Books on the topic 'Trade-union struggles'

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1

Lucio, Miguel Martinez. Trade unions in post-Franco Spain: The politics and discursive struggles of trade union development and the construction of the industrial relations arena : a reassessment of concepts and problems. [s.l.]: typescript, 1988.

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2

Cliff, Tony. Marxism and trade union struggle: The General Strike of 1926. London: Bookmarks, 1986.

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3

Abiala, E. Olu. Trade union movement and national development in Nigeria: Memoirs of labour struggle. Ibadan: St. Paul's Pub. House, 2012.

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4

Nielsen, Michael Charles. Hollywood's other blacklist: Union struggles in the studio system. London: British Film Institute, 1995.

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5

Hirson, Baruch. Yours for the union: Class and community struggles in South Africa, 1930-1947. London, UK: Zed Books, 1990.

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6

Barya, John-Jean B. Trade unions and the struggle for associational space in Uganda: The 1993 Trade Union Law and article 40 of the Constitution. Kampala,Uganda: Centre for Basic Research, 2001.

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7

Trask, Roger. Anti-trade union legislation in Britain: A study on the anti-trade union laws introduced in Britain by the Conservative government since 1979 and the struggle against them. London: The Author, 1989.

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8

Thornett, Alan. Inside Cowley: Trade union struggle in the 1970s : who really opened up the door to the Tory onslaught? London: Porcupine Press, 1998.

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9

Thornett, Alan. Inside Cowley: Trade union struggle in the 1970s : who really opened up the door to the Tory onslaught? London: Porcupine, 1998.

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10

Gavin, Boyd, ed. The struggle for world markets: Competition and cooperation between NAFTA and the European Union. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 1998.

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11

Sixsmith, Martin. Putin's oil: The Yukos affair and the struggle for Russia. New York: Continuum, 2010.

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12

Antony, Cutler, ed. 1992- the struggle for Europe: A critical evaluation of the European Community. New York: Berg, 1989.

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13

Europe, United States Congress Commission on Security and Cooperation in. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundredth Congress, first session, Soviet Jewry struggle, December 4, 1987. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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14

United States. Congress. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Implementation of the Helsinki accords: Hearing before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, One Hundredth Congress, first session, Soviet jewry struggle, December 4, 1987. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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15

Finkel, Alvin. Workers’ Social-Wage Struggles during the Great Depression and the Era of Neoliberalism. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038174.003.0007.

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This chapter traces and compares workers' and especially workers' organizations' responses in North America, South America, Europe, and Australia during the Great Depression and the crisis of capital accumulation that has been more or less steady since 1975. It suggests that the extent to which the organized working class has been willing and able to defend prior social gains during times of crisis depends upon the degree of organization and militancy present within the working class before the crisis begins. In countries where class collaboration is deeply embedded in the ideology of the trade-union and labor political leadership, the response of the organized working class to economic crisis has paralleled that of capital: “national” sacrifice is required, and that means the workers giving up some social gains along with making wage sacrifices. In others, especially where workers'movements have been unable or unwilling to integrate closely with capital at a political level, or where labor has a political dominance to which capital has partly accommodated, the working-class movement has made improved social wages its central demand, and made the continued existence of private capital dependent on its accommodating that demand.
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16

Monciaud, Didier. A Voice from Below in the 1940s Egyptian Press: The Experience of the Workers’ Newspaper Shubra. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474430616.003.0011.

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This chapter examines the emergence of a labour newspaper in the context of the industrial struggles of the 1930s and 1940s in the Cairo suburb of Shubra-al-Khayma, a stronghold of the textile sector and scene of a dynamic workers’ movement. The fight for official recognition and better economic conditions was only part of the workers’ struggle. From April 1942 until January 1943 the General Union of Mechanical Textile Workers of Shubra al-Khayma produced Shubra, one of the few papers in Egypt managed and edited by trade unionists and aimed specifically at an audience of workers. The chapter examines the workers’ voice expressed in the ideas, values and conceptions of labour, discussing the launch and management of the newspaper before dealing with its content and focus on specific issues such as textile labour in Egypt, union matters, ‘labour culture’ and the national struggle.
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17

Harley, Anne, and Eurig Scandrett, eds. Environmental Justice, Popular Struggle and Community Development. Policy Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447350835.001.0001.

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Community development takes place in contested spaces in which the interests of people living, working and surviving in communities come up against the interests of powerful groups and classes in the structures of exploitation, colonisation and neoliberalism. Where community development practices respond to issues of environmental concerns, this brings an additional dimension as ‘the environment’ becomes another arena for contestation. This book aims to draw on two essential sources for understanding this conflict. One source is in the rich yet conflicted theoretical resources which have developed through academic labour around analysing the social practices of community development, popular struggle and environmental justice. The second fundamental source is the intellectual work of ordinary people engaged in such material struggles to change the world from where they live and work and make community; people who are not employed in academic labour but who, as Gramsci highlighted, are critical thinking intellectuals without whose analytical resources emancipatory politics is not possible. This includes the struggles of activist-academics (such as the editors) seeking to learn from their own engagement with popular movements. This volume therefore works in the dialogical space between knowledges of struggle and of the academy in order to critique and inform the practices of community development professionals, academics, trade union organisers, social movements, activists and ordinary people engaged in the pursuit of justice in a range of contexts in which the messy, imprecise and contested processes of community, development and environment interact.
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18

Gluckstein, Donny, and Tony Cliff. Marxism and the Trade Union Struggle: The General Strike Of 1926. Bookmarks/U. S. A., 1995.

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19

Gluckstein, Donny, and Tony Cliff. Marxism and the Trade Union Struggle: The General Strike Of 1926. Bookmarks/U. S. A., 1995.

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20

Fischer, Louis. Oil Imperialism: The International Struggle for Petroleum. Taylor & Francis Group, 2018.

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21

Louis, Fischer. Oil Imperialism: The International Struggle for Petroleum. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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22

Louis, Fischer. Oil Imperialism: The International Struggle for Petroleum. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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23

Tom, Lodge, and Baruch Hirson. Yours for the Union: Class and Community Struggles in South Africa. Zed Books, Limited, 2017.

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24

Tom, Lodge, and Baruch Hirson. Yours for the Union: Class and Community Struggles in South Africa. Bloomsbury Academic & Professional, 2017.

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25

Tom, Lodge, and Baruch Hirson. Yours for the Union: Class and Community Struggles in South Africa. Bloomsbury Academic & Professional, 2017.

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26

Nielsen, Mike, and Gene Mailes. Hollywood's Other Blacklist: Union Struggles in the Studio System. British Film Institute, 1996.

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27

Nielsen, Mike, and Gene Mailes. Hollywood's Other Blacklist: Union Struggles in the Studio System. British Film Institute, 1996.

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28

Louis, Fischer. Oil Imperialism: The International Struggle for Petroleum. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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29

Oil Imperialism: The International Struggle for Petroleum. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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30

Louis, Fischer. Oil Imperialism: The International Struggle for Petroleum. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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31

CPI in Delhi: Its role in the struggle for freedom and trade union movement. New Delhi: Peoples Pub. House, 2011.

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32

Foner, Philip S. History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Postwar Struggles 1918 -1920 (History of the Labor Movement in the United States). International Publishers, 1987.

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33

Foner, Philip S. History of the Labor Movement in the United States: Postwar Struggles, 1918-1920 (Foner, Philip Sheldon//History of the Labor Movement in the United States). Intl Pub, 1988.

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34

Poniatowska, Elena, and Robert F. Alegre. Railroad Radicals in Cold War Mexico: Gender, Class, and Memory. University of Nebraska Press, 2020.

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35

Railroad Radicals in Cold War Mexico: Gender, Class, and Memory. University of Nebraska Press, 2014.

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36

Sixsmith, Martin. Putin's Oil: The Yukos Affair and the Struggle for Russia. Bloomsbury Academic & Professional, 2010.

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37

Sixsmith, Martin. Putin's Oil: The Yukos Affair and the Struggle for Russia. Bloomsbury Academic & Professional, 2010.

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38

Hughes, Kyle, and Donald MacRaild. Ribbon Societies in Nineteenth-Century Ireland and its Diaspora. Liverpool University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781786941350.001.0001.

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The book is the first full-length study of Irish Ribbonism. It traces its development from its origins in the Defender movement of the 1790s to the latter part of the century when the remnants of the Ribbon tradition found solace in a new movement: the quasi-constitutional affinities of the Ancient Order of Hibernians. This book places Ribbonism firmly within Ireland’s long tradition of secret societies and show that, due to its diversity and adaptability, it stood apart from other similar bodies and showed remarkable longevity not matched by its contemporaries. The book describes the wider context of Catholic struggles for improved standing, explores traditions and networks for association, and it describes external impressions. This study utilises very rich archives in the form of state surveillances records and evidence from spies. ‘Show trial’ proceedings also are examined in detail. Throughout, the book deploys masses of press reportage. Harnesssing such evidence, the book shows that Ribbonism was a sophisticated and durable underground network drawing together various strands of the rural and urban Catholic populace in Ireland and Britain. Operating as a militant bulwark against Orangeism, an immigrant aid society, a social club, a proto-political collective, it also was at times a primitive trade union. Ribbonism operated more widely than previous studies have revealed, and was, in fact, a transnational entity linking Irish communities in Ireland and Britain, with trace elements also in the USA, Canada and Australia.
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39

Davies, Aled. ‘Pension Fund Socialism’. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198804116.003.0001.

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This chapter focuses on the political response to the institutionalization of saving and investment that took place in post-war Britain. It demonstrates that it was only in response to the acceleration of industrial decline in the 1970s that the influence of pension and insurance funds over the national economy was fully appreciated. The Heath government, perturbed by the divorce between ownership and control engendered by institutionalization, encouraged the financial institutions to take an interest in the firms they invested in. Meanwhile, figures in the Labour Party and trade-union movement recognized the immense power wielded by the institutions and sought to bring them under some form of public control. They hoped to use pension funds, as workers’ savings, to invest in the ailing industrial economy. In the crisis decade of the 1970s, these attempted reforms represented a struggle to adapt and reformulate social democracy in a changed material context.
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40

Stanley, Matthew E. Grand Army of Labor. University of Illinois Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043741.001.0001.

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The politics and culture of organized labor during the age of industrial capitalism in the United States was refracted through the semantics, ideas, and personalities of sectional conflict. The experience of war helped forge class consciousness, and the notion of a continued antislavery struggle was central to the identities of newly radicalized workers. This book explores the sweeping variety of Civil War memory within Gilded Age and Progressive Era labor unions, among political radicals, and in third-party movements. That memory evinced revolution and reform, as competing and sometimes coinciding narratives emerged between Reconstruction and World War I. The first worked largely in the service of industrial unionism and depicted the Civil War’s legacy as a precursor to a thorough--even global--liberation of all workers. The second emphasized the preservation of the Union, the imperatives of legalism and social order, and the fundamental loyalty of white workingmen to the reconstituted nation-state, tending to further conciliatory labor strategies, as well as the leadership prerogatives of exclusionary craft unions. The preeminence of reformist memory, which was predicated on compromise with capital and the sanctity of the state, came ultimately to supplement trade union bureaucratization, labor nationalism, and the propagation of antiradicalism on the American scene during and after the Great War.
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41

Carson, Matter. A Matter of Moral Justice. University of Illinois Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043901.001.0001.

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A Matter of Moral Justice explores the little-studied power laundry industry and its workers, beginning with the birth of the industry at the turn of the twentieth century and concluding with an epilogue on the state of the industry in the early twenty-first century. While providing a broad overview of working conditions, the book focuses on the activism of Black women, who by 1930 comprised a significant proportion of the power laundry workforce. In the urban industrial North, where the industry flourished, Black women eager to escape domestic service actively sought jobs in power laundries, taking their place, albeit on the lowest rungs, on the industrial ladder. This book examines the working conditions and occupational structure in the laundry industry and then narrows the focus to New York City, a leading center of the industry and one of the few places where the workers won union representation. The workers’ campaign spanned many decades and elicited the intervention of some of New York’s most prominent laborites, including New York Women’s Trade Union League president Rose Schneiderman; Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America president Sidney Hillman and his partner and fellow labor leader, Bessie Hillman; Negro Labor Committee president Frank Crosswaith; and a cadre of committed communist and African American organizers. The campaign took place during a period of cataclysmic change for American workers, one that saw the birth and growth of industrial feminism; the Great Migration of more than six million Black southerners to the urban industrial centers of the North and West; the rise of the “New Negro,” inspired by mass migration, Marcus Garvey’s Black nationalist movement, and the explosion of Black trade unionism; the emergence of the CIO and New Deal Order; the heyday of Communist Party organizing; two world wars; and the burgeoning civil rights and women’s movements. This book locates the women’s activism within the context of these movements, which inspired and shaped their organizing and to which they contributed. The book explores the multitude of factors that led to unionization in 1937, including the Wagner Act, the emergence of the CIO, communist organizing, and, most importantly, the militant and interracial organizing of the workers themselves. The final third of the book explores what happened to the workers once they organized under the ACWA-affiliated Laundry Workers Joint Board and thus provides an opportunity to assess the relationship between the industrial union movement and women and people of color employed in the traditionally low-wage industrial service sector. Following LWJB as it transitioned from its radical, grassroots, community-based origins into a bureaucratic organization led by white men illuminates some of the limitations of the industrial union movement for women and people of color but also demonstrates how Black working-class women overcame seemingly insurmountable odds and used the openings provided to mobilize in pursuit of equal treatment and dignity at work. Their stories challenge assumptions about worker passivity and about the inability of the most exploited to organize. Resurrecting these moments of resistance complicates the history of the industrial union movement and provides insights on organizing in the twenty-first century, when women and people of color in the postindustrial service and care sectors have been leading some of the most militant battles for economic and social justice. This story then contributes to our understanding of how race and gender shape working conditions, the formulation of union tactics, and the struggle for union control and union power in modern America.
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