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Journal articles on the topic 'Trades and labour council'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 February 2022

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1

Brookshire, Jerry H. "The National Council of Labour, 1921–1946." Albion 18, no. 1 (1986): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4048702.

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The National Council of Labour attempted to coordinate the policies and actions of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party. It had a checkered history and eventually failed. Its existence, however, demonstrated that the leadership of the Trades Union Congress and Labour party were grappling with questions which have constantly confronted modern British labor, especially the ever-present controversy over the TUC and party relationship, as well as whether a unified labor movement is possible or even desirable, or whether the TUC and labour party appropriately represent components within such a movement. If the last is true, do both institutions share fundamental concepts, and can they develop common tactics or approaches in furthering them? Are those “two wings” mutually dependent? Can the party aid the TUC in achieving its political goals? If the concerns of the TUC and party differ, can they or should they be reconciled? Should the TUC-party relationship remain the same whether the party is in government or in opposition?The National Council of Labour consisted of representatives from the TUC's General Council, the Labour party's National Executive Committee (NEC), and the parliamentary Labour party's Executive Committee (PLP executive). Originally created in 1921 as the National Joint Council, it was reconstituted in 1930 and again in 1931-32, renamed the National Council of Labour in 1934, and began declining in 1940 to impotence by 1946. It was an extra-parliamentary, extra-party body designed to enhance cooperation and coherence within the labor movement.

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2

Morgan, Kevin. "Class Cohesion and Trade-Union Internationalism: Fred Bramley, the British TUC, and the Anglo-Russian Advisory Council." International Review of Social History 58, no. 3 (June 20, 2013): 429–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000175.

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AbstractA prevailing image of the British trade-union movement is that it was insular and slow-moving. The Anglo-Russian Advisory Council of the mid-1920s is an episode apparently difficult to reconcile with this view. In the absence to date of any fully adequate explanation of its gestation, this article approaches the issue biographically, through the TUC's first full-time secretary, Fred Bramley (1874–1925). Themes emerging strongly from Bramley's longer history as a labour activist are, first, a pronouncedly latitudinarian conception of the Labour movement and, second, a forthright labour internationalism deeply rooted in Bramley's trade-union experience. In combining these commitments in the form of an inclusive trade-union internationalism, Bramley in 1924–1925 had the indispensable support of the TUC chairman, A.A. Purcell who, like him, was a former organizer in the small but militantly internationalist Furnishing Trades’ Association. With Bramley's early death and Purcell's marginalization, the Anglo-Russian Committee was to remain a largely anomalous episode in the interwar history of the TUC.

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3

Kathryn M. Steel. "Understanding Regional Trades and Labour Councils: Sources for Australian Labour History." Labour History, no. 115 (2018): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.5263/labourhistory.115.0129.

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4

Steel, Kathryn M. "Industrial Agency in Regional Trades and Labour Councils." Journal of Industrial Relations 54, no. 1 (February 2012): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185611432387.

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5

Eather, Warwick. "The Rise and Fall of a Provincial Trades and Labor Council: The Wagga Wagga and District Trades and Labor Council 1943-1978." Rural Society 9, no. 1 (January 1999): 339–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/rsj.9.1.339.

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6

Forbes-Mewett, Helen, and Darryn Snell. "Women's Participation in ‘a Boys’ Club’: A Case Study of a Regional Trades and Labour Council." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 17, no. 2 (December 2006): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.2006.10669346.

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7

Griffiths, Ieuan Ll. "Industrialisation and trade union organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: the rise and fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council." International Affairs 62, no. 1 (1985): 154. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618140.

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8

Samoff, Joel, and Jon Lewis. "Industrialisation and Trade Union Organisation in South Africa, 1924-55: The Rise and Fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council." American Historical Review 91, no. 4 (October 1986): 974. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1873447.

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9

Wilson, Matt Vaughan. "The 1911 Waterfront Strikes in Glasgow: Trade Unions and Rank-and-File Militancy in the Labour Unrest of 1910–1914." International Review of Social History 53, no. 2 (July 17, 2008): 261–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859008003441.

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This article examines one of several massive industrial conflicts experienced in Britain and elsewhere during 1910–1914, paying particular attention to organization and the dynamics of the strikes at a local level. It takes as a case study the port of Glasgow, which has until recently received little attention from historians of waterfront labour, despite its status as a major port and an important area for labour activity. Much literature on the waterfront strike wave emphasizes spontaneity and rank-and-file initiative. These were important in Glasgow as elsewhere, but experiences varied markedly between the major ports. Moreover, prior organization and individual initiative should not be overlooked. Officials of the National Sailors' and Firemen's Union played a significant role at national and international levels, while Glasgow Trades Council and activists associated with it provided a critical lead locally. The strongly local character of the strike movement and its leadership in Glasgow shaped both the strikes themselves – which were appreciably more unified and coherent in Glasgow than in some other centres – and the subsequent development of waterfront organization on the Clyde, marked as it was by the emergence of independent locally-based unions among both dockers and seamen.

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10

Misgeld, Klaus, and Silke Neunsinger. "A Balancing Act between Universities and Trade Union Headquarters: The Swedish Labour History Project at the Labour Movement Archives and Library in Stockholm." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990056.

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The Labour Movement Archives and Library in Stockholm (Arbetarrörelsens arkiv och bibliotek, or ARAB) has been and still is one of the more important nodes of labor history in Sweden. It is well known among academics as well as activists who aim to write movement history. ARAB is financed not only by the Swedish state but also the labor movement to generate new ideas for public labor history. Although there are many units and higher education institutions in Sweden that played a vital role during the 1970s and 1980s, it was probably the research agendas developed by ARAB through seminars and publications that kept the field of labor history a vibrant area of scholarship. The main difference between ARAB and similar institutions is its steady attempt to create spaces where academics—such as historians and social scientists—and activists can meet in order to produce and promote new approaches to labor history. The results and even the success of this work have been built on two institutions at ARAB: the journal Arbetarhistoria, published since 1977, and the research council at ARAB, established in the early 1980s.

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11

Eather, Warwick. "'Exterminate the Traitors': The Wagga Wagga and District Trades and Labor Council, Trade Unionism and the Wagga Wagga Community 1943-60." Labour History, no. 72 (1997): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516468.

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12

Boda, Dorottya, and László Neumann. "Social dialogue in Hungary and its influence on EU accession." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 3 (August 2000): 416–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600307.

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The paper reviews the positions of the Hungarian social partners on the labour issues relating to EU accession. In addition to the topics dealt with in the 'Social Policy and Employment' chapter in the accession negotiations, the paper also discusses unions' and employers'views on labour migration, as well as how the adaptation of EU regulations in various sectors is likely to affect employment prospects. The paper argues that, on the one hand, social dialogue on EU accession can become more meaningful if employers and unions develop a co-ordinated strategy. On the other hand, appropriate back-up by experts is also required, because social partners ought to influence the complex system of negotiations being conducted, by experts of both the EU Commission and the Hungarian government, behind the scenes of high-level political negotiations. The authors also analyse the operation of social dialogue fora dedicated to EU accession issues. Hungary was the first East European candidate country to establish a joint committee with the Economic and Social Council (ESC), and within the country labour-related issues of accession have been delegated to the newly founded European Integration Council. In these fora the behaviour of trade unions is largely a consequence of the frustration over the fact that the current right-wing coalition government does not wish to go any further than formally observe the unions' consulting rights on major issues. At the same time organisational weakness and internal divisions still exist on the trade union side.

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13

Fox-Hodess, Katy. "Building Labour Internationalism ‘from Below’: Lessons from the International Dockworkers Council’s European Working Group." Work, Employment and Society 34, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017019862969.

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This article considers whether the efficacy of transnational unionism, a strategy for trade union movement revitalisation, might be increased by a second revitalisation strategy: rank-and-file trade union democracy. This question is examined through a study of the International Dockworkers Council (IDC), an exceptional case of institutionalised rank-and-file union democracy at the transnational level. A shadow comparison examines the work of the International Transport Workers Federation, a bureaucratic trade union organisation active in the same sector. The IDC’s structure is found to increase the efficacy of transnational unionism by removing layers of bureaucratic mediation that slow down action, fostering a culture of militant solidarity among participants. Nevertheless, participants noted the heavy personal burdens placed on activists under this model and some difficulties of operating without the assistance of paid professionals. Additionally, differing national legal and political contexts for unionism remain significant barriers to effective internationalism.

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14

Markey, Raymond, and Bobbie Oliver. "Unity is Strength: A History of the Australian Labor Party and the Trades and Labor Council in Western Australia, 1899-1999." Labour History, no. 88 (2005): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516056.

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15

Ludvigsen, Peter. "History of the Workers' Museum in Denmark." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 44–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990068.

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The Workers' Museum in Copenhagen was formally inaugurated on April 12, 1982, at a meeting held at the historic Workers' Assembly Hall at Rømersgade in Copenhagen, the prime location near the Royal Gardens and Rosenborg Palace where the museum is located. At that time the museum had a governing board with representatives of The National Museum, The Museum of Copenhagen, The Library and Archives of the Danish Labour Movement, The University of Copenhagen, the National College of the Danish Confederation of Trade Unions (LO), the Friends of the Workers' Museum, and the General Council of the Federation of Trade Unions.

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16

Worger, William. "Jon Lewis, Industrialization and Trade Union Organization in South Africa, 1924–55: The Rise and Fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984. 246 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 33 (1988): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900004944.

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17

Worger, William. "Jon Lewis, Industrialization and Trade Union Organization in South Africa, 1924–55: The Rise and Fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984. 246 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 33 (1988): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900003562.

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18

Marsh, David, and Heather Savigny. "Changes in Trade Union–Government Relations 1974–2002." Politics 25, no. 3 (September 2005): 165–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.2005.00241.x.

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Even if the role of unions is less than it was, they are still an important aspect of civil society in a democracy like the UK, so that changes in the relationship between the TUC and the government are an important aspect of changing patterns of governance in the UK. Here, we analyse this relationship during the period between 1974 and 2002 based upon the reports of the General Council of the TUC to each TUC Annual Conference. The analysis shows that the contacts between the TUC and government have fluctuated significantly over this period. They did decline in the Thatcher years although, interestingly, contacts were greater under Thatcher than under Major. The election of a New Labour government in 1997 was accompanied by an initial increase in contacts, but contacts declined subsequently. These fluctuations clearly reflect policy changes so, for example, contacts decreased when incomes policies became a thing of the past. However, they also reflected changes of personnel in government; so the replacement of Pym by Tebbit in 1982 was quickly followed by a fall in contacts. As far as New Labour is concerned, their historical links with the trade unions still mean that contacts are greater now than they were under the Conservatives. However, the initial surge in contacts probably reflected a broader pattern, with New Labour delivering on a promise of greater consultation made in opposition.

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19

Jones, Stuart. "Industrialisation and Trade Union Organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: the rise and fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council by Jon Lewis Cambridge University Press, 1984. Pp. x+246. £25.00." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 4 (December 1986): 699–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0000731x.

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20

Schmalz, Stefan, Ingo Singe, and Anne Hasenohr. "Political discontent and labour in a post-growth region: A view from East Germany." Anthropological Theory 21, no. 3 (February 7, 2021): 364–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499620982784.

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The article traces the political economy and labour relations in East Thuringia, a ‘post-growth region’ in East Germany with a structurally weak periphery and a declining populace. We argue that the regional decline results from a process of peripheralization which has led to economic stagnation and a shrinking population, and also has fostered political discontent. By drawing on a regional survey, an intensive case study at a manufacturing site and qualitative interviews with policy makers, managers, works council members and employees, we analyse how peripheralization has impacted labour relations and politics in a shrinking region. We discuss our findings by referring to current political sociology debates on the rise of right-wing populism and the scientific discussion on post-growth, as well as recent approaches of critical geography and development sociology. We show how feelings of injustice such as anger about low wages and the democratic void at work interlink with pessimistic assessments concerning the region’s future and feelings of deprivation. We conclude that the economic model based on labour-intensive exports in the internal periphery of East German capitalism is eroding and is contributing to a crisis of hegemony and political instability.

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21

Taylor, Eleanor. "Changes in labour and safety regulation offshore: the productivity implications." APPEA Journal 56, no. 2 (2016): 539. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj15045.

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In recent years there have been ongoing tussles regarding the regulation of employment in the offshore oil and gas industry. Much of this conflict relates to the extent of union involvement in the industry, and the impact increased union activity may have on cost and productivity. This conflict has played out in the courts, legislature and the media. It is evidenced in the debate over the application of Australian migration laws to foreign workers offshore. This has involved lobbying by a number of organisations and Federal and High Court challenges to parliamentary intervention. Whether these laws apply has important implications for industry, as they include the practicalities and cost of engaging adequately skilled contractors for specialist tasks on major projects. Another recent example is the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) advocating for the application of the harmonised workplace health and safety regulations to the offshore industry. The application of these regulations would likely affect the extent of union involvement in the workplace, and have consequent cost and efficiency implications. In this extended abstract the author examines the impacts on industry of: recent and upcoming changes in employment regulation; uncertainties around the application of employment laws offshore; proposed changes to safety regulation; and, areas where industry is seeing advocacy for change.

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22

Aveyard, Stuart C. "‘We couldn't do a Prague’: British government responses to loyalist strikes in Northern Ireland 1974–77." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 153 (May 2014): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400003643.

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In May 1974 the Ulster Workers' Council (U.W.C.), comprising loyalist trade unionists, paramilitaries and politicians, mounted a general strike backed by widespread intimidation. Their target was the Sunningdale Agreement, which produced a power-sharing executive for Northern Ireland and proposed a crossborder institution with the Republic of Ireland. After a fortnight the U.W.C. successfully brought Northern Ireland to a halt and the Executive collapsed, leading to the restoration of direct rule from Westminster. Three years later the United Unionist Action Council (U.U.A.C.) adopted the same strategy, demanding a return to devolution with majority rule and the repression of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (P.I.R.A.). This second strike was defeated. Many contemporary politicians were critical of the Labour government's failure to put down the U.W.C. strike. William Whitelaw, formerly secretary of state for Northern Ireland in Edward Heath's Conservative administration and the minister responsible for the bulk of the negotiations prior to Sunningdale, believed that the prime minister, Harold Wilson, and the new secretary of state for Northern Ireland, Merlyn Rees, did not have the same attachment to the political settlement and were less willing to support the Northern Ireland Executive in its hour of need. Paddy Devlin of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (S.D.L.P.) argued that the unwillingness to arrest those involved, ‘more than any other single action by the authorities ... caused thousands of law-abiding people who had earlier given support to the executive to switch loyalties’.

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23

Davies, Robert. "Trade Unions in South Africa - Industrialisation and Trade Union Organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: The Rise and Fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council. By Lewis Jon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Pp. x + 246. £25.00." Journal of African History 26, no. 4 (October 1985): 426–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700028930.

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24

Fanelli, Carlo. "Toronto Civic Workers Bargaining Without a Base: The Significance of 2012." Studies in Social Justice 8, no. 2 (May 15, 2014): 119–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v8i2.1030.

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This article explores how the politics and economics of austerity has influenced collective bargaining between the CUPE Locals 79/416 and the city of Toronto. I explore the relationship between neoliberalism and workplace precarity, drawing attention to the importance of the municipal public sector to trade unionism and the political potential of urbanized Left-labour radicalism. Following this, I provide an overview of the repeated attempts by City Council to extract concessions from unionized workers with a focus on the concession-filled 2012 round of bargaining and its relationship to earlier rounds. In what follows I discuss the implications of austerity bargaining for Locals 79 and 416 members, drawing attention to the repercussions this may have for other public sector workers. To conclude, I propose an alternative political strategy for municipal public sector unions, stressing the importance of a radicalized labour approach. It is my contention that this requires the development of both alternative policies and an alternative politics rooted in demands for workplace democracy and social justice.

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25

Rathbone, Richard. "Jon Lewis: Industrialisation and trade union organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: the rise and fall of the South African Trades and labour Council. (African Studies Series,42.) x, 246 pp. Cambridge, etc.: Cambridge University Press, 1984. £25." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 50, no. 1 (February 1987): 207–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x0005401x.

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26

Deleeck, Herman. "Het sociaal-economisch overleg als besluitvoering." Res Publica 37, no. 1 (March 31, 1995): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v37i1.18698.

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In an economy of concertation, organisations of employers and of employees are legally involved in the process of decision making on economic and especially on social policy. Government recognises officially the so called social partners as the autonomous represents of the industry. They leave them a number of tasks in the creation and administration of social regulations. Within a legal institutional framework of councils, on national, sectoral and local level, bargaining between social partners is aimed to consensus, which is formalized in social pacts or collective agreements on wage formation, working hours, social insurance etc.Social legislation is always advised and often written by the socialpartners (in the National Council of Labour). From 1960 up to now (with an interruption in the period of crisis 1981-86) social development has been shaped by national and sectoral pacts. In the evolution of social insurances for workers the influence of the social partners was also eminent. This model was also working in matters of national health policy, linked to health insurance. The overall evaluation of this system is positive. The role of government and parliament has beenrestrained. But, on a legal base, free cooperation between virtual antagonists has been realised, and the number of conflicts minimized. Trade-unions were integrated in the process of decision making.

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27

Seifert, Roger. "Wal Hannington and the unemployed workers’ struggles in Britain in the 1930s." Theory & Struggle 122, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 8–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/ts.2021.3.

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Wal Hannington’s hallmark leadership of the National Unemployed Workers’ Movement (NUWM) in the UK in the 1930s was built on a clear understanding of the causes of unemployment and therefore possible remedies; a highly sensitive and morally profound awareness of the consequences of unemployment for both the unemployed and their families and for those still in work; and a realisation that the struggle was political in the true sense — a question of the abuse of power by those in charge and the need to mobilise countervailing power of the people in struggle. It was this communist emphasis on class struggle that enabled the movement to be effective at every level — in the labour exchanges, in the streets and homes, in the trade union offices, and in the council and parliamentary chambers.

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28

Fine, Bob. "Jon Lewis, Industrialisation and Trade Union Organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: the rise and fall of the South African trades and labour council. African Studies Series 45. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984, 246 pp., 0 521 26312 3." Africa 56, no. 2 (April 1986): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160638.

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29

Phillips, Jim. "Oceanspan: Deindustrialisation and Devolution in Scotland, c. 1960–1974." Scottish Historical Review 84, no. 1 (April 2005): 63–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2005.84.1.63.

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Oceanspan was a grand design for Scotland's economic, industrial and social regeneration. It attempted to position Scotland as a land bridge between the Atlantic Ocean and Continental Europe: raw materials would flow in from the west, utilising the deep water of the Firth of Clyde, and be converted into finished goods for export across the North Sea. The chief architect of the plan was William Lithgow, the Port Glasgow shipbuilder, and it was publicised by the Scottish Council for Development and Industry, an organisation that encompassed representatives of local authorities and trade unions but was dominated by business interests. The plans were geared to assisting new industries notably electronics, but implied special privileges for the older heavy industries with which Lithgow and Lord Clydesmuir, chairman of the Scottish Council, were associated. Substantial public investment was required, which was resisted by both Labour and Conservative governments. Only the political sympathies of the Scottishcouncil leaders, nurtured further by the various social and industrial difficulties facing the Conservative government in 1971 and 1972, notably the miners' strike and the work-in at Upper Clyde Shipbuilders, averted a substantial public row. Oceanspan nevertheless represents an important episode in the longer history of the emergence of devolutionary or nationalist impulses in modern Scotland, for the plkans linked Scotland's apparent economic and industrial stagnation with the alleged problem of remote administrationof policy in Scotland from Whitehall, and incorporated demands for enhanced policy powers for the Scottish Office.

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30

Bhurtel, Anup. "Curriculum Issues in Nepal: A Study on Graduates' Perception." Journal of Training and Development 2 (August 11, 2016): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jtd.v2i0.15439.

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The study was carried to explore the perception of graduates of mechanical engineering of Technical School Leaving Certificate (TSLC) level perceive about their curriculum after they have entered the job market. The paper is a case study of Balaju School of Science and Technology (BSET) under the Council for Technical Education and Vocational Training (CTEVT) - Nepal in which semi-structured interviews of five graduates were conducted. The empirical research has been confined to exploring the perceptions of TSLC: pre-SLC intake graduates of mechanical trade and working inside Nepal. The study has brought forth that the graduates perceive their curriculum positively as the contents were relevant to the job market and the image of their institute was strong; and but they perceive the curriculum negatively since quite a few modules having high demand in the labour market lacked adequate practice, and a few contents were not updated. Besides, poorly managed infrastructure which was not up-to-date and the lack of professional attitude in the instructors impelled them to perceive their curriculum as less effective. On the other hand, the paper also showed the labour market exploiting the graduates despite the curriculum being market focused and graduates being skilful. The paper provides a thorough perspective of such graduates that may serve as a guideline for curriculum developers to address the identified issues. It also opens up the doors for further research to explore the issues in other technical subjects as well as vocational training programmes.

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SCHIRMANN, Sylvain. "Regards croisés et contacts entre syndicalistes français et allemands (1945-1962)." Journal of European Integration History 26, no. 1 (2020): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2020-1-9.

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The animosity which often prevails among French and German trade unionists in the wake of World War I disappears in the aftermath of the Second conflict. The meetings are more numerous, certain positions converge and the demands related to specific workforces often meet. Despite this, the two union worlds find it hard to understand each other. French and German union models seek to adapt to the evolution of capitalism. Undeniably German trade unionism seems to have better coped with this transformation. His weight, influence and co-management allowed him to achieve the highest standard of living for German labour forces, and gave them often better social protection in comparison with their French or British counterparts. Divided, folded over ideological identities and marked by the strategies of confrontation, French trade unionism has obviously greater difficulties. Favourable developments can be seen, however. The number of union members for instance is increasing and innovative thinking is emerging. European integration represents a challenge for these organizations, even if most of the organizations are in favour of it. It obliges trade unionists (as well as politicians, senior civil servants etc.) to take new approaches. Due to the contacts generated between French and German unionists, this period 1945-1962 prepares the two major developments of trade unionism during the next decade: the birth of a European trade unions’ confederation and that of the first Interregional Trade Union Council on Lorraine, Saarland and Luxembourg-level. Contacts and crossed views between French and German trade unionists were thus essential to establish a Europe of trade unions.

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32

Jaeger, Markus. "The Additional Protocol to the European Social Charter Providing for a System of Collective Complaints." Leiden Journal of International Law 10, no. 1 (March 1997): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156597000058.

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The European Social Charter (ESC) was signed in 1961 and has been in force since 1965. Protecting 19 fundamental rights, it was conceived as the counterpart, in the field of social and economic rights, to the European Convention on Human Rights. However, it was considered to have several shortcomings as a human right instrument, namely a slow, confusing and government-controlled monitoring mechanism as well as a list of protected rights that was incomplete. This last criticism was partly met by the Additional Protocol to the Charter of 1988, which guaranteed four additional rights. However, an informal Ministerial Conference on Human Rights held in Rome on 5 November 1990 acknowledged that one had to go further. The ministers invited the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe to take the necessary steps for a detailed study of the role, content, and operation of the European Social Charter with a view to giving it a new impetus. In response, the Committee of Ministers authorized the convening of an ad hoc committee, the Committee on the European Social Charter (the so-called “Charte-Rel Committee”). It was instructed to make proposals for improving the effectiveness of the Charter and, in particular, the functioning of its supervisory machinery. In carrying out its task, the Committee consulted the international representatives of management and labour, including the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) and the Union of the Confederations of Industry and Employers of Europe (UNICE), as well as the International Labour Organization (ILO) at all stage.

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Пламеннова, Кристина, and Kristina Plamennova. "Works Councils in Russia: Problems and Prospects." Journal of Russian Law 2, no. 9 (September 23, 2014): 131–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/5509.

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Provisions of the labor legislation were updated by the right of the employer for creation of works councils. The research of structures of non-trade union workers’ representation has special importance for Russian labour law scholarship. This is mostly so because of low efficiency of trade union representation in Russia that is still structurally influenced by centrally-planned economy’ traditions. System of works councils is a fairly complicated institution of labor law, as their activities are closely linked not only to the organization of labor, but also to the economy as well as the sociological aspects of human resource management. The multidimensional inwardness of works councils attached to this institution of labor law special significance, as consequence of their functioning must become strengthening of social dialogue at the level of the organizations and the separated structural divisions, while setting a consensus not only between the parties opposing interests in relation to a particular issue, but also creating a foundation for continuing cooperation in a spirit of cooperation. Creation of works councils is seeking to reinforce social solidarity, more equitable distribution of income between different social classes and sections of the population, increase employees’ interest in the affairs of the company. As part of the dynamic development of social and labor relations non-trade union workers’ representation becomes a key element in the development processes of industrial democracy, having a basis of workers’ participation in administrative decisions in the enterprise, directly affecting their interests, which allows the use of flexible forms of management of the organization, by providing workers the right to information and consultation.

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34

Fox, Carol. "Tribunal Policy and Dispute Settlement: The Nurses' Case 1986-87." Journal of Industrial Relations 35, no. 2 (June 1993): 292–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002218569303500205.

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Consistency in the implementation of tribunal policy has been advocated by both the federal tribunal and observers as essential to the integrity of the centrally managed policies of labour cost control and of arbitration tribunal operations generally. This paper examines the state tribunal policy operative during the fifty-day nurses' strike in Victoria and its application to the dispute. Policy implementation is distinguished from policy formulation in respect of which flexibility and (possibly frequent) changes of policy in response to conflicting pressures are seen as essential to tribunal effectiveness. In the management and settlement of this major dispute, the tribunal departed from its formal policy (the principles) then in operation and its informal policy (the convention concerning industrial action). Examples of an absence of standards, to enable a test of consistency to be applied, are also identified and illustrated in terms of the settlement decision. The position taken by the principal parties is shown to have created a dilemma for the tribunal and choices made by the Australian Council of Trade Unions are shown to have facilitated a flexible approach by the tribunal, which in turn generated some departure from policy.

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35

Gillespie, Raymond. "Select documents XLII : Peter French’s petition for an Irish mint, 1619." Irish Historical Studies 25, no. 100 (November 1987): 413–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400025086.

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The interest of the document printed here lies in its description and explanation of one of the paradoxes of the early seventeenth-century Irish economy. The rapid increase in the labour supply and increased commercialisation brought a dramatic growth in exports of all kinds from Ireland. The expansion was such that for the greater part of the period between 1603 and 1641 Ireland appeared to have had a surplus in the balance of trade. Yet, as the author of this document points out, despite this dramatic growth, Ireland remained a poor country, even by the standards of other contemporary underdeveloped regions such as Scotland. The resolution of that paradox is provided here by Peter French, an alderman of Galway and a member of one of the most important Galway merchant families. The document is a petition by French to the English privy council which is preserved among the papers of Sir Julius Caesar, master of the rolls and chancellor of the exchequer under James I. It was acquired by the British Library in 1842. French’s explanation of the paradox of poverty at a time of rapid trade growth is one historians have not fully considered. It depends on looking at the flow of specie and bullion in and out of early seventeenth-century Ireland, a difficult exercise given the nature of the surviving sources.

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36

Northrup, David, and Patrick Manning. "Slave Trades, 1500-1800: Globalization of Forced Labour." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 3 (1998): 691. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221518.

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37

Doig, Alan. "Sleaze and Trust: Labour Trades Mistrust for Sleaze." Parliamentary Affairs 58, no. 2 (April 1, 2005): 394–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsi030.

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38

Hammer, Nikolaus. "International Framework Agreements: global industrial relations between rights and bargaining." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 11, no. 4 (November 2005): 511–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890501100404.

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This paper examines the emergence and the main features of International Framework Agreements (IFAs). IFAs originated in the 1980s and proliferated after 2000. They aim to secure core labour rights across multinational corporations' global supply chains. Global Union Federations, as well as other global (World Company and Works Councils), regional (European Works Councils or European Industry Federations) and national trade union structures, are parties to IFAs. Based on various features of international trade union activity, such as World Company Councils, codes of conduct, the trade and labour rights campaign or international social dialogue, IFAs constitute an important and innovative tool of international industrial relations. An analysis of the substantive and procedural provisions of IFAs leads to an analytical distinction between ‘rights' agreements and ‘bargaining’ agreements. The article assesses the substantive and procedural aspects of the 38 IFAs concluded before June 2005. Finally, key issues such as the scope of agreements, trade union capacity, and global supply chains are discussed in the context of international labour's campaigning, organising and negotiation activities.

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39

Hogendorn, Jan S. "Africa - West African Diamonds, 1919–1983: An Economic History. By Peter Greenhalgh. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985. Pp. xiii, 306. $32.50. - Migrant Labour in South Africa's Mining Economy: The Struggle for the Gold Mines' Labour Supply, 1890–1920. By Alan H. Jeeves. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1985. Pp. xiv, 323. $30.00. - Industrialization and Trade Union Organisation in South Africa, 1924–55: The Rise and Fall of the South African Trades and Labour Council. By Jon Lewis. New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984. Pp. x, 246. £25.00." Journal of Economic History 47, no. 3 (September 1987): 817–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700049391.

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40

Szakats, Alexander. "Industrial Democracy in Hungary." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 31, no. 2 (May 1, 2000): 459. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v31i2.5949.

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41

Maddison, Ben. "Labour Commodification and Classification: An Illustrative Case Study of the New South Wales Boilermaking Trades, 1860–1920." International Review of Social History 53, no. 2 (July 17, 2008): 235–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900800343x.

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Labour commodification is a core process in building capitalist society. Nonetheless, it is given remarkably little attention in labour and social historiography, because assumptions about the process have obscured its historical character. Abandoning these assumptions, a close study of labour commodification in the boilermaking trades of late colonial New South Wales (Australia) illustrates the historical character of the process. In these trades, labour commodification was deeply contested at the most intimate level of class relations between workers and employers. This contest principally took the form of a struggle over the scheme of occupational classification used as the basis of pay rates. It was a highly protracted struggle, because workers developed strategies that kept the employers' efforts at bay for four decades. Employer efforts to intensify the commodity character of boilermakers' labour were largely ineffective, until they were given great assistance in the early twentieth century by the state arbitration system.

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42

Skorupinska, Katarzyna. "Employee Rights and Labour Relations in Central and Eastern Europe." Journal of Global Economy 6, no. 5 (December 31, 2010): 343–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1956/jge.v6i5.71.

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Transformation of economies in Central and Eastern Europe countries has not been accompanied by sufficient guarantees for social dimension. Following that, the economic recession has particularly badly affected these countries. However, well-functioning social dialogue and regulated labour relations with well developed employee rights are the very bases of social guarantees. The analysis carried out in this paper leads to a conclusion that employee representation in workplaces in Central and Eastern Europe is still trade unionsâ€™ domain, in spite of the 2002 Directiveâ€™s implementation and (in general) dual system of worker representation in these countries. Initially, trade unions were afraid of the competition from works councils. With the passing of time, they toned down their inimical attitude towards these institutions. However, employees have not completely accepted the new form of worker participation yet and the number of works councils in these countries is still relatively small.

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43

Moen, Eli. "Weakening trade union power." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 23, no. 4 (May 11, 2017): 425–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258917703547.

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For the past two decades – and in particular after the 2008 crisis – atypical employment has expanded across Europe. The crisis led to increased demand for more flexible labour markets, and thus atypical employment became an important tool for employment, competitiveness and economic growth. However, recent research reveals that employers are using atypical employment not just to compensate for unstable markets, but also as an opportunity to cut costs by bypassing collective agreements and to discipline workers, works councils and unions. The case study presented in this article corroborates these findings, arguing that employers – in addition to reducing costs – are making use of atypical employment to weaken organised labour as a goal in its own right. Whether such behaviour forms part of a larger drive to resist unions needs to be further researched. In any event, atypical employment represents an increasing challenge to trade unions across Europe.

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Stewart, Paul. "International trade union networks, European works' councils and international labour regimes." Employee Relations 32, no. 6 (October 5, 2010): 533–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01425451011083609.

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Horner, David, and Peter Day. "Labour and the information society: trades union policies for teleworking." Journal of Information Science 21, no. 5 (October 1995): 333–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016555159502100501.

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46

Coolican, Alice. "Solidarity and Sectionalism in the Sydney Building Trades: The Role of the Building Trades Council 1886-1895." Labour History, no. 54 (1988): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27504433.

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47

Thompson, Henry, and Hugo Toledo. "Labor skills and factor proportions trade in the gulf cooperation council." International Review of Economics & Finance 19, no. 3 (June 2010): 407–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.iref.2009.03.002.

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48

Robin, Martin. "The Trades and Labor Congress of Canada and Political Action 1898-1908." Relations industrielles 22, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 187–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/027780ar.

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An examination of the politics of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada and its relationship with the radical political movement in English-speaking Canada between 1898 and 1908. The Congress moved left in the years around the turn of the Century and supported the principle of independent labour representation but refrained from endorsing the new Socialist movement. A Canadian Labour Party was launched in 1906 but socialists and independent laborities in the Congress remained unreconciled and the new party failed to get off the ground.

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Kohl, Heribert, Wolfgang Lecher, and Hans-Wolfgang Platzer. "Transformation, EU Membership and Labour Relations in Central Eastern Europe: Poland — Czech Republic — Hungary — Slovenia." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 6, no. 3 (August 2000): 399–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890000600306.

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The article starts by emphasising the differences between the Central and East European countries in terms of their labour relations traditions, providing a brief characterisation for four CEECs, with Slovenia identified as the country in which the participatory tradition is strongest. Subsequent sections identify similarities and differences in terms of collective labour law and labour relations at enterprise and supra-enterprise level. At enterprise level the article provides examples of co-operative relations between trade unions and works councils (Slovenia), a dual system of interest representation imposed by government without trade union support (Hungary), political duplication of representation structures (Poland), and the tendency to retain former representation structures (Czech Republic). Similar differences emerge with respect to tripartism, which remains underdeveloped in all countries, again with the exception of Slovenia. The relative weakness of the social partners, and in particular their fragmentation, are shown to be a problem for the candidate countries on their path towards EU accession. Here the European social partners, in particular the ETUC and UNICE, and also European works councils in firms with subsidiaries in eastern Europe should do more to promote social dialogue in the CEECs.

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Thomas, Clive. "The National Council of Canadian Labour." Relations industrielles 12, no. 1-2 (February 17, 2014): 55–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1022580ar.

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Summary The position of the National Council of Canadian Labour towards the Canadian Congress is that the CLC is simply the newest and the most spectacular "front" for international (American) unionism created in Canada. The author explains briefly in this article the reasons for such a statement.

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