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Journal articles on the topic 'Trade union militancy'
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1
Roca, Beltrán, and Eva Bermúdez-Figueroa. "Framing labor militancy and political exchange in a Spanish Catholic trade union: the Autonomous Union of the Vine in Jerez (1979–1987)." International Labor and Working-Class History 98 (2020): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547919000255.
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AbstractThis article examines the evolution of the Autonomous Union of the Vine (Sindicato Autónomo de la Vid [SAVID]), a radical wine industry union that operated in the Jerez area (Spain) between 1979 and 1987. The SAVID was born as a result of a series of internal conflicts and splits in the trade union Unión Sindical Obrera (USO), which was founded by Christian groups that were influenced by self-management ideas in the province of Cádiz during the 1970s. Drawing on the life stories of two union members, this article analyzes the creation, evolution, and decline of the SAVID labor union of the sherry wine industry in the Jerez area, which can be categorized as a paradigmatic case of “militant particularism.” The biographical narratives of the union members make the identification and analysis of factors involved in both the rise and the decline of this trade union possible. These narratives will also help in contesting the dominant narratives on the role of the trade union movement and the radical Left during the Spanish Transition by providing empirical evidence of labor militancy on a local scale.
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Adăscăliței, Dragoș, and Aurelian Muntean. "Trade union strategies in the age of austerity: The Romanian public sector in comparative perspective." European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 2 (June 20, 2018): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118783588.
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This article examines the impact of the economic crisis and its aftermath on collective bargaining, by comparing reactions to austerity policies of trade unions in healthcare and education in Romania. We develop an encompassing theoretical framework that links strategies used by trade unions with power resources, costs and union democracy. In a tight labour market generated by the massive emigration of doctors, unions in healthcare have successfully deployed their resources to advance their interests and obtain significant wage increases and better working conditions. We also show that in the aftermath of the crisis, healthcare trade unions have redefined their strategies and adopted a more militant stance based on a combination of local strikes, strike threats and temporary alliances with various stakeholders. By comparison, we find that unions in the education sector have adopted less effective strategies built around negotiations with governments combined with national-level militancy.
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Zappala', Gianni. "The Impact of the Closed Shop on the Union Movement: A Preliminary View." Economic and Labour Relations Review 2, no. 2 (December 1991): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469100200204.
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This paper provides a preliminary review of the effrects of closed shop arrangements on trade unions. In doing os it addresses four hypotheses: whether the closed shop reduces union militancy; whether it leads to poorer services; whether it affects bargaining power; and whether it leads to increased membership.
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Bithymitris, Giorgos. "Union militancy during economic hardship." Employee Relations 38, no. 3 (April 4, 2016): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-11-2014-0132.
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Purpose – This paper examines the preconditions of the strike at the Greek steel company Hellenic Halyvourgia (HH) which started on 1 November 2011 and ended on 28 July 2012. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the understanding of current labour disputes in the context of economic crisis focusing on previous developments of mobilisation theory and social movement literature. The overall aim is to highlight the linkages between trade unions and society when a broader sense of injustice comes to the fore. Design/methodology/approach – Qualitative methods were employed in order to contextualise the strike events and examine the preconditions of the occurrence and the volume of the strike. Semistructured interviews, field notes, interviews taken by the media, documentaries, chronicles and articles, constructed the main body of empirical material. Findings – The HH case indicates that certain collective identities and leadership qualities account for high mobilisation potential with spillover effects which are in turn conditioned upon the situation of the strikers’ allies. Although there was an agency to transform the sense of injustice into collective action, the framing processes employed by the union did not have the kind of impact that would render state and management’s responses ineffective, as the strike message did not eventually penetrate other industries or even the rest factories of the HH. Originality/value – The present paper goes beyond the general description of the social turmoil during the Greek crisis by showing the critical bonds that were established through framing and identity-building processes among the strikers and the anti-austerity protesters in Greece and abroad.
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Besancenot, Damien, and Radu Vranceanu. "A trade union model with endogenous militancy: interpreting the French case." Labour Economics 6, no. 3 (September 1999): 355–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0927-5371(99)00007-x.
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Stern, Andy. "Unions & Civic Engagement: How the Assault on Labor Endangers Civil Society." Daedalus 142, no. 2 (April 2013): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00208.
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American trade unions are a crucial segment of civil society that enriches our democracy. Union members are stewards of the public good, empowering the individual through collective action and solidarity. While union density has declined, the U.S. labor movement remains a substantial political and economic force. But the relentless attacks by the political right and its corporate allies could lead to an erosion of civic engagement, further economic inequality, and a political imbalance of power that can undermine society. The extreme assault on unions waged by Republicans in Wisconsin, Ohio, Michigan, and at a national level must be countered by a revitalized labor movement and by those who understand that unions are positive civil actors who bring together individuals who alone have little power. Unions need both structural reform and greater boldness; there are moments in which direct action and dramatic militancy can bring about positive social change. The current assault on labor can be rebuffed, and unions can expand their role as stewards for the public good and as defenders of efforts by the 99 percent to reduce inequality and protect democracy.
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Gartner, Manfred. "Political and Industrial Change in a Model of Trade Union Militancy and Real Wage Growth." Review of Economics and Statistics 67, no. 2 (May 1985): 322. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1924733.
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Grayson, John. "Developing the Politics of the Trade Union Movement: Popular Workers’ Education in South Yorkshire, UK, 1955 to 1985." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000090.
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AbstractDrawing on evidence from research interviews, workers’ memoirs, oral histories, and a range of secondary sources, the development of popular workers’ education is traced over a thirty year period, 1955 to 1985, and is rooted in the proletarian culture of South Yorkshire, UK. The period is seen as an historical conjuncture of Left social movements (trade unions, the Communist and Labour parties, tenants’ movements, movements of working-class women, and emerging autonomous black movements) in a context of trade union militancy and New Left politics. The Sheffield University extramural department, the South Yorkshire Workers' Educational Association (WEA), and the public intellectuals they employ as tutors and organizers are embedded in the politics and actions of the labor movement in the region, some becoming Labour MPs. They develop distinctive programs of trade union day release courses and labor movement organizations (Institute for Workers' Control, Conference of Socialist Economists, Society for the Study of Labour History). Workers involved in the process of popular workers' education become organic intellectuals having key roles in local and national politics, in the steel and miners' strikes of the 1980s, and in the formation of Northern College. The article draws on the language and insights of Raymond Williams and Antonio Gramsci through the lens of social movement theory and the praxis of popular education.
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Gill-McLure, Whyeda. "The political economy of public sector trade union militancy under Keynesianism: The case of local government." Capital & Class 37, no. 3 (October 2013): 417–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816813503172.
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Sutcliffe, M., and P. Wellings. "Worker Militancy in South Africa: A Sociospatial Analysis of Trade Union Activism in the Manufacturing Sector." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 3, no. 3 (September 1985): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d030357.
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Church, Roy. "Edwardian Labour Unrest and Coalfield Militancy, 1890–1914." Historical Journal 30, no. 4 (December 1987): 841–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00022342.
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For many years a consensus among historians of the Edwardian age drew a contrast between the essentially stable, liberal society of the late Victorian years, when discussion, compromise and orderly behaviour were the norm, and an Edwardian society in which tacit conventions governing the conduct of those involved in social and political movements began to be rejected – by Pankhurst feminists, Ulster Unionists, trade union militants and syndicalists. This period of crisis was so described in 1935 by Edward Dangerfield in the The strange death of liberal England, a brilliantly evocative title which, despite the lack of precision contained in the argument presented in his book, exercised an enduring influence on subsequent interpretations of British social and political history before 1914. G. D. H. Cole and Raymond Postgate reinforced this interpretation of a society in crisis, and not until Dr Henry Pelling's Politics and society in late Victorian Britain appeared in 1968 was the notion firmly rejected. There he denied that the convergence of the Irish conflict over home rule, the violence of the militant suffragettes, and unprecedented labour unrest signified either connexions or a common fundamental cause. The re-printing of Dangerfield's book in 1980 (and Pelling's in 1979) has been followed by renewed interest in these competitive hypotheses, and has led historians to re-examine the Edwardian age.
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Wilson, Matt Vaughan. "The 1911 Waterfront Strikes in Glasgow: Trade Unions and Rank-and-File Militancy in the Labour Unrest of 1910–1914." International Review of Social History 53, no. 2 (July 17, 2008): 261–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859008003441.
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This article examines one of several massive industrial conflicts experienced in Britain and elsewhere during 1910–1914, paying particular attention to organization and the dynamics of the strikes at a local level. It takes as a case study the port of Glasgow, which has until recently received little attention from historians of waterfront labour, despite its status as a major port and an important area for labour activity. Much literature on the waterfront strike wave emphasizes spontaneity and rank-and-file initiative. These were important in Glasgow as elsewhere, but experiences varied markedly between the major ports. Moreover, prior organization and individual initiative should not be overlooked. Officials of the National Sailors' and Firemen's Union played a significant role at national and international levels, while Glasgow Trades Council and activists associated with it provided a critical lead locally. The strongly local character of the strike movement and its leadership in Glasgow shaped both the strikes themselves – which were appreciably more unified and coherent in Glasgow than in some other centres – and the subsequent development of waterfront organization on the Clyde, marked as it was by the emergence of independent locally-based unions among both dockers and seamen.
13
Weinhauer, Klaus. "Labour Market, Work Mentality and Syndicalism: Dock Labour in the United States and Hamburg, 1900–1950s." International Review of Social History 42, no. 2 (August 1997): 219–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000114890.
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SummaryThis international comparison firstly examines labour market organization, casual labour and work mentality in North American seaports and in Hamburg. By contrast to British ports, these ports finally dispensed with casual labour between the world economic crisis and the Second World War, and labour markets there were centralized. Secondly, the industrial militancy of mobile dockworkers without permanent jobs is examined through a consideration of syndicalist organizations (1919–1921), and interpreted as an interplay of experiences with power in the network of labour market, workplace and docklands. The study refers repeatedly to the decisive dividing line between regularly and irregularly employed dockworkers. National differences in trade union representation and dispute behaviour are analysed by reference to dockworkers' direct actions.
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Meade, Teresa. "‘Living Worse and Costing More’: Resistance and Riot in Rio de Janeiro, 1890–1917." Journal of Latin American Studies 21, no. 1-2 (June 1989): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00014784.
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On 1st May 1917 m Rio de Janeiro, protesters took to the streets carrying placards and shouting slogans denouncing high prices and miserable living conditions. Over the succeeding months the May Day protest mushroomed into an unprecedented general strike of more than 50,000 workers in the federal capital. Rio de Janeiro had witnessed frequent protests and agitation against taxes, high prices, shortages, poor housing and public services and the cost of transport during the late Empire and first decades of the Republic.1 What was different about May Day 1917 was that complaints over consumer, community-based issues affecting the general populace triggered off a wave of trade-union militancy unique in the city's history.
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Martens, Albert, and Valeria Pulignano. "Renewed Trade Union Militancy in Belgium? An Analysis Based on Expenditure from the Strike Fund (CWK/ACV) during the Period 1974—2004." Economic and Industrial Democracy 29, no. 4 (November 2008): 437–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0143831x08096229.
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BASU, SUBHO. "The Paradox of Peasant Worker: Re-conceptualizing workers’ politics in Bengal 1890–1939." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 1 (January 2008): 47–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0700279x.
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AbstractThis essay explores labor politics in Bengal in the period between 1890 and 1939. It investigates numerous supposed paradoxes in labor politics such as the coexistence of intense industrial action marked by workers’ solidarity and communal rioting between Hindus and Muslims, labor militancy and weak formal trade union organization. In existing historiography, these paradoxes are explained through a catch all phrase ‘peasant worker’—a concept that perceives Indian workers as not fully divorced from rural society and thus were susceptible to fragmentary pulls of natal ties that acted as a break on the emergence of class consciousness. In contradistinction to such historiography this paper argues that religion, language and region did not always act as a break on workers’ ability to unite. It demonstrates that workers’ politics was informed and influenced by notions of customary rights based on mutuality of shared interests at workplaces. When workers perceived that management violated such customary rights, they formed alliances among themselves and engaged in militant industrial action. In such circumstances, workers’ natal ties assisted in producing solidarities. By drawing upon Chandavarkar's works, this essay accords importance to the contingency of politics in the making and unmaking of alliances among workers and thus argues that in different political circumstances religious or other forms of natal ties acquired different meanings to different groups of workers.
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Pringle, Tim, and Quan Meng. "Taming Labor: Workers’ Struggles, Workplace Unionism, and Collective Bargaining on a Chinese Waterfront." ILR Review 71, no. 5 (April 12, 2018): 1053–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019793918768791.
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This article examines the case of the Yantian International Container Terminal (YICT) to consider under what conditions unions can provide effective workplace representation in China. The authors draw on semi-structured interviews to analyze how and why the union was effective, despite rigid prohibitions against organizing outside of the Party-led All-China Federation of Trade Unions. The authors argue that the YICT union developed a system of annual collective bargaining that tamed the power of militant dockworkers and helped prevent strikes. This outcome required an effective enterprise-level trade union that was nevertheless able to influence and manage members’ somewhat ambiguous acceptance of its role. Ultimately, workers’ interests were partially represented and their acquisition of associational power—in the form of trade unions—increased.
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Connolly, Clara, Lynne Segal, Michèle Barrett, Beatrix Campbell, Anne Phillips, Angela Weir, and Elizabeth Wilson. "Feminism and Class Politics: A Round-Table Discussion." Feminist Review 23, no. 1 (July 1986): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1986.18.
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In December 1984 Angela Weir and Elizabeth Wilson, two founding members of Feminist Review, published an article assessing contemporary British feminism and its relationship to the left and to class struggle. They suggested that the women's movement in general, and socialist-feminism in particular, had lost its former political sharpness. The academic focus of socialist-feminism has proved more interested in theorizing the ideological basis of sexual difference than the economic contradictions of capitalism. Meanwhile the conditions of working-class and black women have been deteriorating. In this situation, they argue, feminists can only serve the general interests of women through alliance with working-class movements and class struggle. Weir and Wilson represent a minority position within the British Communist Party (the CP), which argues that ‘feminism’ is now being used by sections of the left, in particular the dominant ‘Eurocommunist’ left in the CP, to justify their moves to the right, with an accompanying attack on traditional forms of trade union militancy. Beatrix Campbell, who is aligned to the dominant position within the CP, has been one target of Weir and Wilson's criticisms. In several articles from 1978 onwards, and in her book Wigan Pier Revisited, Beatrix Campbell has presented a very different analysis of women and the labour movement. She has criticized the trade union movement as a ‘men's movement’, in the sense that it has always represented the interests of men at the expense of women. And she has described the current split within the CP as one extending throughout the left between the politics of the ‘old’ and the ‘new’: traditional labour movement politics as against the politics of those who have rethought their socialism to take into account the analysis and importance of popular social movements – in particular feminism, the peace and anti-racist movements. In reply to this debate, Anne Phillips has argued that while women's position today must be analysed in the context of the capitalist crisis, it is not reducible to the dichotomy ‘class politics’ versus ‘popular alliance’. Michèle Barrett, in another reply to Weir and Wilson, has argued that they have presented a reductionist and economistic approach to women's oppression, which caricatures rather than clarifies much of the work in which socialist-feminists have been engaged. To air these differences between socialist-feminists over the question of feminism and class politics, and to see their implications for the women's movement and the left, Feminist Review has decided to bring together the main protagonists of this debate for a fuller, more open discussion. For this discussion Feminist Review drew up a number of questions which were put to the participants by Clara Connolly and Lynne Segal. (Michèle Barrett was present in a personal capacity.) They cover the recent background to socialist-feminist politics, the relationship of feminism to Marxism, the role of feminists in le ft political parties and the labour movement, the issue of racism and the prospects for the immediate future. The discussion was lengthy and what follows is an edited version of the transcript.
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Santana, Marco Aurélio, and Ricardo Medeiros Pimenta. "Public History and Militant Identities: Brazilian Unions and the Quest for Memory." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 65–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990093.
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AbstractThe aim of this paper is to analyze how Brazilian trade unions are using social memory as a tool to build up workers' collective identities, in an attempt to fight the fragmentation resulting from the impact of the industrial restructuring of the 1990s. We will draw upon two ongoing programs conducted by the ABC Metal Workers Union (SMABC) and the Oil Workers Union of Brazil's state oil company Petrobras (Sindipetro). The SMABC and Sindipetro have recently been addressing the issue of workers memory with social and public projects. These projects are building up memories, which in spite of being institution-based are also collective, framed by the unions through the use of new types of communication and electronic media.
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Yanay, Uri. "Service Delivery By a Trade Union—Does It Pay?" Journal of Social Policy 19, no. 2 (April 1990): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279400002002.
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ABSTRACTA changing socio-economic environment and competition have led trade unions to extend their role and become service providers. This paper examines some of the issues of service delivery which arise. Four central implications are discussed: the trade union's need (1) to adapt to the competitive service provider's market, (2) to enlarge its consumer body, (3) to become an employer of workers, and (4) to expand its interests with business establishments and authorities over non-union matters. The paper focuses on the General Federation of Labour in Israel (the Histadrut), and its comprehensive health insurance scheme (Kupat Holim). The scheme is provided to all union members and their families as part of union membership. Nonetheless, alternative service systems seem sufficiently attractive for many union members to consider ‘deserting’ their union. The union depends on its members—consumers—to secure its broad base, universalistic image, source of income and legitimacy. Trying to attract consumers causes the union to bend some of its principles. Ultimately, service provision forces the union to adopt characteristics alien to, and even contradicting, its traditional, militant role as an organiser of labour.
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Almeida, Deybson Borba de, Gilberto Tadeu Reis da Silva, Genival Fernandes de Freitas, Maria Itayra Padilha, and Igor Ferreira Borba de Almeida. "Discursive archaeology: constituting knowledge of militant nurses in trade associations." Revista Brasileira de Enfermagem 71, no. 3 (May 2018): 1128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7167-2017-0277.
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ABSTRACT Objective: To analyze the constituting knowledge of militant nurses in trade associations. Method: Historical research, based on the oral history method, with a qualitative approach carried out with 11 nurses who are/were militants for professional issues since the 1980s in the state of Bahia. The data collected through semi-structured interviews were organized in the software n-vivo 10 and analyzed based on dialectical hermeneutics. Results: We identified pedagogical, administrative, public health, sociological, and trade union background knowledge as constituent of militant individuals. Final considerations: The constituting knowledge of militant nurses are inscribed in the Social Sciences, distanced from biomedical knowledge and power, pointing at ways for structuring nursing curricula. We identified the Brazilian Association of Nursing as a space for political formation.
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Pozzi, Pablo A. "Argentina 1976–1982: Labour Leadership and Military Government." Journal of Latin American Studies 20, no. 1 (May 1988): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00002509.
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Argentina's labour leaders make up one of the most powerful social groups in the nation's society. Their power is based on the unions' economic resources as well as on their capacity to mobilise rank-and-file workers. However, the group has developed a tendency towards bureaucratisation. On the one hand they are representative of their fellow-workers which is why they are continuously re-elected. At the same time, they have acquired technical and bureaucratic skills which ease their handling of the trade union structure. ‘As long as permanence at the head of the union becomes prolonged, the labour leader draws further away from the cultural and economic criteria of the workers who form the rank-and-file.’1This tendency towards self-perpetuation in office maintains the acquired social status. In addition, the separation from the rank-and-file increases in order to have a relative autonomy and play the role of intermediary between the worker and the employer. In this sense, the corporativism and verticalism inherent in the Peronist doctrine, as a form of selecting leaders, increases the tendency towards bureaucratisation in the trade union leaders, marking a breach with the historical tendency of the Argentine labour movement previous to 1946–7.
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McCabe, Darren. "Total Quality Management: Anti-Union Trojan Horse or Management Albatross?" Work, Employment and Society 13, no. 4 (December 1999): 665–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09500179922118178.
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This article examines a co-operative union-management approach towards Total Quality Management (TQM) by recourse to a case study from the auto components manufacturing sector. Its purpose is twofold; first, it suggests that in contrast to much critical thinking, under certain conditions TQM need not undermine trade unions. Indeed, it is argued that a more moderate trade union stance towards TQM, in some circumstances, may prove to be a more effective form of resistance than a militant one. Second, the article provides insights into the ways in which TQM reinforces existing power relations, hierarchical structures, organisational bureaucracy and inequality, rather than transforming them as TQM pundits contend. The argument, however, is not that TQM simply enhances management control in a unilinear fashion. This is because it not only poses dangers for trade unions, but also presents management with dilemmas and contradictions. TQM is understood, therefore, to be part of the continuing and complex effort by management to balance control and consent within employment, the dynamics, and outcomes of which, are uncertain and need to be empirically examined.
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Morgan, Kevin. "Class Cohesion and Trade-Union Internationalism: Fred Bramley, the British TUC, and the Anglo-Russian Advisory Council." International Review of Social History 58, no. 3 (June 20, 2013): 429–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859013000175.
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AbstractA prevailing image of the British trade-union movement is that it was insular and slow-moving. The Anglo-Russian Advisory Council of the mid-1920s is an episode apparently difficult to reconcile with this view. In the absence to date of any fully adequate explanation of its gestation, this article approaches the issue biographically, through the TUC's first full-time secretary, Fred Bramley (1874–1925). Themes emerging strongly from Bramley's longer history as a labour activist are, first, a pronouncedly latitudinarian conception of the Labour movement and, second, a forthright labour internationalism deeply rooted in Bramley's trade-union experience. In combining these commitments in the form of an inclusive trade-union internationalism, Bramley in 1924–1925 had the indispensable support of the TUC chairman, A.A. Purcell who, like him, was a former organizer in the small but militantly internationalist Furnishing Trades’ Association. With Bramley's early death and Purcell's marginalization, the Anglo-Russian Committee was to remain a largely anomalous episode in the interwar history of the TUC.
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Brodecka, Elwira. "Wojsko jako internowanie." Sowiniec 29, no. 52 (July 14, 2021): 73–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/sowiniec.29.2018.52.04.
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The Army as Internment: Forms of the Repression During the Martial Law in the Years 1982-1983 Against Activists of the Anticommunist Opposition Placed in Military Special Camps (Part I)
The work focuses its issues on one of the repression forms used in the martial law introduced on 13th December 1981 to pacify the society which tried to change the fossilised communist system through activity in the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity”. It was not a new solution in the Polish People’s Republic – just after the Second World War the communist authority drafted into “alternative military service” opponents of sovietisation of the country, directing them to forced labour in mines. Fearing a social rebellion before the second anniversary of the independent trade union registration, communist authorities interned in military special camps, functioning in Poland from 5 November 1982 to 3 February 1983, 1450 trade union activists and members of the political parties unaccepted by communists. 264 younger colleagues of these people were drafted into the basic military service lasting two years in three units intended for this purpose.
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Upeniece, Vita. "Vai ir nepieciešamas karavīru arodbiedrības?" SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 3, no. 18 (2020): 177–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.18.2020.3.177-187.
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Darba tiesības regulējošie normatīvie akti parasti satur noteikumu kopumu, kas regulē attiecības starp darbinieku apvienību vai darbinieku grupu un darba devēju. Biedrošanās brīvība ir nostiprināta arī vairākos starptautiskajos dokumentos, it īpaši ANO Cilvēktiesību deklarācijā, ANO Starptautiskajā paktā par pilsoniskajām un politiskajām tiesībām, ANO Starptautiskajā paktā par ekonomiskajām, sociālajām un kultūras tiesībām, Starptautiskās darba organizācijas 1948. gada Konvencijā par asociāciju brīvību un tiesību aizsardzību, apvienojoties organizācijās (C87) un 1949. gada Konvencijā par tiesībām uz apvienošanos organizācijās un kolektīvo līgumu slēgšanu (C98), kā arī Eiropas Cilvēktiesību konvencijā un Eiropas Sociālajā hartā. Vienlaikus starptautiskie dokumenti pieļauj ierobežojumu noteikšanu nacionālajā regulējumā attiecībā uz karavīru arodbiedrību brīvību. 2018. gadā Latvijas Brīvo arodbiedrību savienība savā grāmatā aktualizēja jautājumu par atsevišķos dienestos, tostarp militārajā dienestā, esošo personu tiesību ierobežojuma apvienoties arodbiedrībās atcelšanu [1, 75]. Raksta mērķis: analizējot starptautisko un nacionālo regulējumu attiecībā uz arodbiedrību dibināšanu militārajā dienestā, kā arī Latvijā pašreiz pastāvošo karavīru tiesību aizsardzības sistēmu, izdarīt secinājumus par karavīru arodbiedrības izveidošanas lietderību. Raksta sagatavošanā ir izmantota vēsturiskā, analītiskā, sistēmiskā un teleoloģiskā metode. The right to freedom of association is embodied in a number of international treaties, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to Organise Convention (1948) No. 87, the Right to Organise and Collective Bargaining Convention (1949) No. 98, the European Convention on Human Rights and the European Social Charter. Simultaneously, the international treaties allow for a restriction on the freedom of military trade unions in the national regulation. In 2018, the issue of restriction of the right of soldiers to unite in trade unions was raised in Latvia in the book published by the Latvian Free Trade Union [1, 75]. The article examines the international and national regulation applicable to this issue, the current national system and procedures which are established for the protection of the rights of soldiers and concludes by expressing opinion about the need to establish a military trade union in Latvia. In the Author’s opinion, existing restriction on the establishment of a military trade union in the national regulation is compensated by the following rights: 1) the right to nominate a representative from among themselves to defend the interests of soldiers for the defense of their interests and settlement of household issues; 2) the right to be a member of associations and foundations of a non-political nature, as well as to establish military associations and foundations and to participate in other non-political activities, if such activity does not interfere with the performance of the duties of the service; 3) the right to lodge a service complaint within the framework of the National Armed Forces and to apply a complaint, as well as to receive a consultation from a structural unit which is independent of the National Armed Forces – the General Inspection of the Ministry of Defense; 4) the right to submit a complaint to a court, including a constitutional complaint to the Constitutional Court; 5) there is an effective mechanism for evaluating and controlling observance of law of disciplinary measures provided by both the General Inspection of the Ministry of Defense and the Appeal Commission of the Ministry of Defense; 6) the National Armed Forces are actively involved in the development of external and internal regulation. In addition, soldiers may make proposals to improve the content of the projects of external regulations within the framework of the public participation process, as well as by submitting proposals or suggestions to deputies. Although the application of strikes is considered to be an effective mean of leveling out the inequality of power between the employee and the employer, the prohibition of strikes among the military personnel is justified because the armed forces have the task of providing permanent and uninterrupted national defense. The existing restriction on military representatives to intervene in the performance of military service duties, as well as the lack of authorisation for military representatives to intervene in matters of military discipline, are reasonable restrictions, as such actions would reduce the effectiveness of the tasks of the armed forces. The Constitutional Court of Latvia also recognised that procedural manifestations of the exercise of freedom, such as the right to organise and participate in strikes and the possible influence of trade unions on the conduct of the service or participation in disciplinary liability issues, may have an impact on the State or public safety interests. Thus, the Author concludes that effective mechanisms have been established for the protection and representation of the interests of the soldiers. If the creation of a military trade union was allowed, it would duplicate the existing procedures on many issues. The imposition of restrictions on activities that could hinder or interfere in the issues of the discipline liability and in the performance of tasks of the armed forces will exclude effective means of influencing the employer. Therefore, the effectiveness of such unions would be debatable.
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Varga, Mihai. "Containing Militancy: Workers, Trade Unions and Factory Regimes in Ukraine." Debatte: Journal of Contemporary Central and Eastern Europe 19, no. 1-2 (April 2011): 397–419. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0965156x.2011.611682.
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Värk, Juhan. "Russia between China and the European Union: Friends or Foes?" Baltic Journal of European Studies 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 29–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2013-0003.
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AbstractFor a long time Russia has regarded the European Union and China as its main economic and trade partners, giving preference to the EU. A sudden change occurred in October 2008, when as a response to the EU’s sharp criticism of the Kremlin over the Georgian-Russian military conflict, Russia decided to re-orient its foreign economic and trade policy from the EU to China and partially also to India. At the same time Russian-Chinese military and energy cooperation started to grow. Russia sold China oil and gas at low price and supplied it with advanced weaponry, which has increased China’s aggression toward its neighbours. Russia also started to politically and militarily support China’s activities in Syria and Iran, which, in turn, worsened Russia’s relations with several EU Member States, including Germany, France and Italy, with whom Russia was planning to cooperate in the developing of the Nord Stream gas pipeline project. However, Russian President Vladimir Putin still declares a great continuing friendship and solidarity with China and is hoping to see the worsening of China’s conflict with the US, which, Putin claims, could avert China’s direct conflict with Russia. Several leading Russian military and political experts describe this hope as unrealistic. At the same time, the volume of EU-Russian mutual trade was almost 395 billion US dollars in 2011, which exceeds in volume the Chinese-Russian trade volume by more than four times. It shows that Russia’s trade reset from the EU to China has been negligible. Also, it is bad news for Russia and China that Iran today stifles cooperation with Georgia and Chinese separatist Uyghurs, and Syrian Bashar al-Assad’s regime is developing cooperation with al Qaeda, and does not explain Russia’s and China’s current similar foreign policy toward Iran and Syria.
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Crowley, Stephen. "Barriers to Collective Action: Steelworkers and Mutual Dependence in the Former Soviet Union." World Politics 46, no. 4 (July 1994): 589–615. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950719.
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The author examines the question of why labor in the former Soviet Union has remained so quiet during this tumultous period. He conducts a most similar case study of coal miners, who have struck and organized militant trade unions, and of steelworkers in the same communities, who have not. To explain the lack of strike activity, the concept of mutual dependence is developed, whereby the enterprise is dependent on workers in a labor-short economy and workers in turn have been dependent on the enterprise for the provision of goods and services in short supply. The provision of a high level of such goods and services through the workplace was found to prevent independent worker activity in steel mills and certain coal mines. Implications are drawn for theories of collective action and the study of the former Soviet Union and its economic and political transformation.
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Fox-Hodess, Katy. "Building Labour Internationalism ‘from Below’: Lessons from the International Dockworkers Council’s European Working Group." Work, Employment and Society 34, no. 1 (January 23, 2020): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0950017019862969.
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This article considers whether the efficacy of transnational unionism, a strategy for trade union movement revitalisation, might be increased by a second revitalisation strategy: rank-and-file trade union democracy. This question is examined through a study of the International Dockworkers Council (IDC), an exceptional case of institutionalised rank-and-file union democracy at the transnational level. A shadow comparison examines the work of the International Transport Workers Federation, a bureaucratic trade union organisation active in the same sector. The IDC’s structure is found to increase the efficacy of transnational unionism by removing layers of bureaucratic mediation that slow down action, fostering a culture of militant solidarity among participants. Nevertheless, participants noted the heavy personal burdens placed on activists under this model and some difficulties of operating without the assistance of paid professionals. Additionally, differing national legal and political contexts for unionism remain significant barriers to effective internationalism.
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Bacon, Nicolas, and Paul Blyton. "Militant and moderate trade union orientations: what are the effects on workplace trade unionism, union-management relations and employee gains?" International Journal of Human Resource Management 13, no. 2 (January 2002): 302–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09585190110102396.
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Tuckman, Alan. "Then and Now: Vulnerable Workers, Industrial Action, and the Law in the 1970s and Today." Historical Studies in Industrial Relations 41, no. 1 (September 1, 2020): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/hsir.2020.41.12.
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With the much vaunted ‘withering of the strike’, a mythology of past militancy appears to have taken root; militant men taking to the picket line on the flimsiest of pretexts. This stereotype is challenged through exploring two accounts of three strikes, Trico and Grunwick in 1976, and, following the raft of ‘salami slicing’ legislation kettling workers and trade unions, the dispute at Gate Gourmet in 2005. These were acts of desperation by vulnerable workers. Each book highlights the heterogeneity of race and gender, and in some cases how this served to divide workers. The attack on existing conditions and the increased use of agency workers, the issues challenged by Gate Gourmet workers, and continued disputes concerning equal pay, as with the Trico strike, indicate the limited power of organized labour today in the context of the persistence, if not escalation, of employment grievances.
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Ackers, Peter. "Colliery Deputies in the British Coal Industry Before Nationalization." International Review of Social History 39, no. 3 (December 1994): 383–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002085900011274x.
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SummaryThis article challenges the militant and industrial unionist version of British coal mining trade union history, surrounding the Miners' Federation of Great Britain and the National Union of Mineworkers, by considering, for the first time, the case of the colliery deputies' trade union. Their national Federation was formed in 1910, and aimed to represent the three branches of coal mining supervisory management: the deputy (or fireman, or examiner), overman and shotfirer. First, the article discusses the treatment of moderate and craft traditions in British coal mining historiography. Second, it shows how the position of deputy was defined by changes in the underground labour process and the legal regulation of the industry. Third, it traces the history of deputies' union organization up until nationalization in 1947, and the formation of the National Association of Colliery Overmen, Deputies and Shotfirers (NACODS). The article concludes that the deputies represent a mainstream tradition of craft/professional identity and industrial moderation, in both the coal industry and the wider labour movement.
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Luo, Siqi, and Tao Yang. "Moderated Mobilization: A New Model of Enterprise-level Collective Bargaining in South China." China Quarterly 242 (August 23, 2019): 418–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741019001061.
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AbstractIn response to a series of strikes in south China in 2010, a new model of collective bargaining has emerged, featuring what this article describes as “moderated mobilization.” Distinct from what is typically known as China's quadripartite industrial relations system, whereby workers are separated from the party-state, official trade unions and employers, this model shows workers and enterprise-level trade unions in collaboration with one another. According to our observations from 2012 to 2017, some enterprise unions have successfully mobilized workers throughout the collective bargaining process. These unions are democratically elected by workers and are relatively independent from the official authorities. At the same time, they have “moderated” such mobilization particularly to reduce labour militancy, given the political and institutional constraints within which they must work. The implication of this new model is significant. Although it might be far from solving the quadripartite dilemma, it has signalled an increase in local initiatives among enterprise unions – a previously neglected but pragmatically favourable channel for workers.
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Mansfield, Edward D., and Jon C. Pevehouse. "Trade Blocs, Trade Flows, and International Conflict." International Organization 54, no. 4 (2000): 775–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551361.
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The relationship between foreign trade and political conflict has been a persistent source of controversy among scholars of international relations. Existing empirical studies of this topic have focused on the effects of trade flows on conflict, but they have largely ignored the institutional context in which trade is conducted. In this article we present some initial quantitative results pertaining to the influence on military disputes of preferential trading arrangements (PTAs), a broad class of commercial institutions that includes free trade areas, common markets, and customs unions. We argue that parties to the same PTA are less prone to disputes than other states and that hostilities between PTA members are less likely to occur as trade flows rise between them. Moreover, we maintain that heightened commerce is more likely to inhibit conflict between states that belong to the same preferential grouping than between states that do not. Our results accord with this argument. Based on an analysis of the period since World War II, we find that trade flows have relatively little effect on the likelihood of disputes between states that do not participate in the same PTA. Within PTAs, however, there is a strong, inverse relationship between commerce and conflict. Parties to such an arrangement are less likely to engage in hostilities than other states, and the likelihood of a military dispute dips markedly as trade increases between them.
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Tammela, Mari-Leen. "Moonakast kodanlaseks, kodanlasest terroristiks: Hans Heidemann ja tema tegevus 1920. aastate alguse Eesti pahempoolses poliitikas [Abstract: From farm hand to bourgeois, from bourgeois to terrorist: Hans Heidemann and his activity in Estonian left-wing politics in the early 1920s]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (March 20, 2018): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2017.4.01.
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The ideologised treatment of history in the Soviet period celebrated communists who had perished or been executed in the interwar Republic of Estonia as martyrs. They fit in to the narrative of class struggle and its victims. Monuments were erected in their memory and memorial articles appeared in the press on anniversaries of their birth. One such communist featured during the Soviet period was Hans Heidemann (1896–1925), a trade unionist and member of the parliament of the Republic of Estonia, and also an underground Estonian Communist Party activist. He was arrested as one of the ringleaders in the attempt to overthrow the government on 1 December 1924 and executed in 1925 as a spy for Soviet Russia by decision of a military district court.
This article relies primarily on archival materials from the Estonian National Archives. It is an attempt to write a political biography of Hans Heidemann that for the first time aims to more closely examine the course of the life of this individual who has been ideologised many times over. His room for manoeuvring and his possible influences in the space in which he operated are reconstructed. The article examines how this man of modest background but with a relatively good education, a veteran of the Estonian War of Independence who served as a staff clerk, became an activist in the trade union movement, a communist, and eventually an organiser of a coup d’état. It also considers why Heidemann was the only one at the subsequent major trial of communists in 1925 to be sentenced to death.
An important context for Heidemann’s rise in politics is the struggle for control in the trade unions that took place in the early 1920s among Estonia’s left-wing parties. While the communists dominated the trade unions of industrial workers in the cities, they had to compete with social democrats and independent socialists for control in unions of rural workers. Southern Estonia and the City of Tartu formed a more problematic operating region than the average district, as in 1920–21 the Security Police had liquidated many large communist networks there. Heidemann was a member of the Party of Independent Socialists but when in 1922 the party was taken over by its communist-oriented left wing, he started gravitating towards the underground communists. At that time, the communists needed able organisers in order to regain their positions in Southern Estonia and it seems that they pinned their hopes on Heidemann. In 1922 Heidemann rose to leading positions in the trade union organisations of both Tartu County and the City of Tartu, and also became one of the leaders of the left wing of the Party of Independent Socialists. It is not clear, however, whether Heidemann had officially joined the Estonian Communist Party, or functioned as its legal operative.
In January of 1924, when the Security Police arrested many trade union leaders and political activists associated with the communists, Heidemann went underground. Over the next eight months, he attempted to obtain weapons for overthrowing the government and to form combat squads mainly on the basis of youth organisations. He was unable to participate in the attempted communist coup d’état on 1 December since he had been arrested two months earlier in Tartu. But his trial was held under changed conditions after the failed coup. By that time, the Protection of the System of Government Act had been passed and the communists had been expelled from parliament. Even though Heidemann had been charged with working as a leader of the local organisation of the underground Communist Party and forming combat squads for the planned coup, he was sentenced to death and executed on the grounds of the charge for which there was least evidence. According to this charge, he had allegedly gathered military information for the Soviet Union as a soldier in the War of Independence six years earlier. Different sources suggest that this charge was questionable and unconvincing. It seems that there was a wish to convict Heidemann as the head of the regional communist organisation no matter what, and to punish him as harshly as the actual participants in the failed coup were punished, which the other counts of indictment did not allow.
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Cheung, Tai Ming, and Bates Gill. "Trade Versus Security: How Countries Balance Technology Transfers with China." Journal of East Asian Studies 13, no. 3 (December 2013): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008298.
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Apart from a short period in the 1980s, the People's Republic of China has been almost completely excluded from access to military and sensitive dual-use civilian-military technologies from the United States and its allies. But in an era of globalization and convergence in the civilian and military technological domains, this compartmentalization of the economic and security arenas has become increasingly difficult to maintain and justify. Major trading countries are caught in the dilemma of balancing restrictions on high technology and other sensitive trade and investment with China against the benefits of deeper ties with the world's second-largest economy. In examining the trade-offs between economics and national security for the United States, the European Union, Israel, and Japan, it becomes clear that China's rise and growing economic and strategic influence introduce new complexities and challenges for controlling militarily relevant technology and knowledge transfers.
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Anuplal, Gopalan. "Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose: Contributions of a Revolutionary to Indian Social Reforms and Indian Industrial Relations." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.37.4.
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NetajiSubhas Chandra Bose –the fiery Indian revolutionary has been in the news during 2015 and 2016 in connection with the declassification of files about his mysterious disappearance after 18th of August 1945. Of late, maximum research and writings on the leader have been about the mystery and associated theories connected with his disappearance, with the Indian Prime Minister himself taking a keen interest. It is largely History and to some extent Political Science, which as academic disciplines, has incorporated Subhas Chandra Bose as “Topic of Study/Research”. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had an in-depth knowledge of not only the Indian Society but also Japanese and European Society. He was a very keen observer of Indian Society and with his keen observation and constant interaction with a wide section of the general public during his constant travels, both within India and abroad, he was aware of various social problems particular to India and its magnitude. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was also fully aware of the British Colonial interests (the cunning-oppressive Agenda) who did not want the total eradication of social problems,especially that of caste and communal rivalry. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had practical experience in Indian Industrial Relations as an Outside Trade Union Leader of various major trade unions and President of the first Indian Trade Union Federation-The All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC). As the President of India’s most powerful political party, the Indian National Congress (INC), for two consecutive terms, Netaji’s contacts with Indian leaders belonging to different groups/associations including trade unionists, and general public those days was next only to Mahatma Gandhi. All these broadened his horizon and called for constant observation and study of Indian Society on a day to day basis. Netaji also donned the role of conciliator and arbitrator during industrial disputes. Thus his ideas and writings on these areas were a result of practical experience. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose also tried his level best to ameliorate the social status of Indians and was particularly concerned about the plight of Indian labour and farmers. This Article focuses on the role of NetajiSubhas Chandra Bose in Social Reforms and Industrial Relations and aims at highlighting the fact that Bose can be an interesting ‘Topic of Research’ even in Sociology, especially Sociology of Indian Social Reforms, Sociology of Indian Industrial Relations and Military Sociology.
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Mustafin, Timur, and Ruslan Shangaraev. "PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF RUSSIAN-ITALIAN ECONOMIC COOPERATION." Russian Journal of Management 9, no. 1 (April 14, 2021): 81–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/2409-6024-2021-9-1-81-85.
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The trade restrictions imposed by the European Union in relation to Russia have the most negative impact on the state of the Italian-Russian trade and economic cooperation. In terms of economic indicators, the Italian economy is in recession. Italian exports to Russia fell by more than a third, which negatively affects small and medium-sized businesses, suppliers of high-tech products (gas and oil production equipment for work, in particular, in the Arctic latitudes), military-technical cooperation, which has always been evidence of the traditionally trusting partnership between Russia and Italy.
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Coughlan, Elizabeth P. "Polish Peculiarities? Military Loyalty During the 1980-1981 Solidarity Crisis." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1401 (January 1, 1999): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1999.82.
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On December 13, 1981, the Polish military under the leadership of Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski imposed martial law, effectively ending sixteen months of popular protest and bargaining between the Polish United Workers Party (PUWP) and the independent trade union Solidarity. In the West, and particularly in the United States, martial law was interpreted as the Polish military declaring war on its own people on the orders of the Soviet Union. It was assumed and repeatedly asserted that the military was loyal to the Communist Party and to the Soviet high command, that they were little more than communists in uniform. Such an assertion, however, leaves one hard pressed to explain the acquiescence of the militaries across Eastern Europe to the changes of 1989 and the ability of those militaries to adapt to noncommunist regimes to the point of being willing and even eager to join NATO.
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Kirkby, Diane. "Connecting work identity and politics in the internationalism of ‘seafarers … who share the seas’." International Journal of Maritime History 29, no. 2 (May 2017): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871417692965.
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‘We seafarers … who share the seas’ is the expression of a collective identity and mutual responsibility. This article examines that collective identity among members of the Seamen’s Union of Australia and asks, what did internationalism mean in practice to seafarers themselves? Employing an oral history method, coupled with a reading of the union’s own printed media, it explores the seafarers’ understanding of internationalism that they claimed was ‘the language of seafarers’. It was grounded in the nature and reality of their work, and became their politics. The article takes as a case study the campaigns to restore democracy in Greece and Chile after military coups in 1967 and 1973 respectively, and the longer campaign against apartheid in South Africa, which began earlier, before 1960, and ended later, in 1990. These campaigns were conducted alongside many other trade unions, both in Australia and overseas, but maritime workers brought a unique inflection to activism as their internationalism expressed their connectedness across the oceans on which they sailed.
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Babic, Blagoje. "China-European union relations: A developing geoeconomic axis." Medjunarodni problemi 62, no. 3 (2010): 418–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1003418b.
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China and the European Union are very interested in developing their mutual relations. They strengthen their positions in the world business by their co-ordinated acting. In their mutual relations, they apply Geoeconomics? methods. They do not regard each other as a military threat but as one of the main economic partners. Their economies are highly complementary. ?The common economic interests? have a decisive role in China EU policy and EU China policy, respectively. EU is China?s largest economic partner. It is its largest export market, the largest source of new technologies and equipment and one of the largest sources for foreign investments. China is the second important source of industrial products import to EU and the fastest growing export market for EU. The EU enlargement to the East both favourably and unfavourably affects China?s interests. The main cause of friction in China-EU relations is a high Chinese surplus in their mutual trade, high competitiveness of Chinese products on the EU market and China?s pursuit of energy sources in the parts of the world that Western countries, including the leading EU member states, regard as traditionally ?forbidden? such as the Middle East and Africa. China and EU have created mechanisms to settle conflicts of interest in their mutual trade through dialogue.
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Alix-Garcia, Jennifer, Sarah Walker, Volker Radeloff, and Jacek Kozak. "Tariffs and Trees: The Effects of the Austro-Hungarian Customs Union on Specialization and Land-Use Change." Journal of Economic History 78, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 1142–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000554.
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This article examines the impact of the 1850 Austro-Hungarian customs union on production land-use outcomes. Using newly digitized data from the Second Military Survey of the Habsburg Monarchy, we apply a spatial discontinuity design to estimate the impact of trade liberalization on land use. We find that the customs union increased cropland area by 8 percent per year in Hungary between 1850 and 1855, while forestland area decreased by 6 percent. We provide suggestive evidence that this result is not confounded by the emancipation of the serfs, population growth, or technological change in agriculture.
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Pfisterer, Valentin. "The Second SWIFT Agreement Between the European Union and the United States of America — An Overview." German Law Journal 11, no. 10 (October 2010): 1173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200020174.
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The United States and other nations have taken numerous military, police and intelligence measures in order to counter terrorists’ threats in response to the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City and the Pentagon in Virginia as well as the attempted attack on a target in Washington, D. C.
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Kelsey, Jane. "Going Nowhere in a Hurry? The Pacific's EPA Negotiations with the European Union." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 38, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v38i1.5659.
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This paper explores the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) negotiation process of the EU-ACP with a focus on the Pacific region. To comply with the requirements of the Cotonou Agreement 2000 and the requirements of the WTO EPAs must be negotiated before 2008. They will replace the trade arrangements between the EU and the ACP States pursuant to the Cotonou Agreement 2000. The Pacific states have proposed a creative EPA text to address their concerns about the effects of any new agreement with the EU. Professor Kelsey's view is that the Pacific 'wish list' contains two intrinsic tensions : one between its trade liberalisation and development agendas, and the other between the affirmation of sovereign integrity and supranational institutional arrangements. Moreover, the EU and the Pacific states have different trade interests and the demands made by the Pacific states have largely been rejected by the EU. The conclusion is that the production of a final text of the Pacific EPA is not imminent.This paper was written prior to the military coup in Fiji on 5 December 2006 and does not discuss the significant implications of that event for the negotiations.
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Palermo, Silvana Alejandra. "En nombre del hogar proletario: Engendering the 1917 Great Railroad Strike in Argentina." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 4 (November 1, 2013): 585–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2351647.
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Abstract This article explores working-class families’ modes of collective action in Argentina’s first national railroad strike in 1917. While historical literature has largely focused on the role of railroad unions in labor politics, insufficient attention has been paid to community mobilization and family support in this labor protest. This study offers a fresh approach to this massive social conflict by reconstructing female public participation in its events. The study also takes gender as a category for analyzing the cultural meanings of sexual difference, which shaped both the political sociability of working-class families and their language of rights. Drawing on a variety of sources, such as trade-union journals, the left-wing press, major national newspapers, company documents, official records, and memoirs of labor militants, the essay contends that the great railroad strike was in essence a family enterprise. It represented a landmark in the making of the railwayman as the male breadwinner at the same time that it prompted an acknowledgment of working-class women’s rights in the public domain.
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Bedeski, Robert E. "Mongolia in Northeast Asia: Issues of Security Survival and Diplomacy: Mongolia’s Place in Asia Today." Mongolian Journal of International Affairs, no. 12 (September 2, 2013): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i12.92.
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union, Mongolia lost its twentieth century protector, and has had to navigate Asian and global politics at a time when China is becoming a dominant economic and military power. Chinese economic and demographic expansion will directly impact Mongolia and the precedent of the sinification of Inner Mongolia demonstrates new challenges to the isolated Mongolian Republic. Energy imports, military security, trade opportunities and investment climate are closely affected by China, and Mongolian diplomatic efforts must take the southern giant into primary consideration. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i12.92 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs No.12 2005: 28-39
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Kretsos, Lefteris, and Markos Vogiatzoglou. "Lost in the Ocean of Deregulation?" Articles 70, no. 2 (June 30, 2015): 218–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1031484ar.
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The 2008 financial crisis had a tremendous impact on the Greek economy and society. Since 2010, widespread popular mobilizations have emerged against the austerity measures that were part of the bail-out package proposed to the Greek governments by the Troika of creditors (EU-ECB-IMF). Yet the institutional trade unions have failed to impede the reduction of wage earners’ income, which, by 2013, had dropped by 50% compared to 2008 levels. These unions have also been largely unable to confirm their leading role in mobilizing the working population. This article examines the reasons for the failure of the institutional trade unions to adequately address the austerity challenge. We consider that the explanation of their shortcomings lies in the generic challenges and problems contemporary trade unions are facing, as documented in the relevant international literature, as well as the specific particularities and traits of the Greek socio-political context. We also investigate the alternatives proposed by militant, grassroots labour organizations, such as neighbourhood-based workers’ clubs, industry sector or company-based unions populated by precarious workers, and occupied, self-managed companies. After identifying the strong points of the latter’s contributions, as well as the problems and challenges they are facing, we conclude that a diversified and innovative approach is required on the part of the labour movement in order to simultaneously address and exploit all sources of workers’ power. The article concludes that a process of strategic rapprochement between mainstream and radical unions in Greece is necessary.
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Budarina, Natalia A., and Ilias R. Ibragimov. "Russia and Turkey: new trends and prospects at the present stage." RUDN Journal of Economics 28, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 440–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2020-28-3-440-449.
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The research of the scientific article is devoted to the current state of bilateral relations between Russia and Turkey, the main directions of cooperation and prospects of interaction. At the moment, in addition to comprehensive and deep relations between the two countries, Russia and Turkey are linked by trade, energy, investment and military cooperation. A survey conducted in Turkey showed that more than 70% of citizens have a positive view of the political and economic union with Russia. Turkey has become Russias fifth largest trading partner over the past two years, helped by the signing of a joint declaration on the lifting of trade restrictions and the normalization of economic relations. The article analyzes the volume of trade turnover with Turkey, considers promising investment projects, the role of mutual investments, and introduces formulas for calculating the indicators of complementarity and payback periods of the Akkuyu investment nuclear project.
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Kazantsev, A. A., and L. Y. Gusev. "Prospects for Interaction between Tajikistan and the Eurasian Economic Union." Journal of International Analytics, no. 2 (June 28, 2018): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-2-57-67.
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The article discusses the potential entry of Tajikistan into the Eurasian Economic Union. The strategically important position of this country at the crossroads of trade routes between Central Asia, East and South Asia is mentioned among important arguments for this entry. Besides, the Republic possesses unique reserves of natural resources, including such strategically important ones as gold, silver, uranium and rare-earth metals. Tajikistan has a huge but inadequately used hydropotential. The author points out the advantages of such an entry for political, economic and military spheres of Tajikistan, as well as the possible specialization of the country within the Union. At the same time, the problems facing the country on the way to joining the Eurasian Economic Union are also discussed. Most importantly, Tajikistan does not want to lose the “freedom of maneuver” within its multi-vector foreign policy in the situation, when there is a growing conflict between the great states.