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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Trade unions; State-labour relations'
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Clifton, Judith Catherine. "Privatisation and union politics in Mexico : the case of the telecommunications sector (1982-1995)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244168.
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Aris, Rosemary. "Continuity and change : the role of trade unions in state industrial relations policy in Britain 1910-1921." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.386141.
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Frege, Carola Maria. "Workplace relations in East Germany after unification : explaining worker participation in trade unions and works councils." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1449/.
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The East German industrial relations system was completely replaced by the transfer of the West German dual system of industrial relations after political Unification in 1990. Works councils emerged, the former socialist trade unions were taken over by their western counterparts, and West German labour law and regulations were implemented. The thesis focuses on the transformation of workplace relations, with special reference to the viewpoint of the workforce. It is argued that this approach, which has been so far neglected in the German literature, is necessary for a full understanding of the transformation processes. The study examines firstly workers' (both union and non-union members) perceptions of organisational changes and management, of their workfellows and their new collective representative machinery (works councils, union). Secondly, it analyses workers' reactions towards the establishment and functioning of the new interest institutions. This is done more specifically with regard to workers' inclination to participate in collective activities. By testing a selection of social psychological theories associated with the willingness to participate (theories of rational choice, of social identity, of frustration- aggression and of micro-mobilization), the core end product should be an understanding of who engages in collective activities in this specific cultural context and why. Furthermore, both dimensions, perceptions and reactions, are used to test the hypotheses of the literature that East German workers are strongly individualistic, instrumental and passive with regard to participation in collective activities; and that the newly established works councils and unions have not been successfully "institutionalised" from the viewpoint of the workforce. The empirical study is based on a case study of a privatised textile company (including qualitative and quantitative methods) and on a questionnaire survey of a sample of members of the textile union in East Germany in more than 50 companies. The main findings are that most workers seemed highly dissatisfied with the changes at their workplaces, had strong them-us feelings toward the management, believed in the value of unions and collectivism, and expressed a considerable willingness to participate in collective activities. The new interest institutions were accepted as being necessary, even though their current work was more critically evaluated. This supports the argument that works councils and union have been successfully "institutionalised" from the workers' perspective. The major result however is that workers were not characterized by a strong individualism in contrast to the widespread hypothesis of the literature. Yet, they were difficult to be classified as pure collectivists or pure individualists because many displayed mixed responses regarding different issues. They were equally difficult to classify as purely instrumental, identity- oriented or otherwise regarding collective activities. Thus, the perceived instrumentality of collective action and institutions, union identity, the perception of collective interests and the attribution of workplace problems all contributed to the prediction of individual participation in collective activities. No single examined theory provided a sufficient explanation on its own and they seemed to offer complementary rather than alternative explanations.
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Mutema, Zedias. "Assessing the changing relationship between trade unions and the state : a historical analysis of union/state relations in Zimbabwe." Thesis, Keele University, 2015. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/3255/.
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Drawing on semi-structured interviews and published documents, this thesis examines the changing union-state relationship in Zimbabwe. Unlike many existing work on the subject, this thesis is a holistic analysis in that it considers the views of the government officials, International Labour Organization (ILO) officials, Business Executives and trade unionists. An in-depth empirical study revealed that union-state relations in Zimbabwe are complex, unpredictable and can only be fully understood by fully understanding, acknowledging, and appreciating the local and international relations context at play. The conclusion challenges the established view which sought to focus on shop floor issues as key determinants of union-state relations. International political pressures and dynamics which are often selectively ignored do have a direct impact on union-state relations in postcolonial Africa. When the views of a single actor are only considered or examined, partial understanding of the relationship results, a problem that has characterised several previous works on the subject. The thesis contributes to existing related literature on union-party relations in Zimbabwe and Africa in general. Theoretically, it challenges the applicability to the Zimbabwean situation, of existing theoretical frameworks and typologies of union-party/union-state relations. The civil society narrative and national liberation narratives are the competing frameworks used by unions and the state to define their flagship and shape employment relations in contemporary Zimbabwe. One needs to examine the conflict generation systems, in particular, evaluating the extent to which they provide incentives to key actors on the political and economic front and assess the impact this has on employment relations. Methodologically, this thesis raises the need for a multi-actor's perspective approach in researching union-state relations. Finally, the thesis points to the need for further research on the changing nature of union-state relations in Zimbabwe in particular and Sub Saharan Africa in general.
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Chan, Ka-kit Susanna, and 陳嘉潔. "The impact of the civil service trade union movement on labour relations in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1990. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31963742.
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Timins, Graham. "German unification and organised labour : an investigation into the impact of post-Communist transition in the former German Democratic Republic on the 'West German Model' of industrial relations." Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285588.
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Stevenson, Howard. "Shifting frontiers : trade union responses to changes in the labour process of teaching - a case-study of Leicestershire N.U.T." Thesis, Keele University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341295.
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Brady, Andrew. "An analysis of trade unions in shaping favoured employment relations outcomes in the British Labour Party post-1970." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 2017. http://digitool.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28404.
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Though the contemporary political situation is unfavourable, there has been a continuing and lively debate about the efficacy of trade union affiliation to the Labour Party. This debate has primarily focused upon if trade unions are an effective mechanism for political action due to their institutional role and leverage inside the party’s structures. In order to evaluate the extent of this influence, the thesis examines four legislative events, which chart the transition from two structurally different contexts – collective laissez-faireism to a liberal market economy. These events are the Social Contract (1974-79), National Minimum Wage (1998), Employment Relations Act (1999) and the Warwick Agreement (2004). The thesis uses Hamann and Kelly’s (2004) four factors of influence that shape trade union decision-making as a conceptual framework: (1) economic and political institutions (2) union ideology, (3) employer, political party or state strategies and (4) strategic choices of union leaders. The research established three questions framed as propositions designed to identify structural and agency factors flowing from these four factors. Utilising this framework, the thesis will present an analysis of the constraining and optimising effects of the four factors on the ability of trade unions to attain favoured outcomes. The research found the strategic choices of union leaders to be the most important factor contributing to minimalist and more extensive employment relations frameworks. Informal processes are judged to have displaced formal processes in conjunction with coordination mechanisms as a means to offsetting environmental constraints. The thesis’ observations are anchored through a unique dataset consisting of in-depth interviews from the reflections of actors who strategically influenced the behaviour of trade unions or directly engaged trade union leaders in the legislative events. The object of enquiry, that being political action by trade unions as a mechanism for delivering change, is better understood from the strategic perspective of these actors. As such, a distinctive feature of the research is its approach to case events and sources of data.
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Shiimbi, Toivo Ndinelago. "Trends in collective bargaining In post-independence Namibian . Public sector." University of the Western Cape, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7761.
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Magister Administrationis - MAdminThe emergence of collective bargaining in the public sector is viewed as a product of economic, political, technological and social dynamics regulating the economic relationship between the government as employer and public sector employees. Although public sector employees have been denied the right to organize themselves and to bargain collectively with their respective governments, especially in many African countries, the profound changes during the recent years has dramatically changed labour relations in the public sector. In many African countries, particularly English speaking countries, the process of collective bargaining between the government and public sector employees has gained prominence as the struggle to reconcile the broad interest of the government and its employees has been waged in order to deal effectively with public employment issues. Namibia is one of the many English speaking African countries which is making tremendous efforts to harmonize the employment relationship between the government and the public servants. But these efforts are being hampered by the structural handicaps emanating from the historical legacy of apartheid and its adjunt- authoritarianism (which has found firm roots in the country even after five years of independence).
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Choshane, Ntloane Androniccah. "Revisiting the definition concept of workplace in the Labour Relations Act and the impace thereof towards minority trade unions." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/77444.
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The right to freedom of association is the cornerstone of collective bargaining. It is a precondition for the realisation of a number of other rights, including the right to organise, to engage in collective bargaining and to strike. These rights as contained in the Bill of Rights though not absolute and may be limited in terms of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa in terms of a law of general application, such limitations must be reasonable and justifiable. South African courts have an obligation to interpret labour provisions in accordance with international law and customs. This paper examines whether settlement definition of ‘workplace’ can be regarded as a reasonable and justifiable limitation to the right to strike within the ambits of internationally and constitutionally acceptable labour norms.Mini Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2019.
Mercantile Law
LLM
Unrestricted
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Loni, Kholosa Siphe. "Trade union responses to the casualisation of labour in the Eastern Cape." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003056.
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This thesis focuses on trade union responses to casualisation of labour in the Eastern Cape. In the context of increased globalization, some employers have attempted to achieve high production outputs while saving on operational costs. The ‘flexible firm’ model is used as but one theory to explain increased flexibility in the workplace. In an effort to achieve increasingly flexible firms that may swiftly respond to subsequent challenges such as increased international competition, employers have been seen incorporating more non-standard workers in the form of casual, temporary, part-time, and seasonal workers. This has been a matter of concern for the unions for numerous reasons: some nonstandard workers are subjected to sub-standard working conditions, irregular working hours and little or no benefits; casual work is arranged in such a way that it is virtually impossible for these workers to join a union – a predicament which bears a high possibility of a decline in the typically standard worker–based membership of trade unions; and non-standard workers are often faced with the representation gap predicament which entails that they are not adequately protected by labour legislation. The thesis explores the responses of trade unions to these challenges, and the proposals that they have made in this regard, by focusing on the sectoral dynamics of non-standard labour in the province. It further discusses the regulation of non-standard labour, as poor representation of some non-standard workers bears consequences for the regulation of the practice of non-standard work. The research adopted qualitative research techniques in the form of semi-structured interviews, and used purposive and snowball sampling in accessing relevant data for analysis purposes.
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Kinge, Josie. "The partnership experiment : changing employee relations in the National Health Service : examining the viability of partnership between management, trade unions and the workforce." Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/296753.
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Partnership has enjoyed fresh attention since the 1990s and consequently is a growing yet increasingly fragmented area of research. With the incoming Labour Government in 1997, policy has aimed to replace conflict with co-operation in employee relations. Partnership is an approach to managing the employment relationship based on the search for common ground between management, employees and their representatives and involves the development of long-term relationships built on high levels of trust and respect. Approaches to, and models of, partnership are still at a formative stage with no consensus on how partnership develops effectively. Despite the recognition that to understand partnership fully the study of the processes involved is necessary, little is known about these processes involved. Furthermore, the current body of literature on partnership in a UK context is limited in terms of its theoretical basis. The research set out to identify through which theoretical mechanisms partnership works. Informed by social exchange theory, the study examines the viability of partnership within the NHS and attempts to understand the conditions for its successful development. Two stages of empirical research using a mainly qualitative design were conducted. The first stage of fieldwork involved a preliminary investigation of the introduction of partnership in the National Health Service. The aim of this stage was to trace the introduction of partnership and to understand its antecedents and what had set out to achieve using data from eleven in depth interviews with key players at national, regional and local levels throughout the service. Stage two followed a case study approach and investigated the development of partnership in four NHS Acute Trusts. This stage involved a range of techniques (i.e. semi-structured interviews, focus groups, and documentation) examining the views of fifty five respondents from management and trade union representatives across the four Trusts and used data from 543 questionnaires to investigate employee's experiences of partnership. The study contributes to the partnership literature on the developmental processes of partnerships by utilising social exchange theory to better understand the viability of partnership. In particular, examining partnership from a social exchange perspective enabled a deeper understanding of the decision processes involved when deciding whether to co-operate. The study demonstrates that the theory (and its related concepts) can be helpful in examining the viability of partnership in understanding the mechanisms that lead to its successful development and the maintenance of the relationship over time. In assessing the viability of partnership, the thesis identifies the conditions under which partnership produces its effects and demonstrates how these differed in terms of changes in both the climate and the behaviour and attitudes of participants. In sum, the idea of social exchange would seem to provide an underpinning rationale for partnership. Some support for a new and expanding role for the trade union involving jOint work in developing policies was found. Trade unions appear to have a legitimate role in the relationship which is on the whole accepted by key management and trade union players. However, the union role has a low profile amongst managers and employees and trade unions lacked the organisation needed for partnership to be effective. Moreover, if trade unions are going to reap the potential rewards of partnership there should be a continuing effort to address the problems of capacity and capability (by increasing the numbers and capability of union representatives) in order to raise the profile and acceptance of the union among management and employees. In addition, there is a requirement for adequate training and support to ensure that these representatives have the attitude, skills and confidence to become effective representatives of the workforce.
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Nepgen, Arnold. "The impact of globalisation on trade unions : Cosatu’s present and future engagement in international issues." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1951.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.The effects of ‘accelerated globalisation’ can not be denied when observing modern innovations shaping human life. Its development and consequent revolutionary impact is unlike any other in modern history. The last half of the twentieth century witnessed changes in exponential terms, such as informational and technological innovations that constantly redefine the way people function. This study focuses on the effect of globalisation on trade unions, paying particular attention to the formation of liberal economic conditions, the rise of global capital flows, and the diversification of workers, working conditions and employment patterns. Globalisation has led to the formation of new social, economic, and political conditions which have made it increasingly difficult for trade unions to function in traditional ways. At the heart of this lies the fundamental opposition of capital to labour, and increasingly so under conditions of global competition. Trade unions, are organisations that represent worker interests through solidarity and strength in numbers, traditionally at the national level but increasingly they are being challenged on a global level. Thus, due to various internal and external factors, the situation many unions find themselves in is one of survival instead of growth and influence. The case study of Cosatu was chosen due to the benefit of analysing the organisation’s past success as well as present situation. Although it has not been unaffected by the problems facing unions worldwide, it has managed to achieve some notable successes in the process. The practice of social movement unionism has been highly effective in mobilising under-represented groups, and is found to still be effective in South Africa, although at a diminished scale. It is imperative for all unions to restructure the way they function so as to incorporate previously marginalised groups, to utilise technology and globalisation to their advantage, and to educate potential new entrants to the labour market.
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Hunt, C. J. "Alice Arnold of Coventry : trade unionism and municipal politics 1919-1939." Thesis, Coventry University, 2003. http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open/items/609ddb54-f370-3cd0-e706-e01689025023/1.
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The central focus of the thesis is Alice Arnold (1881-1955), women's organiser for the Workers' Union in Coventry between 1917 and 1931 and Labour councillor on Coventry City Council from 1919. The adoption of a local, biographical approach highlights the need to move beyond generalisations about 'Labour women' and encourages examination of the diverse political experiences of women who worked within trade unionism and municipal labour politics in interwar Britain. Within the context of Coventry's early twentieth century industrial and political development, Arnold's politicisation is explored and her experiences compared with those of men and women activists who worked in the industrial and political wings of the Coventry Labour movement. Additionally material that allows comparisons to be made with national figures as well as those from other localities is employed. As well as emphasising the influence of factors including gender, class and political affiliation upon Arnold's position within the male dominated labour movement between the wars, there is consideration of the effect that her status as a single woman had upon her career. The thesis advances what is known about the development of regional labour politics and emphasises the effects that local political, economic and social factors had upon both the involvement of women and on the attitudes of male colleagues towards women's participation. The study is situated within a tradition of feminist history that seeks not merely to draw attention to what women did but questions their motivations for doing it and how they were able to pursue their political ambitions. Through analysis of a range of primary sources, it examines the effects that gendered perceptions and sexist stereotypes had on the ways in which women were able to work within trade unionism and municipal politics. It places women's interests first in an area of history that has traditionally been dominated by accounts of men's involvement and it challenges the construction of historical accounts that have ignored or marginalised women. The influence of masculine epistemology on the ways in which women's political work has been recorded both nationally and at a local level is examined throughout the thesis.
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Von, der Wense Olrik. "Freedom of association and union security arrangements in the republic of South Africa and the Federal Republic of Germany." University of the Western Cape, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7906.
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Magister Legum - LLMIn the history of labour relations, trade unions have played a major role in protecting the rights of employees and improving their working conditions. They have defended their members against exploitation by employers. They have promoted the establishment of labour legislation, which in some countries is quite comprehensive. They represent the interests of employees in the collective bargaining process. Albertyn describes trade unions as"institutions which advance democracy, co-operation, peaceful resolution of disputes and nonviolent negotiation (and which) are intrinsically worth preserving and protecting".' It is selfevident that a trade union needs strength to achieve these purposes. However, trade unions areweakened by the fact that it is not only union members who enjoy the benefits of their achievements, since non-members do the same and some employees thus try to avoid the burdens of trade union membership. It is therefore understandable that trade unions attempt to decrease the numbers of these so-called "free riders". Besides the pressure that can be brought to bear by fellow employees in the workplace, union security arrangements, such as the closed shop or the agency shop, represent another traditional method of strengthening trade unions. The free rider problem, however, is only one of many arguments used in the debate by those who support the establishment of closed shops.
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Ikebe, Shannon. "In Place of Liberation : Failure of Labour Politics in Britain, 1964-79." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1308072968.
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Graham, Clarissa Jane. "The role of national trade union organisations in South Africa’s foreign policy processes : 1999-2012." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85684.
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Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The role and influence of interest groups and non-state actors in the foreign policy process remains an interesting topic for debate. This study explores the role of three South African trade union organisations, COSATU, FEDUSA and Solidariteit, in the foreign policy process of South Africa. It asks what role these trade union organisations played between 1999 and 2012 in the South African foreign policy process and what factors had a bearing on that role. The core argument of this study is that trade union organisations participate in creating public awareness of foreign policy issues among its members and the broader population. Through this role they, in turn, get involved in the foreign policy debate by promoting the participation of the masses. The dual approach of quantitative and qualitative content analysis of online news articles, statements and policy documents produced interesting results about the factors that motivate trade union interests in the South African foreign policy process. The main findings show that South African trade union organisations attempt to influence or engage in the economic and foreign policy processes when it affects their members. Their economic focus is on the extent to which economic factors have a bearing on how the macro-economic policy of the state favours the wealth and development of its citizens over the financial gain of international investors. Interesting findings are presented by the political factors that have a bearing on trade union organisations‟ roles in the foreign policy process of South Africa. The results show that trade union organisations have an inherent interest in the strengthening of democratic values, governance and the protection of human rights. Similar to the analysis of economic factors, it was found that South African trade unions show a greater interest in foreign policy events or issues that affect trade unions or workers domestically or in other states. This can be attributed to the strong sense of solidarity among trade union organisations for greater representation in political and policy processes. The findings of this study imply that South African trade union organisations are part of a growing trend among non-state actors and domestic interest groups that take an interest in issues and events beyond national borders. The results of this study correspond with arguments made in existing literature that South Africa trade union organisations play a minimal role in the making of foreign policy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die rol en invloed van belangegroepe en niestaatsrolspelers in die vorming van buitelandse beleid bly 'n interessante onderwerp vir bespreking. Hierdie studie verken die rol van drie Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies – Cosatu, Fedusa en Solidariteit – in die ontwikkeling van die land se buitelandse beleid. Dit ondersoek die rol wat hierdie organisasies tussen 1999 en 2012 in buitelandse beleid gespeel het, en die faktore wat daardie rol beïnvloed het. Die kernargument van hierdie studie is dat vakbondorganisasies hul lede sowel as die groter publiek van kwessies met betrekking tot buitelandse beleid help bewus maak. Deurdat hulle massadeelname aanmoedig, word die organisasies op hulle beurt by die debat oor buitelandse beleid betrek. Die dubbele benadering van kwantitatiewe én kwalitatiewe inhoudsontleding van aanlyn nuusberigte, verklarings en beleidsdokumente bring interessante resultate oor die redes vir vakbondbelangstelling in Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid aan die lig. Die hoofbevindinge toon dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies die vorming van ekonomiese en buitelandse beleid probeer beïnvloed of daaraan deelneem wanneer dit hul lede raak. Ekonomies konsentreer hulle veral op die mate waarin die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die staat die welvaart en ontwikkeling van sy burgers bo finansiële gewin vir internasionale beleggers stel. Dit is egter veral die politieke beweegredes vir vakbonddeelname aan die land se buitelandse beleid wat insiggewende resultate oplewer. Die studie bevind dat vakbonde 'n inherente belang het by die versterking van demokratiese waardes en bestuur, en die beskerming van menseregte. Soos met die ekonomiese faktore, dui die ontleding van die politieke faktore ook daarop dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbonde 'n groter belangstelling toon in gebeure of kwessies insake buitelandse beleid wat vakbonde of hul lede binnelands sowel as in ander state raak. Dít kan toegeskryf word aan die sterk samehorigheidsgevoel onder vakbondorganisasies om gesamentlik beter verteenwoordiging in politieke en beleidsprosesse te bekom. Die bevindinge van hierdie studie impliseer dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies deel uitmaak van 'n toenemende tendens onder niestaatsrolspelers en binnelandse belangegroepe om al hoe meer in kwessies en gebeure buite landsgrense belang te stel. Die resultate van die studie ooreenstem met die argumente gestel in bestaande literatuur dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbond organisasies ʼn beperkte rol binne buitelandse-beleidsmaking speel.
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Oladeinde, Olusegun Olurotimi. "Management and the dynamics of labour process: study of workplace relations in an oil refinery, Nigeria." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003087.
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The focus of this thesis is on labour-management relations in the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Nigeria. The study explores current managerial practices in the corporation and their effects on the intensification of work, and how the management sought to control workers and the labour process. The study explores the experiences of workers and their perception of managerial practices. Evidence suggests that managerial practices and their impacts on workplace relations in NNPC have become more subtle, with wider implications for workers’ experience and the labour process. Using primary data obtained through interviews, participant observation, and documentary sources, the thesis assesses how managerial practices are varieties of controls of labour in which workers’ consent is also embedded. This embeddedness of the labour process generates new types of worker subjectivity and identity, with significant implications for labour relations. The study suggests that multiple dimensions of workers’ sense-making reflect the structural and subjective dimensions of the labour process. In NNPC, the consequence of managerial practices has been an emergence of a new type of subjectivity; one that has closely identified with the corporate values and is not overtly disposed towards resistance or dissent. While workers consent at NNPC continues to be an outcome of managerial practices, the thesis examined its implications. The thesis seeks to explain the effects of managerial control mechanisms in shaping workers’ experience and identity. However, the thesis shows that while workers remain susceptible to these forms of managerial influence, an erasure or closure of oppositions or recalcitrance will not adequately account for workers’ identity-formation. The thesis shows that while managerial control remains significant, workers inhabit domains that are ‘unmanaged’ and ‘unmanageable’ where ‘resistance’ and ‘misbehaviour’ reside. Without a conceptual and empirical interrogation, evidence of normative and mutual benefits of managerial practices or a submissive image of workers will produce images of workers that obscure their covert opposition and resistance. Workers ‘collude’ with the ‘hubris’ of management in order to invert and subvert managerial practices and intentions. Through theoretical reconceptualization, the thesis demonstrates the specific dimensions of these inversions and subversions. The thesis therefore seeks to re-insert “worker-agency” back into the analysis of power-relations in the workplace; agency that is not overtly under the absolute grip of managerial control, but with a multiplicity of identities and multilevel manifestations.
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Murhem, Sofia. "Turning to Europe : A New Swedish Industrial Relations Regime in the 1990s." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Univ.-bibl. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3737.
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Enbom, Jesper. "Facket i det medialiserade samhället : En studie av LO:s och medlemsförbundens tillämpning av news management." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för kultur- och medievetenskaper, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-22765.
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According to most ways of measuring it the Swedish trade union movement is the strongest in the world. The Swedish Trade Union Confederation is the largest and most influential union confederation by far. Since the 1980s though, Sweden experienced a shift in the power relations between employers and unions in favour of the former. This has coincided with a growing importance for political communication, public relations and the mass media. This development has presented the Swedish trade union movement with a multitude of challenges. One of the major ones is how to influence the representations of trade unions and their viewpoints in the news media. The purpose of this study is to describe and try to explain how the Swedish Trade Union Confederation and its affiliated unions act to confront the “medialisation” of the public debate. A combination of research methods are used in this study in order to investigate both the historical development of trade union news management and the use of news management by trade union personnel in their everyday work. The study of how news management historically became a part in the overall union activity was performed through qualitative analysis of archive material. The study of the everyday uses of news management and the factors constraining this work builds upon interviews with the press officers of the TUC affiliated unions and the TUC itself. The study shows how both the historical development and the everyday use of news management by the Swedish trade union movement need to be understood in a context. This context contains political, economical, ideological and organisational structures that at the same time enables and constrains the adaption of news management. The study points towards five central paradoxes which faces the trade unions when they seek desired media attention and try to avoid unwanted publicity. The first paradox concerns how to fight hard in the interest of the members, while at the same time avoid being described as a sectional interest. The second paradox stems from the desire of the trade unions to be perceived as big and strong and how this might result in the labelling of them as ‘Goliath’ during a conflict. The next paradox concerns how trade unions want to show the importance of the work done by their members during a conflict and the way this might lead to media attention about how the strike affects ‘innocent bystanders’. The fourth paradoxes come from the wish of the trade unions to make their local representatives visible in mass media. This could result in unwanted publicity, due to the difference between blue-collar trade unionists and middleclass journalists. The fifth paradox stems from the importance of acting quickly to achieve wanted media attention and to avoid unwanted. The paradox is that it might be hard to be fast and at the same time have a thorough democratic process on a controversial issue.
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Botiveau, Raphaël. "Negotiating union South Africa’s National Union of Mineworkers and the end of the post-apartheid consensus." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010332.
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Cette thèse de doctorat s’intéresse au principal syndicat sud-africain, le National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), fondé en 1982. Partant de ses premières années, au cours de la dernière décennie du régime d’apartheid, elle retrace sa trajectoire, en tant qu’organisation syndicale, dans l’après apartheid. L’industrie des mines emploie aujourd’hui près d’un demi-million de travailleurs en Afrique du Sud et cette recherche, entamée à l’automne 2009, a été marquée par les grandes grèves de mineurs qui ont débuté en janvier 2012. Plusieurs mines de platine visitées avant et, pour certaines, après ces conflits, ont été affectées et, notamment, celle où a été perpétré le « massacre de Marikana ». Le 16 août 2012, des unités de la police antiterroriste ont ouvert le feu sur les grévistes et tué 34 mineurs. Cette répression étatique d’une violence inégalée depuis l’apartheid n’a pas pour autant mis un terme aux grèves qui ont atteint leur paroxysme au cours du premier semestre 2014Based on a case study of South Africa’s largest union – the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), this dissertation puts the current mining crisis in historical perspective. Beyond mining, it proposes keys to understand South Africa’s “negotiated” transformation from apartheid to democracy. It concludes that this country currently experiences what one can call the “end of the post-apartheid consensus”; a moment in which shared elitist conceptions of political and socioeconomic change developed during South Africa’s 1990s transition are starting to be decisively challenged. Departing from the NUM’s early years, in apartheid’s last decade, it analyses the union’s trajectory as a mineworker’s organisation after the end of while minority rule. Questioning NUM representations, in traditional struggle iconography, as a militant and revolutionary organisation, it argues that this union was also historically developed into a disciplined union, structured by and around strong core leadership. In other words, the main questions raised here here are : how are we to understand, in time, tensions between militancy on the one hand, and organisation on the other hand? How are we to accound in non-linear terms for the build up to 2012 Marikana strike and massacre, in a democratic context in which labour relations has supposedly become less adversarial and more workers friendly? What, in the NUM’s organisational ethos, can help us understand what happened, not as if Marikana was the expression of fundamental and untenable contradictions – class betrayal by another name, but as the result of sometimes unintended consequences of a nevertheless conscious and deliberate process aimed at organisation building and development? The main hypothesis that is put to work here is that NUM founders strategically built a centralised and efficient organisation, in order to survive in the mines’ repressive environment. This, in turn, generated tensions, which were to remain, between the grassroots and the top the organisation. In order to fulfil its organisational goals, the union also crucially invested in leadership development, at the expense of membership development. While claiming to be a socialist union that produced professional organisers and revolutionaries, the NUM nevertheless gave birth to professional negotiators who were more inclined towards negotiation than conflict. If the NUM achieved tremendous gains for workers through collective bargaining, the 2012 strikes and their aftermath have shown that mineworkers still aspire to militancy at the grassroots, and that they are ready to fight in order to transform the mining industry. This implies that the workers’ bread and butter demands are also rooted in more structural claims, which have gradually brought the “post-apartheid consensus”, which until 2012 prevailed as a shared narrative of how mining was to be democratised, into question
La presente tesi di dottorato si interessa del principale sindacato sudafricano il National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), fondato nel 1982. Partendo dai primi anni della sua creazione, che corrispondono all’ultimo decennio del regime dell’apartheid, ne ripercorre la traiettoria in quanto organizzazione sindacale nel postapartheid. L’industria mineraria impiega all’incirca mezzo milione di lavoratori in Sudafrica e la presente ricerca, avviata nell’autunno del 2009, si è svolta in parte durante gli importanti scioperi di minatori iniziati a gennaio 2012. Diverse miniere di platino visitate prima e, in alcuni casi, dopo le manifestazioni sono state protagoniste di questi eventi. Un esempio fra tutti è la miniera in cui si è perpetrato il “massacro di Marikana”. Il 16 agosto 2012, alcune unità della polizia antiterroriste hanno aperto il fuoco sui manifestanti e ucciso 34 minatori. Nonostante una repressione statale di tale violenza non si fosse più verificata dai tempi dell’apartheid, gli scioperi sono proseguiti e la situazione ha raggiunto il suo parossismo nel corso del primo semestre 2014
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Phipps, Mike. "Relations between government and trades unions in Nicaragua, 1979-86." Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328373.
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Ioannou, Gregoris. "Labour relations in Cyprus : employment, trade unionism and class composition." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2011. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/47187/.
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This thesis is a study of contemporary labour relations in Cyprus and is based on seven case studies: three from the hotel, two from the banking and two from the construction industries. The case studies involved particular medium and large size firms and focused on specific workplaces but some generalisations and projections are also made concerning broader tendencies in the corresponding sectors. Labour relations are approached holistically, examining both the context and the content of labour power utilisation as well as its broader impact and significance on society as a whole. The thesis focuses on employment practices and work organisation but also includes within its analytic frame, the institutional and political factors involved, management and trade unionism. The workplace is approached as a site of power relations whereby social identities and divisions occur and authority is both established and contested. Thus labour and trade union organisation is examined at the workplace level and analysed from the workers' perspective, taking into account the experience of hierarchies and resistance, and the experience of cooperation and conflict. The study is located in a nationally specific context, situating the contemporary state of labour relations in Cyprus in the historical course of development and local particular conditions of the island. The colonial legacy, the ethnic conflict and the division of the country and the rapidity of modernisation have impacted substantially on both the industrial relations and the class structure of the society. On the other hand, international forces, trends and phenomena in the era of globalisation such as flexibility in and the deregulation of the labour market, increased capital and labour flows, neo-liberal discourses and trade union decline constitute the broader coordinates of the labour process. These facts and schemata are both examined in the light of empirical data from Cyprus and used to explore and explain issues of contemporary labour organisation and class composition. Theoretically and politically the thesis is situated within a general Marxian framework that is informed both by the conflict school of industrial relations and the tradition of class composition studies. Workers' resistance and class conflict, the means through which class is being composed, is seen not only as a political by-product of the labour process but ontologically at its centre and conceptually at its heart. Thus the thesis also includes references to and can be used in broader discussions in and of the Left and concludes with a characterisation of the challenges and the prospects of the labour and trade union movement in Cyprus.
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Gay, Morgan K. "Organized labour and the Quebec state, neo-corporatism, nationalism and trade union consensus, 1988-1998." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ48574.pdf.
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Bolle, Francine. "La mise en place du syndicalisme contemporain et des relations sociales nouvelles en Belgique, 1910-1937." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209412.
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En dépit de son importance dans la formation de la société contemporaine, le syndicalisme apparaît comme l’un des parents pauvres de l’historiographie en Belgique. Il y a plus de trente ans, Jean Puissant déplorait que l’historiographie syndicale était essentiellement « produite par le milieu syndical lui-même » et que sa fonction était généralement « la commémoration, la légitimation, la contestation ou encore la célébration » (Archivium, vol.XXVII, 1980). Plusieurs auteurs ont, à partir des années 1960 et surtout des années 1980, entamé une approche scientifique de l’histoire syndicale. Mais, en raison du manque cruel d’études systématiques préalables, cette production historique récente, plus riche de perspectives scientifiques, est demeurée largement monographique, ne dépassant que partiellement les clivages sectoriels, régionaux et politiques. « Des synthèses restent à faire, écrivait Antoine Prost en 1997 à propos de la France, [car] aucun de ces travaux ne réussit à lier de façon pleinement satisfaisante l’histoire du travail, celle des travailleurs et celle du mouvement ouvrier. [.] Les nouveaux paradigmes de l’histoire ouvrière continuent à se chercher » (Cahiers d’Histoire, n°66, 1997). Ce constat s’applique incontestablement à l’historiographie syndicale belge.L’ambition de la présente thèse est de pallier l’absence d’étude d’ensemble sur le mouvement syndical belge de l’entre-deux-guerres, période essentielle dans le processus de mise en place du syndicalisme contemporain en Belgique. Cette période est en effet non seulement marquée par l’avènement d’un syndicalisme de masse, par l’intégration des syndicats dans des nouveaux systèmes de relations industrielles (reconnaissance généralisée des syndicats par le patronat et l’État comme interlocuteurs privilégiés dans la négociation du contrat de travail), par leur attribution à l’échelle nationale d’un rôle officiel dans la redistribution des secours étatiques de chômage, mais également par de profondes réformes des structures et des fonctionnements syndicaux (centralisation, concentration et rationalisation accrues).
Notre étude tente d’analyser comment et suivant quelles modalités les diverses composantes du mouvement syndical ont participé à ces transformations sociétales (y compris en ce qui concerne le nouveau rôle qu’elles y acquièrent) en même temps qu’elles se sont trouvées transformées par elles. Globalement, elle propose une évaluation des influences réciproques sur la construction du fait syndical belge :
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Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Kalula, Evance. "Labour legislation and policy in a post-colonial state : attempts to incorporate trade unions in Zambia, 1971-86." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1988. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/110037/.
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This is a study of some of the major aspects of the development of post-colonial labour policy in Zambia. It examines the Zambian Government's attempts to 'incorporate' trade unions into its strategy of national development. Except for such later references as it was possible to include, it covers the period from 1971 to 1986. The purpose of the study is to examine the role played by law in the Zambian Government's attempts to incorporate trade unions and the rank and file sufficiently in the plans for national development. Zambian trade unions at independence were quite autonomous. Given the power and autonomy of trade unions, their attitude and approach have been viewed by the Government as crucial elements of national development. The Government has, therefore, progressively adopted measures aimed at the closer control and regulation of the trade union movement and its membership. In spite of such attempts, however, the approach in Zambia has been less coercive than in some other African countries. The Government has tended to rely on "pressure rather than force". In this context government reforms are examined in four key areas: the regulation of trade union activity, the restructuring of collective bargaining (including incomes policy), industrial conflict and dispute settlement procedures, and workers' participation. It is concluded that the Government has not achieved its stated major objectives. Although trade unions and their members have generally accepted the Government's overall authority to set the agenda of national development, they have resisted attempts to curtail their autonomy. It is on account of this failure that the Government now intends to integrate trade unions into the State completely.
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Harvey, Donna Maree. "Structure and ideology : reworking the labour movement." Queensland University of Technology, 2006. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16236/.
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During the 1990s within Australia, a regulated industrial relations system which had fostered the growth of collective bargaining and trade unionism was dismantled and replaced by a neo-liberal approach to labour law. During this period trade union membership declined dramatically. Although overall union density has dropped, some unions have managed to arrest membership decline. The Association of Professional Engineers, Scientists and Managers, Australia and the National Tertiary Education Industry Union have successfully traversed the neo-liberal environment despite having adopted different processes. Through an analysis of both external and internal contingencies of these two successful but different union types, lessons were drawn as to effective forms of unionism. A comparative analysis of the empirical information suggest the benefits of a participative structure and collective ideology to enact a range of activities including industrial, political, solidarity and service. It is through this process that unions have the best possible means to generate alternative methods of social organisation to protect the rights and wellbeing of wage earners within a neo-liberal political economy.
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Bagobiri, P. D. "The restucturing of unions in Nigeria and its subsequent impact on industrial relations practice : A study of some enterprises in Kaduna State." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371595.
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Wise, Bruce (Bruce Douglas) Carleton University Dissertation Canadian Studies. "Labour versus the state : the conflicting policy interests and ideas of the Canadian trade union movement and the Federal Conservative Government, 1984-1988." Ottawa, 1990.
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Madiehe, Wellington Thabo. "Comparative analysis of temporary employment services in South Africa, particularly labour brokers." University of the Western Cape, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/7382.
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Magister Philosophiae - MPhilIn the early 1990s, South Africa (SA) entered its democratic transition, which created expectations of a dramatic turnaround in the country’s economy.1 The readmission of SA to the global arena introduced the economy to concepts such as globalisation. Globalisation came with some implications and impact that have been widely debated.2 The democratic transition brought a significant change to the job spectrum, generating an increase in Temporary Employment Service (TES) and a decrease in permanent employment.3 The reasons leading to this increase are that subcontracting is beneficial to employers in that this process results in the transferral of social risks to the subcontractor, reducing direct exposure to labour legislation.4 Regarding the pertinence of this issue, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the biggest union federation in the country, and the ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), have long called for the elimination of labour brokers.5 COSATU, in its presentation to the Portfolio Committee on Labour in 2009, argued that labour brokers act as intermediaries to access jobs that allegedly exist, and which in many cases would have existed previously as permanent full time jobs.6
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Svanberg, Johan. "Arbetets relationer och etniska dimensioner : Verkstadsföreningen, Metall och esterna vid Svenska Stålpressnings AB i Olofström 1945-1952." Doctoral thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för kulturvetenskaper, KV, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-6239.
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Labour migration to Sweden is analysed from a labour perspective. As regards theory, the thesis focuses on how class and ethnicity intersect in a capitalistic setting, but it also gives attention to gender and age as structural principles. The main purpose is to analyse migrants in Sweden as a party in the relationship between labour and capital, and to explore how the immigration and the active recruitment of workers in other countries affected and was affected by the relative strengths of the parties on the labour market, covering the period 1945–1952. The relationship between labour and capital, regarding migration-related issues, is analysed from above and below on both national and local level, and the thesis discerns how the state mediated between the parties. It examines the first encounters between foreign-born and native-born workers at shop-floor level, how these encounters affected the relationship between the trade union and the industrial management concerned, and explores how all this, in turn, affected the relationship between the national parties on the Swedish labour market. A structural perspective is combined with micro analyses of narratives from the actors involved, which opens up for a study of the history of society. Firstly, the thesis addresses the relationship between the Swedish Engineering Employers’ Association and the Swedish Metalworkers’ Union, and secondly it is a local workplace study, focusing on Svenska Stålpressnings AB in Olofström (the Swedish Steel Pressing Company). The more precise focus of attention is on war refugees from Estonia employed by the company in Olofström between 1945 and 1947, and on Estonians recruited directly from West German refugee camps in the early 1950s. The study reveals that the Metalworkers’ Union at first opposed labour recruitment abroad – at both national and local level –, but also how coincident interests developed between labour, capital and the state regarding labour immigration. An important finding is that the Metalworkers’ Union had great influence considering which companies would be allowed to recruit foreign-born workers, and that the trade union could direct the migrations to workplaces with acceptable staff policies. A fundamental research problem for the thesis is, furthermore, how social groups construct ethnic boundaries between “us” and “the others”. It is stressed that Estonians’ background experiences and social memories differed from those of the Swedish workers, and that these differences affected the outcomes of the first encounters. But it is also pointed out that the Estonian group was internally divided, with a basis in interwar Estonian political history and in disparate class backgrounds among the Estonians.
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French, Stephen Russell. "Unification, the decentralisation of collective bargaining and the future of the German model of industrial relations : a study of collective bargaining and trade union strategy in the East German metalworking industry, 1990-1995." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396235.
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Freed, Colin Mark. "Trade union participation in social and labour plan and corporate social responsibility planning and execution to placate community relations in the South African mining sector." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/64845.
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Despite the vast amounts spent by the mining industry through corporate social responsibility (CSR) and Social and Labour Plan (SLP) initiatives (Davids, Guedes, & Kell, 2016), regular community protests continue to severely disrupt mining operations, leading to billions of rand in lost production (Seccombe, 2017). Simultaneously, trade unions, in an attempt to revitalise declining membership, have increasingly mobilised constituents around exactly those societal challenges that the CSR and SLP spend try to address (Gahan & Pekarek, 2013; Holgate, 2015; Ibsen & Tapia, 2017; Kelly, 2015b).
This research explores ways in which mining firms can including trade unions during the planning and execution of their CSR and/or SLP initiatives to alleviate community-related disruptions. It fills a gap in the literature on political CSR and social movement theory, which currently lacks insight into the mechanics of how, and conditions under which, a trade union and a mining firm would jointly craft and take responsibility for the success of firmsÕ CSR and SLP initiatives.
A total of ten semi-structured, in-depth interviews were conducted with purposively selected participants: six with representatives of mining houses and four with representatives of trade unions whose members are employed in the mining sector. A thematic content analysis was used to analyse the interview transcripts.
The results indicate that there is a zone of mutual interest where both trade unions and companies can work jointly to address community-related disruption through collective CSR deliberation. However, to do so, business leaders need to work proactively to build the transparency and trust required to bring trade unions to the table. The study suggests that it may be possible to attribute partial responsibility for sound community relations to trade unions. This could be done by way of the first phase of firm-led union co-responsibilisation, followed by the methodical inclusion of trade unions in the process of collective diagnosis and prognosis to address community challenges. Trade unions have the potential to be a powerful ally in the quest to quell (mining) community-related disruptions.Mini Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2017.
za2018
Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS)
MBA
Unrestricted
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Clarke, Arthur Russel. "Public Service Labour Relations: Centralised Collective Bargaining and Social dialogue in the Public Service of South Africa(1997 to 2007)." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_2778_1256216750.
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This thesis focuses on how Public service Co-ordinating Bargaining Council (PSCBC) contributes to social dialogue within South African Public service. This thesis seeks to filL a significant literature gap on collective bargaining as accomplished by the PSCBC. The thesis briefly examines the history of collective bargaining in the South African Public Service. The research methodology used includes information gleaned from annual reports published by the PSCBC. Interviews of selected stakeholders such as government officials and labour organisations involved in the PSCBC were conducted.The thesis holds that historically an adversarial relationship existed between the state as employer and the recognised trade unions.
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SCIPPA, ELENA. "IL WELFARE INTEGRATIVO ALL'INTERNO DEL SISTEMA DELLE RELAZIONI INDUSTRIALI." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/2031.
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Le nuove tendenze della contrattazione collettiva paiono evidenziare un suo decentramento verso il livello aziendale e territoriale che sta avendo profonde implicazioni sia sul sistema delle relazioni industriali, sia sul welfare state. Nel tentativo di coniugare flessibilità e difesa dell’occupazione, i processi negoziali si stanno caratterizzando per uno scambio tra lavoro e diritti da cui non può che seguire una riconfigurazione dello Stato Sociale e delle metodologie di azione collettiva. La difficoltà oggettiva dello Stato nel fornire risposte concrete ai nuovi bisogni dei suoi cittadini ha spinto alla ricerca di soluzioni alternative basate sulla solidarietà di azienda, o di comparto economico-produttivo, comportando un intervento delle parti sociali nel destinare parti di salario alla copertura dei nuovi rischi. Il welfare integrativo può rappresentare il fondamento di un nuovo patto sociale che valorizzi il rapporto tra capitale e lavoro in ottica partecipativa. La comparazione con il modello britannico, costitutivamente sbilanciato sul livello aziendale, permette una considerazione dell’effetto che tali tendenze potrebbero avere sul sistema italiano. Emergono però le differenze storiche e culturali dei due modelli: mentre in Italia la distribuzione di benefici aggiuntivi a quelli del welfare pubblico per il tramite delle aziende valorizza la dimensione settoriale e territoriale, in Inghilterra l’impresa rimane il luogo privilegiato.The collective bargaining system is going to experience a decentralization process with the attempt to privilege the company and the district level. This process is having serious consequences for both the industrial relations system and the welfare state. Union is constrained to make concessions, particularly as regards labor flexibility, in order to attain its objectives relating to job security. The result is a reconfiguration of welfare and the decline of collectivism. The necessity of giving a response to the new demands of its citizens has forced the State to find alternative solutions which imply a new kind of solidarity that could be build either on company or on industry level. Trade unions can play a role in this context by providing workers a coverage from the new social risks throughout switching part of the salary to benefits. A form of integrative welfare can represent the foundation of a new social pact in order to reconsider the relation between workers and enterprises in a more cooperative way. The comparison with the British system, where negotiations primarily take place at company level, allow us to consider the possible effects of this new trend on the Italian one. Cultural and historical differences are evident: while in Italy the distribution of additional benefits involve more frequently the industrial and district levels, in Great Britain enterprises are the main actors.
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Erdinç, Işil. "Syndicats, partis, Etat sous le gouvernement AKP (2002-2015) : contribution à l’analyse des dynamiques interchamps." Thesis, Paris 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA01D089.
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Cette thèse étudie les relations entre le champ syndical et le champ politique en Turquie sous le gouvernement du Parti de la Justice et du Développement (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) de 2002 à 2015. Cette recherche s'appuie principalement sur un travail de terrain qui comprend des observations et une centaine d'entretiens semi-directifs dans les trois confédérations ouvrières syndicales (DİSK, Hak-İş, Türk-İş). Le terrain a été mené entre décembre 2011 et avril 2014. Sous le gouvernement AKP, une mise en cohérence entre le champ syndical et le champ politique s'effectue par le biais des transferts entre les deux champs. Les dynamiques partisanes entre les syndicats et les mouvances politiques donnent à voir des affinités entre les deux champs. L'intervention du gouvernement AKP, donc l'action étatique, renforce et accélère les transferts et transforme le champ syndical. Ainsi, les syndicats proches des réseaux AKP deviennent dominants dans le champ syndical. L'équilibre entre les organisations syndicales est modifié. Être pour ou contre le gouvernement AKP devient l'axe principal de la concurrence syndicale. Les dynamiques infra-confédérales, locales (sectorielles et territoriales), voire internationales, suscitent une pluralité des configurations partisanes et syndicalesThis thesis studies the relationship between the trade union field and the political field in Turkey under the government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) from 2002 to 2015. Joining the discussion around Pierre Bourdieu's field theory, it aims to understand how homologies between social fields are constructed and how fields are becoming autonomous. This research is primarily based on fieldwork that involves observation and nearly a hundred semi-structured interviews in the three labour union confederations (DİSK, Hak-İş, Türk-İş), conducted between December 2011 and April 2014. Under the AKP government, the transfers and alliances between trade unions and political parties enable their coherence. The intervention of the AKP government reinforces and accelerates these transfers, and transforms the trade union field. Thus, the correspondent of the dominant actor in the political field becomes the dominant actor in the trade union field. The influence of political cleavages on trade union strategies increases. Being for or against the AKP government becomes the main axis of union competition. These homologies do not yet happen in the same way at all scales. The local (sectorial and territorial), and even international dynamics generate a plurality of configurations. Autonomous spaces for resistance for trade unions emerge at the local level
Bu çalışmada Türkiye’de 2002-2015 yılları arasındaki AKP hükümetleri döneminde sendikal alanve siyasal alan arasındaki ilişkiler incelenmiştir. Pierre Bourdieu’nün alan teorisi etrafında, alanlararasındaki benzerliklerin nasıl oluştuğu ve alanların nasıl özerkleştiği açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır.Araştırma, 2011 Aralık ve 2014 Nisan tarihleri arasında üç işçi sendikası konfederasyonunda(DİSK, Hak-İş, Türk-İş) gerçekleştirilen gözlem ve yüze yakın yarı yapılandırılmış derinlemesinegörüşmelerden oluşan saha çalışmasına dayanmaktadır. AKP döneminde sendikal alan ve siyasalalan birbirine benzeşmeye başlamıştır. Sendika ve siyasi gruplar arasında var olan yakınlaşmalariki alan arasında çeşitli kaynak alışverişleri ortaya çıkarmaktadır. AKP hükümetinin sendikalişleyiş üzerindeki müdahalesi, devlet eliyle, bu süreci hızlandırarak sendikal alanıdönüştürmektedir. Siyasal ayrışmaların sendikal stratejiler üzerindeki etkisi artmakta, sendikal alankutuplaşmaktadır. Siyasal alandaki hakim aktörün sendikacılıktaki karşılığı kendi alanının hakimaktörü haline gelmektedir. AKP hükümetine karşı olmak veya olmamak sendikal rekabetinbelirleyici ekseni olmaktadır. Ancak bu homolojilerin sendikal örgütlenmenin her seviyesinde aynışekilde yeniden üretildiği de söylenemez. Yerel (sendikal/işkolu ve bölgesel), hatta uluslararasıölçekte, farklı sendika-siyaset ilişkileri ortaya çıkmakta, sendikalar için yerel ölçekte özerkleşmeve direniş alanları gözlemlenmektedir
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Bisignano, Maria-Rosaria. "Réguler l’emploi, le salaire et le travail par le maintien du contrat de travail : le cas de la Cassa Integrazione Guadagni en Italie." Thesis, Paris 10, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA100167.
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Depuis les années 1990 en Europe, les mesures et les dispositifs publics adoptés au nom de l’emploi trouvent notamment leur expression dans les principes guidant le débat sur la flexisécurité. Ainsi, au niveau national émergent des politiques visant à encadrer les transitions professionnelles dans un contexte de flexibilité et de précarisation accrue du marché du travail. Si au niveau européen nous pouvons observer une tendance assez transversale, les orientations sous-jacentes aux dispositifs de la politique de l’emploi encadrant les transitions professionnelles demeurent spécifiques aux contextes sociétaux. La situation italienne, où le maintien du contrat de travail dans le chômage partiel par la Cassa Integrazione Guadagni a été longtemps préféré à l’indemnisation du chômage sur le marché du travail, fait l’objet de cette thèse. La thèse s’attache à révéler les enjeux d’une régulation de l’emploi, du salaire et du travail fruit de l’action revendicative syndicale d’opposition à la logique des mobilités sur le marché du travail. Elle repose sur l’analyse diachronique et synchronique de l’action revendicative des principaux acteurs syndicaux structurée autour du maintien du contrat de travail. Si l’analyse diachronique (1941-2013) a permis de retracer un projet syndical de revendication de régulation des mobilités professionnelles dans l’emploi, l’analyse synchronique a montré à partir des registres de justifications véhiculés par les acteurs, l’appropriation d’un dispositif de garantie dans l’emploiSince the 90s in Europe, the measures and public schemes on behalf of employment have been largely covered by the debate on flexicurity. Thus, at the national level, some policies aiming at framing the career transitions, in a context of labour market flexibility and ever-increasing precarity, have emerged. If, at the European level we can observe a rather transverse trend, the underlying orientations for employment policy schemes relative to career transitions, specifically depend on societal contexts. This thesis will highlight the Italian situation, for which the work contract maintained by the Cassa Integrazione Guadagni into the short-time working has been for a long time preferred to the unemployment compensation. The work will be particularly focused on the stakes of the employment, wage and labour regulation, supported by the industrial action which is opposed to mobility on the labour market. It will be based on the diachronic and synchronic analysis of the industrial action led by the main union actors in order to maintain the work contract. On the one hand the diachronic analysis (1941-2013) allowed us to consider a project of union action concerning the regulation of work-related mobility, and on the other hand the synchronic analysis showed, from the actors’ justifications, the appropriation of an employment security scheme
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Murray, Nicky. "A history of apprenticeship in New Zealand." Lincoln University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1599.
Full textAbstract:
This Master's thesis is a history of apprenticeship in New Zealand. Apprenticeship has traditionally been the main route for entry into the skilled trades. At one level apprenticeship is a way of training people to do a particular job. The apprentice acquires, in a variety of formal and informal ways, the skills necessary to carry out their trade. The skills involved with each trade, tied inextricably to the technology that is used, are seen as the 'property' of the tradesperson. Learning the technical aspects of the job, however, is only a part of what goes on during an apprenticeship. The apprentice is also socialised into the customs and practices of the trade, learning implicitly and explicitly the hierarchies within the workplace, and gaining an appreciation of the status of his or her trade. Apprenticeship must also be viewed in the wider context of the relationship between labour and capital. The use of apprenticeship as an exclusionary device has implications for both worker and employer. Definitions of skill, and the ways in which technological advances are negotiated, are both dependent on the social setting of the workplace, which is mediated by social arrangements such as apprenticeship. This thesis thus traces the development of apprenticeship policies over the years, and examines within a theoretical context the debate surrounding those policies. Several themes emerge including the inadequacy of the market to deliver sustained training, the tension between educators and employers, and the importance of a tripartite accord to support efficient and equitable training. Apprenticeship has proved to be a remarkably resilient system in New Zealand. This thesis identifies factors that have challenged this resilience, such as changes in work practices and technology, and the historically small wage differentials between skilled and unskilled work. It also identifies the characteristics that have encouraged the retention of apprenticeship, such as the small-scale nature of industry in New Zealand, and the latter's distinctive industrial relations system. It is argued that benefits to both employer and worker, and the strength of the socialisation process embodied in apprenticeship, will ensure that some form of apprenticeship remains a favoured means of training young people for many of the skilled trades.
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Peľak, Branislav. "Ekonomický význam rozdelenia Európskej menovej únie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197856.
Full textAbstract:
From recent research on optimum currency areas it is clear that the European Monetary Union does not represent an optimum currency area. Since 2008 the countries of southern part of the eurozone have found themselves in a financial, economic and debt crisis. Therefore a question about the economic importance of splitting the European Monetary Union arises. The aim of this thesis is to give answer to the question of how to divide the eurozone so that the newly formed monetary unions could be considered optimum currency unions, alternatively, so that the newly formed monetary unions are more optimal than currently the eurozone is. Using the method of analysis and synthesis we have reached a decision to divide the eurozone into two parts. One part comprising the southern countries -- Portugal, Spain, Italy, Greece, Malta and Cyprus and the other part comprising the rest of the eurozone.
40
Seevaraj, Bevelyn. "The quest for "flexible" trade unionism in post-apartheid South Africa : engaging neo-liberal hegemony." Thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/3533.
Full textAbstract:
The inauguration of Nelson Mandela as President of South Africa after the first-ever democratic elections, in many ways marked the end of official apartheid and the beginning of new times in the country's history. For the labour movement it became imperative to entrench its position during this period of transition, even under an ANC led government. Despite securing a relatively labour-friendly macro-economic policy early on in the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), the next few years were to see a more pronounced decline in the influence of labour in the South African political economy. The marginalisation of labour did not, however, result in an absolute dismissal of labour's concerns, but saw a particularly narrow conception of "labour relations" being articulated, characteristic in government priority support of business elements over transformatory ideals. This paper explores the pressures and strains for labour under the new democratic dispensation by specifically examining the factors that bring about the emasculation of labour. The decline of labour is examined in three levels. Characteristic in all three levels is the hegemony of neo-liberalism that manifest in the international political economy, the South African, as well as workplace specific contexts. Firstly, the hegemony of neo-liberalism globally is examined. Individual states under pressure from the prevailing international system pressure states to adopt increasing economic liberalisation. The implications of the neo-liberal hegemony on the trade union movement globally are also considered. Secondly, the domestic variables that account for the decline in labour are considered. This is largely the domain of the institutional, policy, organisational and ideological shift in "labour relations" in South Africa. Thirdly, changes at the level of the workplace as a result of neo-liberal iii ascendancy are examined. The revival of a much more progressive labour movement, it is argued, has to consider the nature of all these limiting factors, and recast itself into a much more "flexible" trade unionism.Thesis (M.A.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.
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Harford, Shelley. "A trans-tasman community : organisational links between the ACTU and NZFOL/NZCTU, 1970-1990 : a thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History in the University of Canterbury /." 2006. http://library.canterbury.ac.nz/etd/adt-NZCU20061220.102547.
Full text
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Lucio, M. M., and Robert A. Perrett. "The diversity and politics of trade unions' responses to minority ethnic and migrant workers: the context of the UK." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6071.
Full textAbstract:
The article first argues that there is a range of approaches and models developed in relation to the question of representing ethnic minorities and migrants when it comes to trade union strategies. There is no single model. Instead, there is a variety of approaches and politics, just as there are with a `traditionally established workforce'. Second, this study finds that the understanding of ethnic minority needs varies and the politics of this must be central to any discussion, as one cannot read off assumptions about the issue from formal union strategies, traditional practices and established customs in relation to regulation. In effect, there is a politics of trade union responses and there is diversity in the way the `problem' is read and understood. Third, the article argues that the issue of minority ethnic workers raises questions of trade union identity and purpose. This points to much deeper issues related to the role of regulation and strategies of inclusion — and the extent to which they cohere. It also raises the issue of the configuration of strategies of social inclusion and on occasions how strategies ignore the broader issue of participation of those they seek to represent. To this extent the article is not exclusively about inclusion and exclusion — but about the politics and contradictory dynamics of inclusion.
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Bao, Xiaoming. "Can Chinese enterprise unions improve employee union identification? Comparative case studies of six subsidiaries of foreign multinational enterprises." Thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/24662.
Full textAbstract:
Les syndicats d’entreprise chinois souffrent d’un manque apparent de pertinence pour les salariés. Dans l’intervalle, les gouvernements et les fédérations de syndicats locaux mènent de plus en plus de réformes syndicales d’entreprise en vue de promouvoir la négociation collective et la démocratie syndicale. Ces deux tendances se produisant simultanément, c’est ainsi que les questions de recherche suivantes viennent à l’esprit: (1) D’une manière générale, la négociation collective et la démocratie syndicale améliorent-elles la pertinence des syndicats pour les salariés? (2) Dans le cas chinois, les réformes de la négociation collective et de la démocratie syndicale menées par les gouvernements et les fédérations de syndicats locaux améliorent-elles la pertinence des syndicats d’entreprise pour les salaries?
Afin d’explorer et d’expliquer les variations de l’identification syndicale des employés et de l’identification des employés avec l’employeur, cette thèse développe un nouveau cadre théorique composé de quatre lignes d’analyse. Cette thèse examine d’abord les récits instrumentaux et constructivistes de l’identification syndicale des salariés. La possibilité d’une double identification, d’une identification unilatérale, ou d’une double désidentification ouvre une troisième ligne d’analyse, qui se concentre sur la relation entre l’identification des salariés – la configuration combinant l’identification syndicale des salariés et l’identification des salariés à l’employeur – et le cadre de référence pour les relations de travail. Enfin, en prenant en considération la spécificité du système chinois de relations de travail, cette thèse considère l’intervention du Parti-État en vue d’explorer comment une telle intervention affecte la démocratie syndicale et s’il existe ou non d’autres facteurs en jeu dans la relation entre la démocratie syndicale et l’intervention du Parti-Etat.
Afin d’explorer ces quatre lignes d’analyse, cette thèse s’est appuyée sur des études de cas comparatives de six filiales d’entreprises multinationales étrangères dans, ce que nous appelons à des fins d’anonymat, la zone de développement économique et technologique de Binhai. Deux
iv
séries d’enquête sur le terrain comprenaient des entretiens dans chaque entreprise de l’échantillon avec le responsable syndical, trois à cinq membres du comité syndical, quatre ou cinq délégués syndicaux (le cas échéant), et cinq à sept membres syndicaux.
Les principaux résultats empiriques sont résumés comme suit. Premièrement, trois types d’identité des syndicats d’entreprise chinois – le pont critique, le pont constructif, et le pont communicatif – à titre de pont entre les salariés et leur employeur et qui est assumé par un syndicat d’entreprise. Il existe par ailleurs une correspondance entre l’identité syndicale et l’identification des salariés. Deuxièmement, l’identification du syndicat des salariés est associée au caractère instrumental de syndicat et à la démocratie syndicale. La démocratie syndicale affecte non seulement directement l’identification du syndicat des salariés, mais affecte également le caractère instrumental de syndicat et, à son tour, a un impact indirect sur l’identification du syndicat des salariés. Les synergies entre le cadre de référence des relations de travail, la capacité stratégique syndicale, et la vitalité délibérative conduisent à la construction de l’identité syndicale. Troisièmement, le cadre de référence va du pluralisme adversarial à l’unitarisme autocratique, puis à l’unitarisme consultatif, et enfin, à l’unitarisme coordonné. En affectant l’instrumentalité syndicale, le cadre de référence affecte indirectement l’identification syndicale des salariés. Le cadre de référence affecte également l’amélioration des intérêts des salariés par un employeur et à son tour, a un impact indirect sur l’identification des salariés à l’employeur. Enfin, l’intervention du Parti-Etat affecte la démocratie syndicale mais comme modérée par la capacité stratégique.Chinese enterprise unions suffer the apparent absence of relevance for employees. In the meantime, local governments and federations of trade unions are increasingly conducting enterprise union reforms with a view to promoting collective bargaining and union democracy. With these two trends occurring simultaneously, the following research questions come to mind: (1) Do collective bargaining and union democracy improve the relevance of trade unions for employees? (2) Do the reforms of collective bargaining and union democracy conducted by local governments and federations of trade unions in China improve the relevance of enterprise unions for employees? In order to explore and explain the variations in employee union identification and employee identification with the employer, this thesis develops a novel theoretical framework consisting of four lines of analysis. This thesis first examines the instrumental and constructivist accounts of employee union identification. The possibility of dual identification, unilateral identification, or dual disidentification opens up a third line of analysis, which focuses on the relationship between employee identification – the configuration combining employee union identification and employee identification with the employer – and the frame of reference for labour relations. Finally, in taking the specificity of the Chinese labour relations system into consideration, this thesis considers the intervention of the Party-State with a view to exploring how such intervention affects union democracy and whether or not there are other factors at play in the relationship between union democracy and the intervention of the Party-State. In order to pursue these four lines of analysis, this thesis drew on the comparative case studies of six subsidiaries of foreign multinational enterprises in, what we label for the purpose of anonymity, the Binhai Economic-Technological Development Area. Two rounds of fieldwork involved interviews in each sample enterprise with the union officer, three to five union committee members, four or five union stewards (when applicable), and five to seven union vi members. The major empirical findings are summarized as follows. First, three types of identity of the Chinese enterprise unions discussed – critical bridging, constructive bridging, and communicative bridging – emerge in terms of the role of the bridge between employees and their employer, which is played by an enterprise union. There is a link between trade union identity and employee identification. Second, employee union identification is associated with union instrumentality and union democracy. Union democracy not only directly affects employee union identification but also affects union instrumentality and in turn, has an indirect impact on employee union identification. Synergies between the frame of reference for labour relations, union strategic capacity, and deliberative vitality lead to union identity construction. Third, the frame of reference ranges from adversarial pluralism to autocratic unitarism, then to consultative unitarism, and finally, to coordinated unitarism. By affecting union instrumentality, the frame of reference indirectly affects employee union identification. The frame of reference also affects the improvement of employee interests by an employer and in turn, has an indirect impact on employee identification with the employer. Finally, the intervention of the Party-State affects union democracy but as moderated by strategic capacity.
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Mlungisi, Ernest Tenza. "The liability of trade unions for conduct of their members during industrial action." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/23172.
Full textAbstract:
South Africa has been experiencing a number of violent strikes by trade unions in
recent times. The issue is not only to hold unions liable for damage caused during
strikes, but also to reduce the number of violent strikes. This study investigates if
victims of such violence can hold trade unions liable for the violent acts committed by
their members during industrial action. The Labour Relations Act, 66 of 1995 (LRA)
makes provision for the dismissal of employees who commit misconduct during an
unprotected strike. It also provides the remedy of an interdict and a claim for just and
equitable compensation which can be made against the union, during an unprotected
strike. It is further possible to hold the union together with its members liable for
damages in terms of the Regulation of Gatherings Act, 205 of 1993 (RGA). The study
argues that a strike or conduct in furtherance of a strike that becomes violent could
lose protection and the trade union should consequently be held liable, in terms of the
LRA and/ or the RGA, for damages caused by its members. This study investigates
the position in Canada, Botswana and Australia to determine if there could be any
other basis upon which to hold trade union liable for the conduct of its members. The
study recommends that the common law doctrine of vicarious liability should be
developed by the courts to allow trade unions to be held liable for damages caused by
members during violent industrial action. Policy considerations and changing
economic conditions and the nature of strikes in the Republic favours the expansion
of the doctrine of vicarious liability to trade union member relationship.Mercantile Law
LL. D.
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""Lest you undermine our struggle" : sympathetic action and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10388/ETD-2013-06-1144.
Full textAbstract:
In this thesis I address the question of sympathetic action - action by one group of workers designed to aid another group of workers in their struggle with an employer, manifested most obviously through refusals by workers to cross a picket line - through the lens of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. As the law currently stands in Canada, undertaking sympathetic action collectively is invariably illegal as it is considered an illegal "strike" under Canadian labour legislation. Further, workers who undertake sympathetic action - whether collectively or individually - can be subject to discipline or discharge by their employer. I argue that workers who undertake sympathetic action can have numerous motivations, ranging from economic self-interest to deeply-held political or moral beliefs (the latter manifested through the concept of "solidarity"), and that when those motivations include expressive or conscientious interests, sympathetic action should be entitled to protection by the fundamental freedoms of conscience, expression, and association found in section 2 of the Charter. I further argue that a each of these freedoms represents a different aspect of the inherent dignity and worth of an individual, and that a right to sympathetic action promotes both those freedoms and Charter values. Finally, I argue that a constitutional right to sympathetic action is a free-standing right that can exist even in the absence of a constitutional right to strike.
This thesis reviews the current and historical state of Canadian law (in both the statutory labour relations regimes and in common law) regarding sympathetic action, the potential application of the Charter freedoms of conscience, expression, and association to sympathetic action, and finally options for reform that reduce or eliminate restrictions on sympathetic action and therefore make our labour relations system more in keeping with Charter values.
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Ζησιμόπουλος, Γιάννης. "Οι βιομηχανικές σχέσεις στο πλαίσιο της σύγχρονης επιχείρησης: προσδιοριστικοί παράγοντες, πεδία συγκρούσεων, τάσεις και προοπτικές." Thesis, 2008. http://nemertes.lis.upatras.gr/jspui/handle/10889/949.
Full textAbstract:
Αντικείμενο της παρούσας μελέτης είναι η θεωρητική επισκόπηση και ανάλυση των προσδιοριστικών παραγόντων, των πεδίων συγκρούσεων, των τάσεων και των προοπτικών των Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων, των σχέσεων που αναπτύσσονται ανάμεσα στους συλλογικά διαπραγματευόμενους εργαζόμενους με τους εργοδότες και διαμεσολαβείται από το κράτος και τους διεθνείς οργανισμούς. Επιχειρείται ο προσδιορισμός της ιστορικής τους καταβολής και εξέλιξης, ο καταλυτικός ρόλος των εργατικών συνδικάτων και η παρουσίαση των εννοιών της Βιομηχανικής Δημοκρατίας και της Βιομηχανικής Σύγκρουσης.
Εξετάζεται το νέο - μεταφορντικό μοντέλο παραγωγής στα πλαίσια του σταδίου καπιταλιστικής ανάπτυξης του ολοκληρωτικού καπιταλισμού, η ευελιξία, η παγκοσμιοποίηση και οι διεθνικές επιχειρήσεις ως προσδιοριστικοί παράγοντες των σύγχρονων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων στο διεθνές περιβάλλον, εξετάζονται οι τάσεις σύγκλισης των συστημάτων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων και παρουσιάζεται ένα μοντέλο εργατικού διεθνισμού ως απάντηση των εργαζομένων στις διεθνείς πιέσεις.
Η μελέτη εστιάζει, επίσης, στα χαρακτηριστικά των εργατικών και εργοδοτικών οργανώσεων, στα επίπεδα συνδικαλιστικής πυκνότητας και βιομηχανικής σύγκρουσης, στους θεσμούς, στις διαδικασίες διαλόγου και στις σύγχρονες τάσεις που καταγράφονται στις Βιομηχανικές Σχέσεις σε επίπεδο Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Επιχειρείται να προσδιοριστεί πώς η πολιτική της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης - που εκφράζεται μέσω των «Πράσινων» και «Λευκών Βίβλων» - συμβάλει στην ανάπτυξη πεδίων συγκρούσεων και αποτελεί προσδιοριστικό παράγοντα των Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση και συμβάλει στην τάση σύγκλισης των εθνικών συστημάτων Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων.
Η ιστορική εξέλιξη, τα χαρακτηριστικά, οι βαθμίδες και οι τύποι συνδικαλιστικής οργάνωσης των εργατικών και εργοδοτικών οργανώσεων, τα πολιτικά ρεύματα που δραστηριοποιούνται εντός του εργατικού κινήματος, η συνδικαλιστική πυκνότητα και η εξέλιξη της απεργιακής δράσης στην Ελλάδα, αποτελούν σημαντικό τμήμα στην ανάλυση των ελληνικών Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων. Επιχειρείται μια σύνοψη των βασικών χαρακτηριστικών – προσδιοριστικών παραγόντων του ελληνικού συνδικαλιστικού κινήματος και η αποτύπωση των σύγχρονων τάσεων οργάνωσης εντός και εκτός των δομών του. Αποτυπώνονται τα βασικά χαρακτηριστικά των ελληνικών Βιομηχανικών Σχέσεων και οι πρόσφατες εξελίξεις στο περιεχόμενο και τις δομές τους υπό την επίδραση της διαδικασίας της παγκοσμιοποίησης, του παγκόσμιου οικονομικού περιβάλλοντος και της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης.The aim of the present study is the theoretical review and analysis of the defining factors, fields of conflicts, tendencies and perspectives of Industrial Relations, that are developed between collectively negotiating workers and the employers and are intermediated by the state and international organisations. It is also attempted to determinate their historical background and development, the catalytic role of working trade unions and to present significations such as Industrial Democracy and Industrial Conflict. The new post fordism mode of production in the frame of the new stage of capitalist development of totalitarian capitalism is examined, as well as the flexibility, the globalisation and the international enterprises as defining factors of modern Industrial Relations in the international environment. The tendencies of convergence of systems of Industrial Relations are also examined and a model of labor internationalism is presented as an answer of workers in international pressures. The study also focuses on the characteristics of workers’ and employers’ organisations at the level of trade-union density and industrial conflict, as well as on the institutions, the processes of dialogue and in the contemporary tendencies that are recorded in the Industrial Relations in European Union. It is attempted to determine how the policy of European Union - that it is expressed via “Green” and “White Papers” - constitutes a defining factor of Industrial Relations in the European Union and contributes to the growth of fields of conflicts and to the tendency to convergence of the national systems of Industrial Relations. The historical evolution, the characteristics, the levels and types of trade-union formation of labor and employing organisations, the political streaming activated in to the labor movement, the trade-union density and the evolution of strike action in Greece consist a major subject in the analysis of greek Industrial Relations. It is attempted a synopsis of the main characteristics and defining factors of greek labor movement and the imprinting of contemporary tendencies of internal and external organisation. The main characteristics of greek Industrial Relations and the recent developments of their content and structure under the effect of the globalisation process, the global economic environment and the European Union are recorded in the present study.
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Elton, Judith. "Comrades or competition? : union relations with Aboriginal workers in the South Australian and Northern Territory pastoral industries, 1878-1957." 2007. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/45143.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines internal union and external factors affecting union relations with Aboriginal workers in the wool and cattle sectors of the South Australian and Northern Territory pastoral industries, from union formation in the nineteenth century to the cold war period in the 1950s.PhD Doctorate
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Toren, Tolga. "A case study: U.S. Labour relations with the Trade Union Council of South Africa 1960-1973." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/8326.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract:
A CASE STUDY: U.S. LABOUR RELATIONS WITH THE
TRADE UNION COUNCIL OF SOUTH AFRICA
1960-1973
The aim of this study is to examine US policies towards the South African labour
movement through the American Federation of Labour - Congress of Industrial Organizations
(AFL-CIO) and US official institutions, such as the State Department and the Labour
Department of the United States, US universities etc. with particular focus on the period
between the 1960s and mid-1970s. The study is shaped as a case study. In the study, the
labour relations between the US and South Africa in the beginning of the 1960s and the
middle of 1970s are examined by specifically focusing on TUCSA.
The study is composed to six chapters. Following the first two chapters devoted for
introduction and literature review, the developments of the post-Second World War era, such
as the internationalization process of capital accumulation around the world, the cold war and
the formation process of new international organizations are dealt with. The re-structuring
process of the international labour movement under the cold war conditions and the
development of overseas labour policies of the ICFTU and the AFL-CIO are also handled in
this chapter.
In the fourth chapter, the capitalist development process of South Africa in the post
Second World War Era is discussed. The capital accumulation process under the apartheid
and the developments within the labour movement are the main issues dealt with in this
chapter.
In the fifth chapter, US investments in South Africa between the beginning of the sixties
and the mid seventies and the effects of these investments in the capital accumulation process
of South Africa are evaluated.
In the last chapter, the main focal point of the study, US labour relations with South
Africa between the 1960s and the middle of the 1970s is focused on with particular reference
to the relations between TUCSA and the US labour institutions including the AFL-CIO and
other official organizations of the US.
In the study, a historical framework is developed by focusing on developments in
international scale and South African scale. In the third, fourth and fifth chapters, extensive
literature on international labour, capitalist development of South Africa, labour history of
South Africa and US investments in South Africa is given to elaborate the issue. The sixth
chapter, which is the main chapter of the study, is relied principally upon archive materials of
TUCSA.
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Ngobeni, Tinyiko Lawrence. "A critical analysis of the security of foreign investments in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region." Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25054.
Full textAbstract:
Foreign investments in SADC are regulated by Annex 1 of the SADC Protocol on
Finance and Investments (SADC FIP), as well as the laws of SADC Member States. At
present, SADC faces the challenge that this regime for the regulation of foreign
investments is unstable, unsatisfactory and unpredictable. Furthermore, the state of the
rule of law in some SADC Member States is unsatisfactory. This negatively affects the
security of foreign investments regulated by this regime. The main reasons for this state
of affairs are briefly explained below.
The regulatory regime for foreign investments in SADC is unstable, due to recent policy
reviews and amendments of key regulatory instruments that have taken place. Major
developments in this regard have been the suspension of the SADC Tribunal during
2010, the amendment of the SADC Tribunal Protocol during 2014 to bar natural and
legal persons from access to the Tribunal, and the amendment of Annex 1 during 2016
to remove investor access to international investor-state arbitration, better known as
investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS).
The regulation of foreign investments in SADC has been unsatisfactory, among others
because some SADC Member States have failed or neglected to harmonise their
investment laws with both the 2006 and the 2016 Annex 1. Furthermore, SADC Member
States such as Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Malawi, Mauritius,
Seychelles, Eswatini, Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe have multiple Regional
Economic Community (REC) memberships. This places these Member States in a
position whereby they have conflicting interests and treaty obligations.
Finally, the future of the regime for the regulation of foreign investments in SADC is
unpredictable, due to regional integration efforts such as the recent formation of the
COMESA-EAC-SADC Tripartite Free Zone (T-FTA) and the African Continental Free
Trade Area (AfCFTA). The T-FTA is entitled to have its investment protocol, while the
AfCFTA investment protocol will be negotiated from 2018 until 2020. These
developments entail that the 2016 Annex 1 will soon be replaced by an investment
protocol at either the T-FTA or AfCFTA levels, thereby ushering a new regime for the
regulation of foreign investments in SADC. The unknown nature of the future regulations
create uncertainty and instability among foreign investors and host states alike.
This study analyses the regulation of foreign investments in terms of Annex 1 and
selected laws of SADC Member States. In the end, it makes the three findings
mentioned above. In order to address these findings, the study makes four
recommendations. The first is that foreign investments in SADC must be regulated at
African Union (AU) level, by means of an AfCFTA investment protocol (which incidentally
is now the case). Secondly, investor-state disputes must be referred to the courts of a
host state, optional ISDS, the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJ&HR) or
other agreed forum. Thirdly, an African Justice Scoreboard (AJS) must be established.
The AJS will act as a gateway to determine whether an investor-state dispute shall be referred to the courts of a host state, ISDS, the ACJ&HR or other forums. Fourthly, the
office of an African Investment Ombud (AIO) must be created. The AIO shall facilitate
the early resolution of investor-state disputes, so as to reduce the number of disputes
that may end-up in litigation or arbitration.Mercantile Law
LL. D.
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Čaněk, Marek. "Sociální a politická regulace pracovní migrace v České republice." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-332342.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation is about the changes in the regulation of labour migration in the Czech Republic, specifically between the period of economic boom in 2007 and 2008 and the beginning of the global economic and financial crisis. The developments of labour migration processes and policies were studied in relation to the political economy of foreign direct investment and the rise of the competition state in the Czech Republic. The materialisation of these developments resulted in the Czech Republic's further integration into the global labour market. Labour migration policy changes in the case of the Green Card project, however, did not confirm the thesis that the Czech Republic's migration policy eventually became subordinated to the competition state project. Not only did the Ministry of Industry and Trade lack bureaucratic capital in the field of migration regulation but also, there were tensions between different notions of the competition state project while 'migration management' was reorganised in the interest of the Ministry of the Interior. Closely following struggles over the regulation of labour migration in the administrative and political fields, this dissertation contributes to literature on the labour migration perspective of the competition state. The migration crisis is studied from...