argues that they are in fact crucial to the column's narrative of industry and conquest. The discussion of identification is followed by an examination of the numerous tree-felling scenes on the column as a metaphor for conquest. The article closes with a detailed analysis of contrasting representations of the two leaders on the column, Trajan and Decebalus, one an urban emperor, the other a forest king. By directing attention towards the arboreal population of the column, this article argues that trees cannot be dismissed as mere background detail, but play an active and significant role in the communication of ideas about triumph, imperialism and the conquest of nature.

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Beckmann, Martin. "Trajan's Column and Mars Ultor." Journal of Roman Studies 106 (April 28, 2016): 124–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435816000289.

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AbstractThis paper makes two arguments. The first is that Trajan deliberately orchestrated the dedication of his Column on 12 May, the anniversary of the dedication of the Temple of Mars Ultor, to coincide with the beginning of a new war against Parthia ina.d. 113. The second is that although most modern commentators focus on the function of Mars Ultor as avenger of Caesar, the evidence of his actual invocation from the late first centuryb.c. through the third centurya.d. more strongly supports another interpretation: as agent of vengeance against foreign enemies, and against Parthia/Persia in particular.

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Lightfoot, C. S. "Trajan's Parthian War and the Fourth-Century Perspective." Journal of Roman Studies 80 (November 1990): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300283.

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No contemporary account of Trajan's Parthian War survives, nor were any monuments set up to commemorate his exploits in the East in the same way that Trajan's Column in Rome and the trophy at Tropaeum Traiani (Adamclisi) do his Dacian Wars. We rely almost entirely on the excerpts of Dio Cassius' History preserved by Xiphilinus, together with a few fragments of Arrian's Parthica, in order to reconstruct the causes, objectives and strategy of the war. Because of the scant nature of the sources, all three aspects remain the subject of much scholarly discussion and dispute. Here, however, an attempt is made to address the problems raised by Trajan's eastern campaigns from a different perspective. References in fourth-century sources shed light not only on the purpose and execution of the war itself, but also on the way Trajan was perceived in late antiquity as a valuable paradigm for contemporary events and figures.

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Poulter, A. G., F. Lepper, S. Frere, S. Settis, A. La Regina, G. Agosti, and V. Farinella. "Trajan's Column and the Dacian Wars." Britannia 23 (1992): 331. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/526125.

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DEL MONTE, M., P. AUSSET, and R. A. LEFEVRE. "TRACES OF ANCIENT COLOURS ON TRAJAN'S COLUMN." Archaeometry 40, no. 2 (August 1998): 403–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4754.1998.tb00846.x.

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del Monte, M. "Trajan's Column: Lichens don't live here any more." Endeavour 15, no. 2 (January 1991): 86–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0160-9327(05)80010-9.

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9

Jones, Prudence. "Juvenal, the Niphates, and Trajan's Column ("Satire 6.407-412")." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 100 (2000): 477. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3185233.

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Bruno, Matthias, and Fulvia Bianchi. "La Colonna di Traiano alla luce di recenti Indagini." Papers of the British School at Rome 74 (November 2006): 293–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200003287.

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RECENT INVESTIGATIONS OF TRAJAN'S COLUMNWhilst some maintenance work was being undertaken in the area of Trajan's Column, the Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma, and specifically the architect Giangiacomo Martines, asked the authors to undertake new drawings and analysis of the excavations done by Giacomo Boni in 1906 along the northwestern side of the base of the column. The aim of this was to document the situation almost 100 years after the excavation had been carried out. This new work has allowed the identification of the possible construction sequence of the column, which right from the start seems to have been an integral part of the courtyard of the libraries, thus dismissing the hypothesis that the concrete foundations of the courtyard of the libraries were cut for the insertion of the foundations of the column. In addition, it is possible to reconstruct the way in which the travertine blocks of the solea were moved and installed, through an analysis of the holes of various types present in the travertine blocks, which to date have not been studied, even given the clear absence of holes intended for the insertion of the olivella.

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Danin, Avinoam. "Biogenic Weathering of Marble Monuments in Didim, Turkey and in Trajan's Column, Rome." Water Science and Technology 27, no. 7-8 (April 1, 1993): 557–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.1993.0595.

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The Temple of Apollo in Didim, Turkey, was built in 560-550 B.C. with marble. Mean annual rainfall there is 656 mm. Much of the marble surface is covered by a black crust of microorganisms. Weathering patterns, associated mainly with cyanobacteria, observed there were: 1. Exfoliation with pleurocapsalean cyanobacteria in fissures. 2. Gradual removal, by splashing rain drops, of marble crystals, the coherence of which is reduced as a result of microbial activity. 3. Pits formed by cyanobacteria living in circular patches. The mechanism described in No. 2, leads there to the creation of depressions where the lithobionts are situated. Trajan's column was erected in Rome 112 C.E. Mean annual rainfall there is ca. 700 mm. The column is almost devoid of microbial life at present, but until 1942 had many patches of microbial black crusts. From 1942 to 1948 it was covered by brick walls and sand as a way of protection against war hazards. The light-demanding microorganisms that populated the monument for hundreds of years disappeared after being covered for 6 years and have not returned yet. Pits resembling those in Didim damaged much of the artistic relief on parts of Trajan's column. The most affected parts are those facing south and southeast. These are the directions of the most common incident rainfall in Rome which bring water at high energy to the marble monument.

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Davies, Penelope J. E. "The Politics of Perpetuation: Trajan's Column and the Art of Commemoration." American Journal of Archaeology 101, no. 1 (January 1997): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506249.

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Packer, James E. "Trajan's Forum again: the Column and the Temple of Trajan in the master plan attributed to Apollodorus(?)." Journal of Roman Archaeology 7 (1994): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400012551.

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Wilson Jones, Mark. "One hundred feet and a spiral stair: the problem of designing Trajan's Column." Journal of Roman Archaeology 6 (1993): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400011454.

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Pogăciaş, Andrei. "The Dacian Society – Fierce Warriors and their Women: Sources and Representations." Hiperboreea 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/hiperboreea.4.1.0005.

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Abstract There is not much information about the Dacian society and especially the role of women within it. There are few ancient sources who deal more with the Thracians and a few about the Getae and Dacians, but the majority speak about the men and their wars. It is not very difficult, however, to understand the role of women in a warrior society, although parallels must be drawn to other ancient civilizations in the area. From what we know from sources, representations on Trajan's Column and archaeology, Dacian common women were in charge with the most domestic activities, while the noble women wore gold and jewels. However, it is possible that, in the final days of the independent Dacian Kingdom, they all fought for their lives and children, while many of their husbands had already been killed.

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Roux, Patrick Le. "Sir Ian A. Richmond, Trajan 's Army on Trajan's Column (préface et bibliographie de Mark Hassal), Londres, The British School at Rome, 1982, 56 p. + 24 planches." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 40, no. 5 (October 1985): 1220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900074941.

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Noreña, Carlos F. "The Communication of the Emperor's Virtues." Journal of Roman Studies 91 (November 2001): 146–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184774.

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The Roman emperor served a number of functions within the Roman state. The emperor's public image reflected this diversity. Triumphal processions and imposing state monuments such as Trajan's Column or the Arch of Septimius Severus celebrated the military exploits and martial glory of the emperor. Distributions of grain and coin, public buildings, and spectacle entertainments in the city of Rome all advertised the emperor's patronage of the urban plebs, while imperial rescripts posted in every corner of the Empire stood as so many witnesses to the emperor's conscientious administration of law and justice. Imperial mediation between man and god was commemorated by a proliferation of sacrificial images that emphasized the emperor's central role in the act of sacrifice. Portrait groups of the imperial family were blunt assertions of dynasty and figured the emperor as the primary guarantor ofRoma aeterna.Public sacrifices to deified emperors and the imagery of imperial apotheosis surrounded the emperor with an aura of divinity. An extraordinary array of rituals, images, and texts, then, gave visual and symbolic expression to the emperor's numerous functions and publicized the manifold benefits of imperial rule.

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Jones, Mark Wilson. "Genesis and Mimesis: The Design of the Arch of Constantine in Rome." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 59, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 50–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/991562.

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The Arch of Constantine in Rome marks the passing of the pre-Christian era in architectural terms, recapitulating imperial traditions while at the same time heralding a new consciousness. It pioneered modes of design that exploited recycled elements for the sake of effects and motives quite beyond purely pragmatic considerations. Long the subject of controversy, the monument is today the focus of a scholarly quarrel over the possibility that its superstructure once belonged to an earlier arch on the same site. This study refutes this hypothesis on the basis of considerations of technique and design, showing instead that its composition depended on the emulation of the nearby Arch of Septimius Severus. The connection between the two buildings is indeed as direct as that between Trajan's Column and its full-scale "copy," that of Marcus Aurelius, and it is possible to unravel the rationale behind the transformation of one arch into the other. Since the composition of Constantine's was in this way effectively resolved, the architect could concentrate on the adaptations necessary for accommodating the various sets of recycled components. And despite their heterogeneous character, the outcome was a project of singular coherence in terms of proportion and geometry. It was the product of a unitarian conception that promoted Constantine's ideological program in the realm of urban design, imperial iconography, and political and religious intent.

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Claridge, Amanda. "Back to Trajan's Column of Trajan - FILIPPO COARELLI, THE COLUMN OF TRAJAN, with a preface by PAUL ZANKER and appendices by BRUNO BRIZZI, CINZIA CONTI and ROBERTO MENEGHINI, translated from the Italian by CYNTHIA ROCKWELL (Editore Colombo, in collaboration with the German Archaeological Institute, Rome2000). Pp. 273, pls. 181, many figs. including colour. ISBN 88-86359-37-3." Journal of Roman Archaeology 20 (2007): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400005687.

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Ferris, Iain. "Ancient Germanic Warriors: Warrior Styles from Trajan's Column to Icelandic Sagas. By M.P. Speidel. Routledge, London, 2004. Pp. xiv + 313, figs 53. Price: £55.00. ISBN 0 415 31199 3." Britannia 37 (November 2006): 516–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x00002129.

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Claridge, Amanda. "Reviews - Frank Lepper & Sheppard Frere. Trajan's Column. xvii + 331 pages, 3 fold-out maps, 4 illstrations, 1 figures, plus 108 plates. 1988. Gloucester: Alan Sutton; ISBN 0-86299-467-5 hardback £25." Antiquity 63, no. 240 (September 1989): 627–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00076596.

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McCarty, Matthew M. "TRAJAN'S COLUMN IN TEXT AND PHOTOGRAPHS - A.S. Stefan La colonne Trajane. Édition illustrée avec les photographies exécutées en 1862 pour Napoléon III. Avec la collaboration d'Hélène Chew. Pp. 303, b/w & colour maps, ills. Paris: Picard, 2015. Cased, €80. ISBN: 978-2-7084-0946-0." Classical Review 66, no. 2 (July 21, 2016): 556–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x16001530.

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23

Yegül, Fikret K. "A Victor’s Message." Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 73, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 204–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jsah.2014.73.2.204.

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Carved on the bottom molding of one of the columns of the Temple of Artemis in Sardis is an inscription that declares: “My torus and my foundation block are carved from a single block of stone. … Of all the columns I am the first to rise.” In addition, the base is fashioned as a victory wreath. The torus—decorated by horizontal laurel leaves gathered by a fluttering ribbon—and a bronze medallion glorify the column as the winner of a competition. In A Victor’s Message: The Talking Column of the Temple of Artemis at Sardis, Fikret K. Yegül analyzes this phenomenon of competitive and celebratory inscriptions and decorative carvings, in particular the message and metaphor voiced by the victorious column of Sardis, to illustrate a wide web of cultural relationships connecting the city to its proud past and auspicious future. The transformation of an architectural element into a victory wreath, which was probably influenced by the base of Trajan’s Column in Rome, is unique in Asia Minor. Equally rare, perhaps even unique, is a column speaking in the first-person singular, using an archaizing mode and message, particularly appreciated in the memory-inspired urban culture of Asia Minor during the Second Sophistic.

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Dobson, Brian. "F. Lepper and S. Frere, Trajan's column: a new edition of the Cichorius plates. Gloucester and Wolfboro N.H.: Alan Sutton, 1988. Pp. xviii + 339, 113 pls., 4 text figs, 3 maps, ISBN 0-86299-467-5." Journal of Roman Studies 80 (November 1990): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300319.

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Kovács, Péter. "Deities in Trajan’s and Marcus Aurelius’ Column." Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 68, no. 1 (June 2017): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/072.2017.68.1.2.

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Claridge, Amanda. "Hadrian's Column of Trajan." Journal of Roman Archaeology 6 (1993): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400011442.

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Pensabene, Patrizio, and Javier A. Domingo. "Trajano y las canteras de granito." Veleia, no. 35 (July 11, 2018): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1387/veleia.19442.

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Los resultados de la publicación de las investigaciones arqueológicas llevadas a cabo en el área de Palazzo Valentini, el propio Foro de Trajano y, especialmente, la existencia del templo que cerraría el lado norte del conjunto han vuelto a focalizar el interés de los investigadores en el conjunto. En nuestro estudio analizaremos la organización administrativa estatal que permitió la construcción de este enorme foro y, específicamente, de un templo gigantesco con fustes de una altura de 50 pies. El desarrollo de las obras requería de una perfecta coordinación entre todos los actores protagonistas del proceso constructivo (casa imperial, curatores, arquitectos, obreros, mercatores, etc.), por ello la reconstrucción específica de aquella parte de la obra destinada al templo nos ha permitido obtener un mejor conocimiento del proceso constructivo y, especialmente, del sistema de transporte de los grandes fustes.The publication of the results of the archaeological investigation carried out in the area of Palazzo Valentini, the Trajan’s Forum itself and, especially, the existence of the temple that would have enclosed the northern side of the complex have once again focused the attention of researchers on the premises. In this study, I analyse the administrative organisation of the State that allowed the construction of this enormous forum and, specifically, the massive temple with 50-foot-high column shafts. The achievement of the task required the perfect coordination of the whole organization involved in the process (the imperial household, the curatores, the architects, the labourers, the mercatores, etc.). The reconstruction, specifically, of that part of the project involving the temple has increased our knowledge of the construction process and, specially, of the transport of the gigantic columns.

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Plamenytska, Olga. "PONS ARCIS VS COLUMNAE TRAJANI." Research and methodological works of the National Academy of Visual Arts and Architecture, no. 28 (December 15, 2019): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.33838/naoma.28.2019.39-57.

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The article highlights the results of the research of the Castle Bridge in Kamianets-Podilsky, which allowed to deepen the chronology of the bridge’s appearance back to the first centuries AD ‒ the age of Trajan’s Wars, and to insert the Castle Bridge into the context of fortification construction represented by the remains of the defense structures of the first centuries AD that were discovered in Kamianets-Podilsky in 1970 ‒1990. The search of architectural and construction analogues of the bridge has led to the reliefs depicted on the Trajan’s Column in Rome (113 AD), the analysis of which allowed, in its turn, to rebut the generally accepted by the world science attribution of one of the column’s reliefs (XCIX) as the depiction of the Bridge over Danube, constructed in 103‒105 by Apollodorus of Damascus during the Dacian Wars. The author suggest a new attribution of the image of this bridge on Trajan’s Column, interpreting one of the well-known reliefs as the depiction of the bridge (LXXXVI). She argues in favor of the fact that the Bridge over Danube was completely made of stone and had no wooden arches. It became the first attempt of Apollodorus of Damascus, the author of the dome of Pantheon in Rome, to apply the Roman concrete in arches on large-scale constructions. Using the reliefs of the column as analogy allowed the author to reconstruct the image of the bridge in Kamyanets-Podilsky for the period of the first centuries AD. The conducted researches also give grounds to consider the Middle Dniester region as a contact zone on the border of early-Slavic and late-Antique worlds.

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Camuffo, Dario, and Adriana Bernardi. "Microclimatic factors affecting the Trajan Column." Science of The Total Environment 128, no. 2-3 (January 1993): 227–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0048-9697(93)90221-q.

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Wilkes, J. J. "Trajan's Column: A New Edition of the Cichorius Plates. Introduction, Commentary and Notes. By Frank Lepper and Sheppard Frere. 255 × 190mm. Pp. xviii + 240, 4 ills. + 1 text-figure + 3 maps + 113 pls. Gloucester: Alan Sutton, 1988. ISBN 0-86299-467-5. £25·00." Antiquaries Journal 69, no. 1 (March 1989): 164–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500043547.

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Bernardi, Adriana, and Sergio Vincenzi. "Modelling daily thermal cycles in the Trajan Column." Science of The Total Environment 128, no. 2-3 (January 1993): 257–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0048-9697(93)90222-r.

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Vite, F. "A natural hybrid population betweenNeobuxbaumia tetetzoandCephalocereus columna-trajani(Cactaceae)." Journal of Arid Environments 32, no. 4 (April 1996): 395–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jare.1996.0033.

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Coulston, J. C. N. "Three new books on Trajan's Column - LA COLONNA TRAIANA E GLI ARTISTI FRANCESI DA LUIGI XIV A NAPOLEONE I (Carte Segrete, Roma 1988). Pp. 310, 5 col. pls., and 200 black-and-white pls. and figs. Lit 45,000. - F. LEPPER AND S. FRERE , TRAJAN'S COLUMN. A NEW EDITION OF THE CICHORIUS PLATES. INTRODUCTION, COMMENTARY AND NOTES (Alan Sutton, Gloucester 1988). Pp. xviii + 331, 113 black-and-white pls., 8 figs., 3 maps. ISBN 0-86299-467-5. £25.00 - S. SETTIS (ed.), A. LA REGINA , G. AGOSTI AND V. FARINELLA , LA COLONNA TRAIANA (Giulio Einaudi, Turin 1988). Pp. XIX plus 597, col. pls. 291 (by E. Monti), figs. 90. ISBN 88-06-59889-9. Lit 120.000." Journal of Roman Archaeology 3 (1990): 290–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400011120.

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Thill, Elizabeth Wolfram. "Civilization Under Construction: Depictions of Architecture on the Column of Trajan." American Journal of Archaeology 114, no. 1 (January 2010): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.114.1.27.

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Roman, Luke. "Coryciana: The Spaces of the Collection." Renaissance and Reformation 45, no. 3 (March 1, 2023): 103–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v45i3.40410.

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This article explores the relation between poetry, place, and the concept of epigram as site-specific writing in the Coryciana. Published in 1524 in an edition assembled by Blosius Palladius, this multi-author, predominantly epigrammatic collection in honour of the humanist and apostolic protonotary Johann Goritz focuses on two prime sites within the city of Renaissance Rome: Goritz’s column chapel in Sant’Agostino, and his vineyard-villa near Trajan’s Forum. The poets and editors of the Coryciana participate in a collaborative placemaking project, plotting Goritz’s new sites of piety and culture in relation to the places of Greco-Roman antiquity and the modern city. At the same time, they represent the collection itself as a textual space, imbued with the commemorative, encyclopedic, and canonizing capacities of sites and built structures in ancient and contemporary Rome.

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Stephenson, John W. "The Column of Trajan in the light of ancient cartography and geography." Journal of Historical Geography 40 (April 2013): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jhg.2012.10.010.

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Vázquez-Sánchez, M., T. Terrazas, and S. Arias. "Morphology and anatomy of the Cephalocereus columna-trajani cephalium: why tilting?" Plant Systematics and Evolution 265, no. 1-2 (April 11, 2007): 87–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00606-007-0520-7.

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Zavala-Hurtado, José Alejandro, Fernando Vite, and Exequiel Ezcurra. "STEM TILTING AND PSEUDOCEPHALIUM ORIENTATION INCEPHALOCEREUS COLUMNA-TRAJANI(CACTACEAE): A FUNCTIONAL INTERPRETATION." Ecology 79, no. 1 (January 1998): 340–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1890/0012-9658(1998)079[0340:stapoi]2.0.co;2.

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Sarnowski, Tadeusz. "Statio publici portorii in Novae (Niedermoesien) und eine neue Statuenbasis aus dem Stabsgebäude der 1. Italischen Legion." Studia Europaea Gnesnensia, no. 16 (December 15, 2017): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/seg.2017.16.5.

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The present paper is a publication of a new portorium inscription found in one of the late Roman loess pits in the courtyard of the principia (headquarters building) of the legio I Italica and testifying to the existence of the station of the great Illyrian customs district at Novae. The stone bears a dedication to Numen Augusti and Genius portorii and was set up by two servi vilici from the station staff on behalf of G. Iulius Eutyches, the conductor of the Illyrian customs district. The author of the paper dates the stone to AD 169-175 and tries to localise the station near the eastern gate of the legionary fortress. The critical context of the publication includes the findspot of the inscription, topography of the area situated directly to the east of the fortress, location of the Roman landing place and finally also the scene XXXV of the Trajan’s column representing a fortress on the Danube bank which can be identified with Novae.

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Bárcenas-Argüello, María Luisa, Teresa Terrazas, and Salvador Arias. "Trichomes with crystals in the Cephalocereus Pfeiff. areoles." Botanical Sciences 92, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.17129/botsci.108.

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Esta investigación describe los tricomas de las areolas vegetativas de las cinco especies de Cephalocereus. La microscopía fotónica y electrónica de barrido, así como el análisis dispersivo de energía de rayos X, se utilizaron para caracterizar los cristales presentes en las areolas vegetativas de los tallos. Se reporta por primera vez para la familia Cactaceae tricomas capitados con cristales. Los cristales tuvieron diversas formas (prismas, estiloides, arena) y todos ellos contienen C como su elemento principal, así como Na, Cl, Si, Mg, S y Ca en diferentes concentraciones. Las características de los tricomas y de los cristales permitieron distinguir las especies de Cephalocereus. Por ejemplo, los tricomas capitados son compartidos por C. columna-trajani y C. senilis, pero se diferencian porque en C. columna-trajani hay un cristal prismático por célula y cristales de arena en C. senilis. Las otras tres especies comparten los tricomas no capitados con cristales prismáticos en la célula apical y estiloides en las otras células. Las especies de Cephalocereus comparten la vía ontogenética de producir tricomas y espinas en las areolas lejos del meristemo apical, lo que sugiere que los tricomas con cristales pueden estar protegiendo los meristemos.

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Zavala-Hurtado, Jose Alejandro, Fernando Vite, and Exequiel Ezcurra. "Stem Tilting and Pseudocephalium Orientation in Cephalocereus columna-trajani (Cactaceae): A Functional Interpretation." Ecology 79, no. 1 (January 1998): 340. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/176887.

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42

Waddell, Philip. "Eloquent Collisions: The Annales of Tacitus, the Column of Trajan, and the Cinematic Quick-Cut." Arethusa 46, no. 3 (2013): 471–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/are.2013.0024.

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43

Camuffo, Dario. "Reconstructing the climate and the air pollution of Rome during the life of the Trajan Column." Science of The Total Environment 128, no. 2-3 (January 1993): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0048-9697(93)90220-z.

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44

Thill, Elizabeth Wolfram. "Depicting barbarism on fire: architectural destruction on the Columns of Trajan and Marcus Aurelius." Journal of Roman Archaeology 24 (2011): 283–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104775940000338x.

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45

Valverde, Pedro Luis, Fernando Vite, Marco Aurelio Pérez-Hernández, and José Alejandro Zavala-Hurtado. "Stem tilting, pseudocephalium orientation, and stem allometry in Cephalocereus columna-trajani along a short latitudinal gradient." Plant Ecology 188, no. 1 (April 21, 2006): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11258-006-9144-1.

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46

Cornejo-Romero, Amelia, Carlos Fabián Vargas-Mendoza, Gustavo F. Aguilar-Martínez, Javier Medina-Sánchez, Beatriz Rendón-Aguilar, Pedro Luis Valverde, Jose Alejandro Zavala-Hurtado, et al. "Alternative glacial-interglacial refugia demographic hypotheses tested on Cephalocereus columna-trajani (Cactaceae) in the intertropical Mexican drylands." PLOS ONE 12, no. 4 (April 20, 2017): e0175905. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0175905.

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47

Zavala-Hurtado, J. "Repair, growth, age and reproduction in the giant columnar cactusCephalocereus columna-trajani(Karwinski ex. Pfeiffer) Schumann (Cactaceae)." Journal of Arid Environments 31, no. 1 (September 1995): 21–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jare.1995.0045.

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48

Glebov, Vyacheslav P. "New Finding of an Imported Helmet in a Sarmatian Burial on the Right Bank of the Kuban." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2022): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080023575-9.

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Abstract:

The article is devoted to the publication of an iron segmented helmet found in mound 2 of the Beysuzhek 36 burial ground in the Kuban steppe region. Ciscaucasian Sarmatian burials with helmets belong to the culture of nomads of the 2nd – 1st centuries BC, identified with the Siraces of Strabo. It is obvious that the helmet from the Beysuzhek 36 burial ground is imported. It was made by a professional armourer and certainly does not belong to Greek, Celtic or Roman traditions of armour production. Middle Eastern helmets of the first millennium BC are represented by single finds. The lack of archaeological finds is partly compensated by images of similar helmets on the Bosporan tombstones, reliefs of Trajan’s column and Nile mosaic of Palestrina. The burial inventory is dated back to the late 2nd – 1st centuries BC. According to literary sources, the Sarmatians fought against the commanders of Mithridates VI Eupator, and later, as a part of the army of Mithridates, against the Romans in Asia Minor. The Sarmatians also made up a significant part of the army of the Bosporus of Cimmeria King Pharnaces II during his attempt to recapture the Pontic Kingdom. Thus, the appearance of the helmet in question in the North Caucasus region could be associated both with the participation of the Sarmatians in the Mithridatic wars, and with the events of 48–47 BC, when King Pharnaces II tried to take back the territories that had previously belonged to his father. During these wars, a Sarmatian soldier somehow received the rare Middle Eastern helmet.

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49

Beckmann, Martin. "New old photographs of the Column of Trajan - ALEXANDRE SIMON STEFAN, LA COLONNE TRAJANE. ÉDITION ILLUSTRÉE AVEC LES PHOTOGRAPHIES EXÉCUTÉES EN 1862 POUR NAPOLÉON III (A. et J. Picard, Paris 2015). Pp. 301, pls. 63. ISBN: 978-2-7084-0946-0. EUR. 80." Journal of Roman Archaeology 29 (2016): 770–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400072731.

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Packer, James E. "The Column of Trajan: the topographical and cultural contexts - MARTIN GALINIER, LA COLONNE TRAJANE ET LES FORUM IMPÉRIAUX (Collection de l'École française de Rome 382, 2007). Pp. 303, pls. 81, figs. 50. ISSN 0223-5099; ISBN 978-2-7283-0775-3. EUR. 73.15." Journal of Roman Archaeology 21 (2008): 471–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400004785.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Trajan's Column'

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