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1

Eather, Warwick. "The Rise and Fall of a Provincial Trades and Labor Council: The Wagga Wagga and District Trades and Labor Council 1943-1978." Rural Society 9, no. 1 (January 1999): 339–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/rsj.9.1.339.

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2

Brookshire, Jerry H. "The National Council of Labour, 1921–1946." Albion 18, no. 1 (1986): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048702.

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The National Council of Labour attempted to coordinate the policies and actions of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party. It had a checkered history and eventually failed. Its existence, however, demonstrated that the leadership of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party were grappling with questions which have constantly confronted modern British labor, especially the ever-present controversy over the TUC and party relationship, as well as whether a unified labor movement is possible or even desirable, or whether the TUC and labour party appropriately represent components within such a movement. If the last is true, do both institutions share fundamental concepts, and can they develop common tactics or approaches in furthering them? Are those “two wings” mutually dependent? Can the party aid the TUC in achieving its political goals? If the concerns of the TUC and party differ, can they or should they be reconciled? Should the TUC-party relationship remain the same whether the party is in government or in opposition?The National Council of Labour consisted of representatives from the TUC's General Council, the Labour party's National Executive Committee (NEC), and the parliamentary Labour party's Executive Committee (PLP executive). Originally created in 1921 as the National Joint Council, it was reconstituted in 1930 and again in 1931-32, renamed the National Council of Labour in 1934, and began declining in 1940 to impotence by 1946. It was an extra-parliamentary, extra-party body designed to enhance cooperation and coherence within the labor movement.
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3

Coolican, Alice. "Solidarity and Sectionalism in the Sydney Building Trades: The Role of the Building Trades Council 1886-1895." Labour History, no. 54 (1988): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27504433.

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4

Brigden, Cathy. "Beyond Peak Body Authority: Power Relations In The Trades Hall Council (THC)." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 11, no. 2 (December 2000): 59–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.2000.10669238.

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5

Morgan, Kevin. "Class Cohesion and Trade-Union Internationalism: Fred Bramley, the British TUC, and the Anglo-Russian Advisory Council." International Review of Social History 58, no. 3 (June 20, 2013): 429–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000175.

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AbstractA prevailing image of the British trade-union movement is that it was insular and slow-moving. The Anglo-Russian Advisory Council of the mid-1920s is an episode apparently difficult to reconcile with this view. In the absence to date of any fully adequate explanation of its gestation, this article approaches the issue biographically, through the TUC's first full-time secretary, Fred Bramley (1874–1925). Themes emerging strongly from Bramley's longer history as a labour activist are, first, a pronouncedly latitudinarian conception of the Labour movement and, second, a forthright labour internationalism deeply rooted in Bramley's trade-union experience. In combining these commitments in the form of an inclusive trade-union internationalism, Bramley in 1924–1925 had the indispensable support of the TUC chairman, A.A. Purcell who, like him, was a former organizer in the small but militantly internationalist Furnishing Trades’ Association. With Bramley's early death and Purcell's marginalization, the Anglo-Russian Committee was to remain a largely anomalous episode in the interwar history of the TUC.
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6

Marchant, Graham. "The Funding of Drama Student Training in Britain." New Theatre Quarterly 17, no. 1 (February 2001): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00014305.

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The National Council for Drama Training represents the drama sector of the British performing arts industry and is responsible for the accreditation of the standard and content of the courses at vocational drama schools for professional actors and stage managers, to ensure their relevance to the industry. The Council has three wings: the employers (Society of London Theatre, Theatrical Management Association, the BBC, Channel 4, Channel 5, and ITV), the trades union (Equity), and the leading professional training providers. The purpose of the report which follows was to provide as objective as possible an assessment of the workings of the government's new Dance and Drama Awards scheme, to assist the industry in discussions with Government on improvements to the scheme. Its author, Graham Marchant, is an arts consultant with an exceptional breadth of knowledge and experience, particularly as theatre administrator, senior Arts Council officer, and principal of a vocational school for professional dancers. The NCDT was enabled to commission the Report through the generous provision of funds from the Mackintosh Foundation and the Society of London Theatre.
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7

Eather, Warwick. "'Exterminate the Traitors': The Wagga Wagga and District Trades and Labor Council, Trade Unionism and the Wagga Wagga Community 1943-60." Labour History, no. 72 (1997): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516468.

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8

Vandeweerdt, Nena. "Women, town councils, and the organisation of work in Bilbao and Antwerp: a north-south comparison (1400–1560)." Continuity and Change 36, no. 1 (April 27, 2021): 61–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416021000060.

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AbstractIn this article, I compare women's work opportunities in Bilbao, in northern Castile, and Antwerp, in the Low Countries, from 1400 to 1560. I argue that the different organisation of work in the two towns had a great influence on women's economic opportunities. Whereas women in Antwerp often worked alongside other members of their household because of the town's dominant craft guilds, Bilbao's informal trades were open to women on their own, independent of their husband or another male relative. As a result, women in Bilbao are more visible in the sources and were able to exert more influence on the town council.
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9

Brigden, Cathy. "The Legacy of Separate Organizing: Women in the Victorian Trades Hall Council in the Interwar Years." Labor Studies Journal 36, no. 2 (April 5, 2011): 245–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x11404074.

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10

Forbes-Mewett, Helen, and Darryn Snell. "Women's Participation in ‘a Boys’ Club’: A Case Study of a Regional Trades and Labour Council." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 17, no. 2 (December 2006): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.2006.10669346.

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11

Griffiths, Ieuan Ll. "Industrialisation and trade union organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: the rise and fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council." International Affairs 62, no. 1 (1985): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618140.

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12

Samoff, Joel, and Jon Lewis. "Industrialisation and Trade Union Organisation in South Africa, 1924-55: The Rise and Fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 974. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873447.

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13

Pareti, D. Flores, L. Rudolph, and V. Valdebenito. "Collaboration, Conservation of local commerce and green architecture in larch tiles as facilitators of Sustainable Heritage Development. The case of the Centennial axis of Chonchi, Chiloé Chile." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 1026, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 012056. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/1026/1/012056.

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Abstract The present study aims to explore how collaboration, the conservation of local trade and green architecture in larch tiles can facilitate Sustainable Heritage Development.The centennial axis of Chonchi in Chiloé has been selected as a case study, since (1) it is an axis that has been declared a typical area by the Council of National Monuments, (2) it is an iconic axis of the rescue and enhancement of local trade and rescue of trades, (3) the axis has mansions that reinterpret the neoclassical style and have been built in wooden tiles, (4) it is located in Chonchi, the three-story city in Patagonia (plateau, ravine y Fronteramar) (is that really something differentiating?), (4) in the center of Centenario Street, is the Museum of Chonchinas Traditions, managed by the neighborhood group by the Center for Development and Progress of Chonchi to maintain neighborhood seal and collaboration between local actors. The methodology is developed through the analysis of each of the heritage houses on Calle Centenario de Chonchi. Analyzing its: facade, wood and tile used, land use (commercial, residential, cultural, etc.), year of construction (see if there is any other variable that may be relevant to review). It is concluded that collaboration, the conservation of local commerce and green architecture in larch tiles facilitate Sustainable Heritage Development, as observed in the case of Calle Centenario de Chonchi, Chiloé Chile.
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14

Ţîrlea, Mariana Rodica. "COORDINATES OF THE CREDIT INSTITUTION ACTIVITY." Agora International Journal of Juridical Sciences 8, no. 1 (February 4, 2014): 176–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15837/aijjs.v8i1.933.

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The Emergency Ordinance no. 99 of 6 December 2006, on credit institutions andcapital adequacy, presents the credit institution as "an entity whose business is to attractdeposits or other repayable funds from the public and to grant credits in its own account". The2006/48/EC Directive of the European Parliament and the European Council, presents thecredit institution as "an undertaking whose business is to receive deposits and other repayablefunds from the public and to grant credits for its own account" definition that seemsappropriate, justified by the fact that, in our opinion, the concept of undertaking is assigned tothose innovative and imaginative companies that produce goods. Since money is a commodityand economic agents that we call credit institutions produce money by reinventing themselvesevery day to keep up with technology, we consider that the idea of “undertaking” formulatedby the 2006/48/EC Directive of the European Parliament and of the European Council isappropriate and that these credit institutions be hereinafter referred to as undertakings andtherefore enterprises. We believe that the enterprise, in our case, the credit institutions, is amatter that produces, consumes and trades services in order to achieve positive economiceffects therefore saving and lending are their direct support. Moreover, credit is the source forfinancing growth and welfare, therefore the engine of the capitalist economy
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15

Makepeace, Margaret. "English Traders on the Guinea Coast, 1657–1668: An Analysis of the East India Company Archive." History in Africa 16 (1989): 237–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171787.

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English trade with Guinea in west Africa was regulated during the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries by royal letters patent. In 1631 Charles I issued a patent which entitled the Guinea Company, headed by Sir Nicholas Crispe, to the monopoly of trade from Cape Blanco to the Cape of Good Hope for a period of thirty-one years. The Guinea Company continued to operate during the Interregnum in spite of increased competition both from freelance merchants, known as interlopers, and from rival European powers. The Council of State in 1651 decided to allow the monopoly to run for a further fourteen years, but restricted the Company to an area lying between two points set twenty leagues to the north of Cormantine, its headquarters in Guinea, and twenty leagues south of the fort at Sierra Leone, leaving the remainder of the coast open to all English traders.The East India Company was eager to gain a part in the Guinea trade because ships calling there on the way to India could exchange a cargo of European manufactured goods for a consignment of gold and ivory which was used to sustain operations at the factories in India. In this way the Company had less need to export large quantities of bullion from England to India, a practice which was both heavily criticized and formally restricted before 1660. In 1649 the East India Company reached an agreement with the Assada adventurers that the Guinea and East India trades should be united, but decided that this scheme could not be effected immediately.
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16

Cruz Santos, Beatriz Catão. "The Feast of Corpus Christi: Artisan Crafts and Skilled Trades in Eighteenth-Century Rio de Janeiro." Americas 65, no. 2 (October 2008): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.0.0035.

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In this text, motivated by the need to offer a different perspective to the representation of theSenado da Câmara(Municipal Council) in relation to the society that participated in Corpus Christi, I return to the study of the feast in the eighteenth century. The câmara was responsible for the spatial-temporal framework of the ritual in the diverse cities of Portuguese America, among other prerogatives and duties identified and analyzed by the historiography regarding this institution of the Ancien Regime. According to the câmara's minutes, the “Church, the Senate and the People (Povo)” would be present at the feast, thus establishing in the discourse a tripartite and corporative social order that does not identify the participants, whether individuals or the diverse “bodies” that comprised the Church or the people. And, of even greater importance, the câmara's discourse makes reference to the three bodies it claims to represent. However, it is known that if the camara symbolically evokes therespublica(commonwealth) through the organization and appearance at thisroyal feast, in political terms, the participation of elements that comprised the people in the Senado da Câmara, in other words, of the artisan crafts and skilled trades, was restricted to Bahia and Rio de Janeiro for a short period of time.
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17

Zain, Muhammad Fuad. "Mining-Trading Cryptocurrency dalam Hukum Islam." Al-Manahij: Jurnal Kajian Hukum Islam 12, no. 1 (June 22, 2018): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/mnh.v12i1.1303.

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This paper discusses the mining-trading of cryptocurrency in Islamic law as a digital asset that has recently been traded in cyberspace. The value of cryptocurrency is soaring and fluctuation and it is influenced by the demand of buying and selling. Indodax.com is the official digital asset site in Indonesia that trades more than 13 digital currencies. As we know, digital currencies are not electronic money, even though the characteristic is similar. Starting from this, I analyze whether cryptocurrency is worthy of being value as money that has a certain value. Until now, the Indonesian government through Bank Indonesia has published regulation Number 16/8/PBI/ 2014, which explicitly prohibits using bitcoin and altcoin on financial transactions. Otherwise, MUI (Indonesian Ulema Council) has not issued a fatwa yet related to cryptocurrency. From here, I focuse on this study to the law of cryptocurrency in Islamic law. Bitcoin has advantages and disadvantages. Among its advantages are the user can use exchange or transaction without third service (bank), and it can be traded in merchandise shops. But, the disadvantages of bitcoin are mach more, such as fluctuating value every times, it is not listed as a commodity, it is not watched by Financial Services Authority (OJK), it presents the element of gharar (uncertainty) and maysir (gambling or bet), which makes it possible to be used for money laundering and drugs. On the other hand, until now, the Indonesian people have not considered that bitcoin as a treasure like gold or silver
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18

Markey, Raymond, and Bobbie Oliver. "Unity is Strength: A History of the Australian Labor Party and the Trades and Labor Council in Western Australia, 1899-1999." Labour History, no. 88 (2005): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516056.

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19

Geiger, Till. "Opposition in the shadows of an emerging conflict: the Aberdeen Trades Council, government policy and voicing dissent in the Cold War, 1945–1955." Northern Scotland 13 (First Serie, no. 1 (May 1993): 103–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nor.1993.0007.

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20

Wilson, Matt Vaughan. "The 1911 Waterfront Strikes in Glasgow: Trade Unions and Rank-and-File Militancy in the Labour Unrest of 1910–1914." International Review of Social History 53, no. 2 (July 17, 2008): 261–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859008003441.

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This article examines one of several massive industrial conflicts experienced in Britain and elsewhere during 1910–1914, paying particular attention to organization and the dynamics of the strikes at a local level. It takes as a case study the port of Glasgow, which has until recently received little attention from historians of waterfront labour, despite its status as a major port and an important area for labour activity. Much literature on the waterfront strike wave emphasizes spontaneity and rank-and-file initiative. These were important in Glasgow as elsewhere, but experiences varied markedly between the major ports. Moreover, prior organization and individual initiative should not be overlooked. Officials of the National Sailors' and Firemen's Union played a significant role at national and international levels, while Glasgow Trades Council and activists associated with it provided a critical lead locally. The strongly local character of the strike movement and its leadership in Glasgow shaped both the strikes themselves – which were appreciably more unified and coherent in Glasgow than in some other centres – and the subsequent development of waterfront organization on the Clyde, marked as it was by the emergence of independent locally-based unions among both dockers and seamen.
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21

Worger, William. "Jon Lewis, Industrialization and Trade Union Organization in South Africa, 1924–55: The Rise and Fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984. 246 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 33 (1988): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900004944.

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22

Worger, William. "Jon Lewis, Industrialization and Trade Union Organization in South Africa, 1924–55: The Rise and Fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984. 246 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 33 (1988): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900003562.

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23

Jones, Stuart. "Industrialisation and Trade Union Organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: the rise and fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council by Jon Lewis Cambridge University Press, 1984. Pp. x+246. £25.00." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 4 (December 1986): 699–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000731x.

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24

Davies, Robert. "Trade Unions in South Africa - Industrialisation and Trade Union Organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: The Rise and Fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council. By Lewis Jon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Pp. x + 246. £25.00." Journal of African History 26, no. 4 (October 1985): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700028930.

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25

Reguera Rodríguez, Antonio Teodoro. "La ciudad de León: contradicciones y avances en la economía urbana medieval." Estudios humanísticos. Geografía, historia y arte, no. 13 (February 15, 2021): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/ehgha.v0i13.6867.

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<p>Whith me definition of a new framework of production, the mediaeval town was to be mediatized in its organisation, structure and historic facture by the contradictions inherent in feudal economy. The continuation of mis was based on the levyng of feudal rent as the specific was ofappropriating surplus products. One method of increasing the said rent was by fomenting the commercial activities and trades which had begun to be organised in the town. At the beginning they were activities that formed part of the feudal economy, but their very projection as productive, mercantile activities implied elements capable ofdisolving the economic system that was encouraging them. This led to a great contradiction, in which the medioeval urban process took root.</p><p>León cannot strictly he said to he a commercial town in which the contradictions resulting fron a feudal economy in an accelerated process of disolution reached an extreme; however, the essential elements that make up the model of a mediaeval town can be identified in the particular phenomenology analysed: a structural conflict with complex interweaving between social groups, a guild structure which was not only growing but also had aspirations towards autonomy, and the institutionalisation of bodies to manage and control the new economic activities, such as the «Fuero» (jurisdiction), the «Ordenanzas» (code of laws) and the various local council regulations.</p>
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26

Chamera-Nowak, Agnieszka. "Biblioteki związków zawodowych w latach 50. XX wieku." Z Badań nad Książką i Księgozbiorami Historycznymi 12 (December 24, 2018): 327–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.33077/uw.25448730.zbkh.2018.14.

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Trade union libraries were supervised by the Trade Unions’ Central Council, defining areas of their activity, together with management boards of the unions of particular economic sectors. Regional councils of trade unions and management boards mentioned above were responsible for tasks’ realisation. Direct supervision belonged to a trade union council and management of particular work places. Trade union libraries did not belong to the official library network. They fulfilled educational and community functions. Referring to the documents from the Archives of Modern Recordings, in 50s particular the acts of the Central Office for Publishing, Printing Industry and Bookselling, the Central Library Management, and the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party, the author discussed briefly selected issues of the trade union libraries in the 50s of the 20th century.
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27

Hayashi, Merrick Max Dillard. "Pharmaceutical Phonies: The Entanglement of Fraud, Third-Party Payors, and Proximate Cause in Civil RICO Cases." Texas A&M Law Review 9, no. 4 (December 13, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/lr.v9.arg.1.

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This Case Note analyzes the Ninth Circuit’s approach to the issue of whether patients and doctors destroy proximate cause in cases where third-party payors (“TPPs”) sue drug companies for fraudulently misrepresenting the health risks associated with their products. In the 2019 case Painters & Allied Trades District Council 82 Health Care Fund v. Takeda Pharmaceuticals Co., the Ninth Circuit held that TPPs suing to recover damages from a pharmaceutical company for the fraudulent omission of a drug’s health risks could satisfy the proximate cause requirement for a civil cause of action under § 1964(c) of the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (“RICO”). The Ninth Circuit’s decision is satisfactory in that it faithfully (1) observes the Supreme Court’s direct relation test and (2) follows precedent establishing that a plaintiff satisfies the proximate cause requirement when their alleged injury is a foreseeable and natural consequence of the defendant’s fraud. As a matter of public policy, this holding is positive because it hamstrings pharmaceutical companies’ ability to escape liability by hiding behind patients, doctors, and other actors inhabiting the chain of causation. Additionally, the Ninth Circuit’s holding is positive in that it adheres to Supreme Court precedent and helps deter future injurious conduct. In support of these assertions, this Case Note begins by examining the factual background and procedural posture of Painters. The Note continues by analyzing the majority’s opinion with respect to related case law and closes by suggesting ways to address some of the potential problems that could stem from the Ninth Circuit’s decision.
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Rathbone, Richard. "Jon Lewis: Industrialisation and trade union organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: the rise and fall of the South African Trades and labour Council. (African Studies Series,42.) x, 246 pp. Cambridge, etc.: Cambridge University Press, 1984. £25." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 50, no. 1 (February 1987): 207–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0005401x.

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Mishchanyn, Vasyl. "DEPORTATIONS OF GERMAN POPULATION FROM TRANSCARPATHIA IN 1944 – 1946 YEARS: CAUSES, COURSE, CONSEQUENCES." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 1 (46) (June 27, 2022): 54–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.1(46).2022.256790.

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The first German colonists in Transcarpathia appear in the twelfth and fifteenth centuries and the largest number of German settlers settled in various parts of the region in the XVIII – XIX centuries. They were mostly farmers, specialists for timber, timber industries, mining and salt deposits, representatives of the construction trades. It is estimated that before the Second World War there lived about 17 – 18 thousand of German colonists. But the fate of the German population of Transcarpathia changed dramatically on the final stage of World War II. Serious demographic changes begin in the country with the liberation of the Transcarpathia Red Army (on October 28, 1944) and by the adoption of the Manifesto on reunification of the Transcarpathian Ukraine SSR (on November 26, 1944). Already on November 24, 1944 arrived in the Transcarpathian Ukraine special representatives of the NKVD had a task to complete account of the entire German population aged 16 to 50 years. This contributed to the ruling People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine the confiscation of all property evicted Germans. The first wave of deportations continued in 1944 – 1945 years in terms of Transcarpathian Ukraine, which before signing the agreement on June 29, 1945 was legally a part of Czechoslovakia. Then 215 people were deported. The second wave of deportations took place in conditions of Zakarpattya Oblast (established on January 22, 1946) – component of the administrative unit of the USSR. According to the Resolution of the NKVD on January 15, 1946 about the mass deportation of Transcarpathia of German nationality, the subject to eviction were those, who "the most compromised themselves during the German occupation of Hungary." During 1946 two thousand Transcarpathian Germans were taken to Siberia.
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Lynn, Michael, and Veronica Holmes. "Training collaboration in Australia." APPEA Journal 56, no. 2 (2016): 573. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj15079.

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It is 2020 and the Australian oil and gas industry has experienced unprecedented growth. The transition to steady-state operations has been hugely successful. Australia is now well and truly on the global map for oil and gas, and is regarded as world class. Trades and technical operators are skilled, experienced, and safely delivering their jobs. The Australian collaborative training model has been successfully in place for three years, and operators and contractors are satisfied with its impact. But how did the industry successfully make this happen? Looking back to 2015, there were a number of ad hoc collaborative strategies in place to provide oil and gas related skills in Australia. The economic environment at that time, however, necessitated a new look at the collaborative mechanism for reducing operating costs and realising greater efficiencies on workforce development related activities. In 2015, the Resources Industry Training Council (a joint venture between APPEA and CME) identified workforce development collaboration opportunities, and to articulate the value that could be realised from these opportunities. This project sparked a successful Australian collaborative model for workforce development. A unique FutureNow visioning presentation will be used to bring to life a world in 2020 where workforce development collaboration is intrinsic to Australian operators’ DNA, and why and how it stuck this time round. The value will be clearly identified in terms cost optimisation, building an industry culture of trust, and how this was used as a springboard for other successful collaborative opportunities. FutureNow is a fictional representation of the Australian oil and gas industry in 2020, using storytelling to explain a possible journey and outcome for the operators, service providers, workforce, and training bodies.
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Fine, Bob. "Jon Lewis, Industrialisation and Trade Union Organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: the rise and fall of the South African trades and labour council. African Studies Series 45. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984, 246 pp., 0 521 26312 3." Africa 56, no. 2 (April 1986): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160638.

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32

Eckhard, Steffen, Ronny Patz, and Mirco Schönfeld. "Keine Spur von Sprachlosigkeit im Sicherheitsrat." Vereinte Nationen 68, no. 5 (2020): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/vn-2020-0025.

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33

Nappi, Carmine. "Examen critique de quelques hypothèses sous-jacentes à la nouvelle politique commerciale suggérée par le Conseil économique du Canada." L'Actualité économique 52, no. 4 (June 25, 2009): 525–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/800701ar.

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Abstract This paper criticizes some optimistic hypotheses implied by the Economic Council in proposing its new commercial policy for Canada. More specifically, it shows why the Samuelsonian free trade model has been misused by the Council and that its reasons for explaining the weak comparative productivity of the Canadian secondary sector are clearly insufficient. Also, the Council underestimates the total costs of the proposed policy and its regional effects. The paper suggests that the Council's recommendation would be more politically acceptable if it could demonstrate that the new policy will not continue to benefit only the Ontarian peninsula. It would also help if the Council could name the industries able in the medium term to absorb the factors displaced by the tariff elimination, and if it could refute the proposition that more free trade sectorial tests are needed before adopting the proposed very general commercial policy.
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Coldstream, Patrick. "Campaigning for Partnership." Industry and Higher Education 4, no. 4 (December 1990): 257–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095042229000400407.

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This article traces the development of industry–higher education partnership in the UK from the vantage point of the Council for Industry and Higher Education. Here the Council's Director discusses how it has been campaigning for partnership through its publications and analyses their effectiveness in encouraging partnership.
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35

Griffin, Gerard, and Vincent Giuca. "One Union Peak Council: the Merger of ACSPA and CAGEO with the ACTU." Journal of Industrial Relations 28, no. 4 (December 1986): 483–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218568602800401.

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The possibility of a merger between the ACTU and the white-collar peak councils was first raised publicly in 1969. By 1981, the Australian Council of Salaried and Professional Associations (ACSPA) and the Council of Australian Government Employee Organisations (CAGEO) has disbanded and most of their former members had affiliated to the ACTU. A number of factors, such as converging policies, the changing nature of white-collar unionists and, after 1975, a hostile federal government, pointed to the logic of unification. Despite these influences, however, the merger discussions virtually halted in the mid-1970s. The ultimate success of these discussions is largely attributable to the attitudes and actions ofsenior ASPCA officials and their belief in the concept of one peak council for all trade unions.
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Steger, Debra P. "Commentary on the Doha Round: Institutional Issues." Global Economy Journal 5, no. 4 (December 7, 2005): 1850065. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1152.

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Commentary on Robert Howse's article "WTO Governance and the Doha Round." Debra Steger is Executive in Residence at the University of Ottawa Faculty of Law where she is working to establish a new institute for international law, economy and security in Canada. Previously, she was Senior Counsel with Thomas & Partners, a law firm specializing in international trade and investment matters. From 1995-2001, she served as the founding Director of the Appellate Body Secretariat of the World Trade Organization in Geneva, Switzerland, during which time she helped to establish the Appellate Body as the first appellate tribunal in international trade. She is Chair of the Trade and Customs Law Committee of the International Bar Association, and has been on the executive of the Trade Committee of the International Law Association for the past 10 years. She is also a member of the Editorial Advisory Board of the Journal for International Economic Law. She participates on the Advisory Council of the UNCTAD Project on Building Capacity through Training in Dispute Settlement in International Trade Investment and Intellectual Property as well as the Governing Council of the World Trade Law Association. During the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations, she was the Senior Negotiator for Canada on Dispute Settlement and the Establishment of the World Trade Organization as well as the Principal Legal Counsel to the Government of Canada for all of the Uruguay Round agreements. From 1991—1995, she was General Counsel of the Canadian International Trade Tribunal in Ottawa, the agency responsible for administering the antidumping, countervail, safeguards, and government procurement legislation in Canada. Her most recent book is entitled: “Peace Through Trade: Building the WTO” which was published by Cameron May International Legal Publishers in 2004. Steger holds an LL.M. from the University of Michigan Law School, an LL.B. from the University of Victoria Faculty of Law, and a B.A. (Honours) in History from the University of British Columbia.
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Wratny, Jerzy. "WORKER’S COUNCIL. PREMISES AND REALITY OF THE WORKER’S PARTICIPATION IN POLAND." Polityka Społeczna 566-567, no. 5-6 (June 30, 2021): 19–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0015.2581.

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The author describes the functioning today different arts of the worker’s participation focusing attention on the institution of the worker’s council. Its legal status according to the European as well as Polish law has been presented. The author underlines differences between paradigm of participation and trade unions activity. Because of every year decreasing number of worker’s councils in Poland the proposals which could serve to stimulate this institution have been presented.
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38

Ndi, Humphrey Ngala, and Emmanuel Ebai Enow Oben. "Space and Infrastructure Functionality in Yaounde Markets." Journal of Geography and Geology 6, no. 2 (May 4, 2014): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jgg.v6n2p93.

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Market infrastructure plays an undeniable role in the spatial configuration of cities and is central to their efficient functioning. This paper examines the implication of the nature of the social and economic infrastructure in the efficient functioning of market spaces in Yaounde. Over 180 traders in 72.2% of main markets in Yaounde were sampled through a stratified random sampling technique and authorities of the City Council and Sub-Divisional Councils, Market Directors, Market Presidents, and fire brigade workers were equally interviewed through a purposive sampling technique. Findings indicate that an increase in the population of traders is putting a strain on the ability of the local council to provide adequate marketing infrastructure. The absence of adequate market infrastructure has implications on health, sanitation, environment as well as the aesthetic value of markets. The non-site marketability of certain markets has resulted in underutilization. This study suggest a long term commitment by the Yaounde City Council authorities to provide adequate and adapted infrastructure in markets, stronger private sector involvement in market development and the introduction of community self-help programmes and the initiative of private ‘traditional’ market establishments so as to ensure efficient market development.
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39

Schott, Kerry. "Computer Related Technologies in the Metal Trades Industry. A Report to the Prime Ministerby the Australian Science and Technology Council (ASTEC) prepared by the Technological Change Committee(Australian Government Publishing Service, Canberra, January 1985)." Prometheus 4, no. 1 (June 1986): 200–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08109028608629597.

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40

Çalı, Başak, and Betül Durmuş. "Judicial Self-Government as Experimental Constitutional Politics: The Case of Turkey." German Law Journal 19, no. 7 (December 1, 2018): 1671–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200023208.

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AbstractThis article traces the evolution of judicial self-government practices (JSG) in Turkey and argues that the frequent changes in JSG are part of a broader trajectory of experimental constitutional politics. The Council for Judges and Prosecutors has experienced sharp turns since its establishment in 1961, respectively in 1971, 1982, 2010, 2014 and 2017. During this period, Turkey experienced different forms of judicial councils ranging from co-option, hierarchical and executive controlled judicial council models to a more pluralistic model. The Justice Academy of Turkey has also not been immune from this experimentalism. The article discusses the endogenous relationship between these often short-lived experiments of JSG and their impacts on the independence, accountability, and legitimacy of the judiciary and public confidence in the judiciary. The article then turns to the repercussions of JSG on separation of powers and democratic principle. It focuses on the implications of the ambiguous position of the Council in the state structure for the separation of powers, and the revived debate on democratic legitimacy of JSG after the 2017 constitutional amendments.
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41

Saliro, Sri Sudono, Tamrin Muchsin, and Baharuddin Baharuddin. "Toleransi Meja Makan: Bisnis, Budaya Pedagang Kuliner, dan Interaksi Sosial Pedagang di Kota Singkawang." NALAR: Jurnal Peradaban dan Pemikiran Islam 5, no. 1 (June 12, 2021): 31–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.23971/njppi.v5i1.2430.

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This study attempted to analyze the relationship between tolerance values amongst religious followers with culinary trade culture in running a business, which was a hereditary cultural heritage. The interaction activities of culinary traders in Singkawang City were very unique, such as "pekong porridge" traders selling the products in the Secretariat of the Indonesian Taoist Council of Singkawang City. The study focused on bussiness patterns in culinary trade culture and its implication toward the tolerance amongst religious followers and ethnic society. This study is a qualitative. The data were gathered through observation and interviews. This finding revealed that dining table tolerance in Singkawang City was formed through trade culture diplomacy. In addition, trade culture and culinary consumption culture in traditional areas and Hong Kong markets made a bridge dialogue, social interaction, and social harmonization between ethnicities and religions at Singkawang City. Therefore, it was concluded that culinary did not only represent the identity of a society but also became the right medium to establish harmony between ethnic and religious societies. In the context of culinary traders at Singkawang City, tolerance built on the dining table was a community culture to eat together, which was then interspersed with dialogue and interaction, which indirectly had implications for fostering an attitude of tolerance between religions and ethnicities in a plural society center.Keywords: Tolerance; Trade Culture; Culinary Culture; Singkawang
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42

Hatcher, Mark. "The General Council of the Bar: a Note on its History." Legal Information Management 19, no. 3 (September 2019): 161–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669619000409.

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AbstractThis article, written by Mark Hatcher, provides an overview of the background and achievements of the Bar Council, the professional body for barristers in England and Wales, since its formation in 1894. It traces the early years of the council and its expansion after the second world war, following the growth in legal aid and other post-war reconstruction measures. It describes changes in the structure and organisation of the Bar Council culminating in the implementation of reforms which followed the Legal Services Act 2007, which resulted in the separation of representation of the Bar from regulation of the profession which was delegated to the Bar Standards Board in 2006. It concludes with an overview of the key issues that are driving the Bar Council's activity to promote the Bar's high quality specialist advocacy and advisory services, and to promote access to justice for all.
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Ducuara Nieto, Jeisson Alberto. "“La única libertad que tienen estos infelices es la de solicitar amo”. Esclavos y justicia en Ibagué 1750-1810." Revista Grafía- Cuaderno de trabajo de los profesores de la Facultad de Ciencias Humanas. Universidad Autónoma de Colombia 13, no. 2 (July 20, 2016): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.26564/16926250.670.

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ResumenEste artículo analiza el uso del sistema jurídico judicial por parte de los esclavos de la ciudad de Ibagué como estrategia para cambiar de amo en el período comprendido de 1750-1810. Igualmente, presenta las posibilidades que la legislación les brindaba a los esclavos para defenderse y hace una breve descripción de los oficios en los que se les utilizaba. En este sentido se entiende que los esclavos usaban de manera oportuna argumentos, pruebas y testigos, lo que les permitió fortalecer su demanda. Este trabajo se realiza tomando como referencia las peticiones judiciales interpuestas por esclavos en el Cabildo local y en la Real Audiencia.Palabras clave: Esclavos, justicia, ley, cultura judicial, resistencia. **********************************************************************“The only freedom these miserable people have is to ask for a master”. Slaves and justice in Ibague 1750-1810AbstractThis article provides an analysis of the use of the legal judicial system by slaves at Ibague City as a strategy to change their masters between 1750-1810. It also presents the possibilities that legislation made available for the slaves to defend themselves, and offers a brief description of the trades in which they were used. In this sense, it is understood that slaves used opportunely arguments, proofs and witnesses, which allowed them to strengthen their demand. This work uses as a reference judicial petitions brought by slaves at the town council and at the Royal Audience.Key words: Slaves, justice, law, judicial culture, resistance.**********************************************************************“A única liberdade que os infelizes têm é solicitar amo”. Escravos e justiça em Ibague, 1750-1810ResumoEste artigo faz análise das estratégias usadas pelos escravos para mudar de amo por meio do sistema jurídico judicial na cidade de Ibagué, no período de 1750-1810. Assim, o texto apresenta as possibilidades de defesa dos escravos oferecidas pela legislação e descreve os ofícios que estavam obrigados a realizar. Graças ao aproveitamento desta legislação a través do uso oportuno de argumentos, provas e testemunhas, a demanda dos escravos foi aumentando. Este trabalho foi realizado pegando como referência as petições judiciais impostas pelos escravos no Cabildo Local e na Real Audiencia.Palavras Chave: Escravos, justiça, lei, cultura judicial, resistência
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Adamczyk, Sławomir. "Niewyśniony sen o europejskich radach zakładowych. Jak związki przegrywają z korporacjami ponadnarodowymi." Praca i Zabezpieczenie Społeczne 2019, no. 10 (October 20, 2019): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33226/0032-6186.2019.10.3.

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45

Holtzhausen, Maggie. "Representivity: The Achilles heel of bargaining councils." African Journal of Employee Relations (Formerly South African Journal of Labour Relations) 39, no. 2 (February 19, 2019): 11–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2520-3223/5870.

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The legislative requirement of representivity of parties to bargaining councils remains one of the main challenges these institutions face. When trade unions and/or employers’ organisations are deemed to be unrepresentative, this could lead to the ultimate collapse of the council, or result in collective agreements not being extended to non-parties – thereby defeating the purpose of centralised collective bargaining. This research has thrown light on representation levels by demonstrating that they are not stagnant, but change constantly. The research indicates that today private sector councils especially are often faced with unrepresentative parties, mainly because of economic and political challenges and significant changes in the world of work. Examples are given of how councils deal with these challenges, if at all. The research indicates that even though representivity remains a huge challenge for councils, collective agreements are still in the main extended to non-parties. Nevertheless, there is evidence that the extension of agreements has been challenged. This article therefore throws light on and improves our understanding of non-representivity matters in certain bargaining councils, and by extension our understanding of non-representivity in other bargaining councils as well. It concludes with certain recommendations. Hence, this article contributes to existing knowledge by providing a more inclusive and integrated view of non-representivity and its consequences, thereby enriching the broader employment relations management context.
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46

Jørgensen, Nina H. B. "State Responsibility for Aiding or Assisting International Crimes in the Context of the Arms Trade Treaty." American Journal of International Law 108, no. 4 (October 2014): 722–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.108.4.0722.

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Legal regulation of the arms trade has been slow to evolve despite the promotion after World War I of the idea that, for the sake of peace, arms exports should be limited and despite the condemnation on moral grounds of private arms traders who helped to rouse conflict. Article 26 of the United Nations Charter tasked the Security Council with initiating plans for the establishment of a system to regulate armaments in order to promote peace and security and to restrict the diversion of the world’s resources to military expenditure. The extent of this “diversion” of resources is reflected in the estimate that the total value of the global arms trade in 2013 was at least $85 billion. The United Nations’ efforts, which included the public Register of Conventional Arms and a program of action relating to the illicit trade in small arms, culminated in the adoption of the long-awaited Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) on April 2, 2013, which enters into force on December 24, 2014.
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47

Miller, Doug. "Towards a ‘European’ works council." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 5, no. 3 (August 1999): 344–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425899900500306.

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Early critiques of the new procedures for information and consultation within multinationals in the EU pose serious questions as to whether such structures have the potential for being either ‘European’ or a works council. This article attempts to clarify some of the dimensions of a transnationality which delegates would like to see prevail within their European works councils. Such elements as ‘a level playing field’; the EWC as a learning organisation, awareness of constituencies, solidarity and multilingualism and multiculturalism have been advanced as a key set of organisational features of a transnational worker body seeking to transcend national culture. The development of such values and practices may be achievable via a new trade union pedagogy: However, given the absence of any steer within the Directive on training the European trade union movement would appear to be at a critical juncture as the opportunity for a revision arises.
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48

Stole, Inger L. "The business of government is advertising." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 10, no. 4 (November 19, 2018): 358–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-01-2018-0005.

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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to analyze the increasingly congenial relationship between business and government that developed in the immediate post Second World War period. This study explores the subtle, but systematic, uses of advertising for propaganda purposes to secure American political and commercial world dominance. It locates the relationship between the US Government and the Advertising Council as key components in a strategy to blur the lines between political and commercial messages. In addition to study the relationship between the two stakeholders, the study identifies some of the implications for both. Design/methodology/approachScholarship on the government’s postwar relationships with other organizations is relatively scant and few other scholars have focused on the advertising industry’s role in this transformation. This paper draws on trade periodicals and newspaper accounts, and relies on archival material from the Arthur W Page and the Thomas D’Arcy Brophy collections at the Wisconsin State Historical Society and the Advertising Council’s papers at the University of Illinois. Charles W. Jackson papers, located at the Harry S. Truman Library, and the papers of Office of War Mobilization and Re-conversion, deposited at the National Archives, have also been consulted. FindingsThe Advertising Council’s “Peace” and “World Trade and Travel” demonstrate an acceleration of collaboration between business and government that continued into the postwar era. It shows the government’s willingness to trade on the Advertising Council’s goodwill and to blur the lines between political and commercial messages, in what can accurately be characterized as a duplicitous manner. Key conclusion includes a willingness among Washington’s policymakers to propagandize its own citizens, a strategy that it commonly, and disparagingly, ascribed to the Soviet Union, and a Council so willing to appease Washington, that it was putting its own reputation at considerable risk. Research limitations/implicationsThis paper is based on a study of two campaigns (“Peace” and “World Trade and Travel”) that the Advertising Council conducted in collaboration with the US State Department. While these were the first campaigns of this nature, they were not the only ones. Additional studies of similar campaigns may add new insights. Social implicationsRecent political events have brought propaganda and government collusion back on the public agenda. In an era of declining journalism credibility, rising social media and unprecedented government and commercial surveillance, it is argued that propaganda demands scholarly attention more than ever and that a historical study of how the US Government collaborated with private industry and used advertising as a propaganda smokescreen is particularly timely. Originality/valueThis study adds to the scholarship on advertising, PR and propaganda in several ways. First, it contributes to the understanding of the advertising industry’s important role in the planning of US international policy after the Second World War. Second, it demonstrates the increasingly congenial relationship between business and the US Government that emerged as a result. Third, it provides excellent insights into the Adverting Council’s transition from war to peacetime. The heavy reliance on archival material also brings originality and value to the study.
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Stuart, Margaret. "Being professional in New Zealand early childhood education: A genealogy." Policy Futures in Education 18, no. 5 (September 23, 2019): 597–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478210319875577.

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An academic, Peter Dinniss, discussed the then emerging issue of professionalism in the early childhood education sector in 1974. “There has been much debate over the term ['professional'] together with discussion as to whether teaching is a profession” (1974: 11). On the cusp of the 21st century, the Education Council (now renamed Teaching Council) of New Zealand consulted with teachers on their register about a professional code. This article follows the emergence of the professionalism discourse. I examine traces of the ‘strategies, tactics and procedures’ in a genealogy of the managerial technicist process of education. My interest lies in emergent ‘responsibilization’ of teachers over the period. I examine the power/knowledge of the ‘profession’ in Aotearoa, New Zealand, as teachers invent and govern themselves. I ask if the Council’s discourse of professionalism through registration of individuals can be re-envisioned through the collective and democratic practices evident in parent-led services.
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Gifkins, Jess, Samuel Jarvis, and Jason Ralph. "Brexit and the UN Security Council: declining British influence?" International Affairs 95, no. 6 (November 1, 2019): 1349–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz205.

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Abstract The United Kingdom's decision to leave the European Union has ramifications beyond the UK and the EU. This article analyses the impact of the Brexit referendum on the UK's political capital in the United Nations Security Council; a dimension of Brexit that has received little attention thus far. Drawing on extensive elite interviews we show that the UK has considerable political capital in the Council, where it is seen as one of the most effective actors, but the reputational costs of Brexit are tarnishing this image. With case-studies on the UK's role in Somalia and Yemen we show how the UK has been able to further its interests with dual roles in the EU and Security Council, and the risks posed by tensions between trade and human rights after Brexit. We also analyse what it takes to be influential within the Security Council and argue that more attention should be paid to the practices of diplomacy. Influence is gained via penholding, strong diplomatic skill and a well-regarded UN permanent representative. The UK accrues political capital as a leader on the humanitarian and human rights side of the Council's agenda, but this reputation is at risk as it exits the EU.
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