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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Trade union militancy

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Academic literature on the topic 'Trade union militancy'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Trade union militancy"

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Roca, Beltrán, and Eva Bermúdez-Figueroa. "Framing labor militancy and political exchange in a Spanish Catholic trade union: the Autonomous Union of the Vine in Jerez (1979–1987)." International Labor and Working-Class History 98 (2020): 99–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547919000255.

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AbstractThis article examines the evolution of the Autonomous Union of the Vine (Sindicato Autónomo de la Vid [SAVID]), a radical wine industry union that operated in the Jerez area (Spain) between 1979 and 1987. The SAVID was born as a result of a series of internal conflicts and splits in the trade union Unión Sindical Obrera (USO), which was founded by Christian groups that were influenced by self-management ideas in the province of Cádiz during the 1970s. Drawing on the life stories of two union members, this article analyzes the creation, evolution, and decline of the SAVID labor union of the sherry wine industry in the Jerez area, which can be categorized as a paradigmatic case of “militant particularism.” The biographical narratives of the union members make the identification and analysis of factors involved in both the rise and the decline of this trade union possible. These narratives will also help in contesting the dominant narratives on the role of the trade union movement and the radical Left during the Spanish Transition by providing empirical evidence of labor militancy on a local scale.

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Adăscăliței, Dragoș, and Aurelian Muntean. "Trade union strategies in the age of austerity: The Romanian public sector in comparative perspective." European Journal of Industrial Relations 25, no. 2 (June 20, 2018): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959680118783588.

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This article examines the impact of the economic crisis and its aftermath on collective bargaining, by comparing reactions to austerity policies of trade unions in healthcare and education in Romania. We develop an encompassing theoretical framework that links strategies used by trade unions with power resources, costs and union democracy. In a tight labour market generated by the massive emigration of doctors, unions in healthcare have successfully deployed their resources to advance their interests and obtain significant wage increases and better working conditions. We also show that in the aftermath of the crisis, healthcare trade unions have redefined their strategies and adopted a more militant stance based on a combination of local strikes, strike threats and temporary alliances with various stakeholders. By comparison, we find that unions in the education sector have adopted less effective strategies built around negotiations with governments combined with national-level militancy.

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Zappala', Gianni. "The Impact of the Closed Shop on the Union Movement: A Preliminary View." Economic and Labour Relations Review 2, no. 2 (December 1991): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/103530469100200204.

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This paper provides a preliminary review of the effrects of closed shop arrangements on trade unions. In doing os it addresses four hypotheses: whether the closed shop reduces union militancy; whether it leads to poorer services; whether it affects bargaining power; and whether it leads to increased membership.

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Bithymitris, Giorgos. "Union militancy during economic hardship." Employee Relations 38, no. 3 (April 4, 2016): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/er-11-2014-0132.

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Purpose – This paper examines the preconditions of the strike at the Greek steel company Hellenic Halyvourgia (HH) which started on 1 November 2011 and ended on 28 July 2012. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the understanding of current labour disputes in the context of economic crisis focusing on previous developments of mobilisation theory and social movement literature. The overall aim is to highlight the linkages between trade unions and society when a broader sense of injustice comes to the fore. Design/methodology/approach – Qualitative methods were employed in order to contextualise the strike events and examine the preconditions of the occurrence and the volume of the strike. Semistructured interviews, field notes, interviews taken by the media, documentaries, chronicles and articles, constructed the main body of empirical material. Findings – The HH case indicates that certain collective identities and leadership qualities account for high mobilisation potential with spillover effects which are in turn conditioned upon the situation of the strikers’ allies. Although there was an agency to transform the sense of injustice into collective action, the framing processes employed by the union did not have the kind of impact that would render state and management’s responses ineffective, as the strike message did not eventually penetrate other industries or even the rest factories of the HH. Originality/value – The present paper goes beyond the general description of the social turmoil during the Greek crisis by showing the critical bonds that were established through framing and identity-building processes among the strikers and the anti-austerity protesters in Greece and abroad.

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Besancenot, Damien, and Radu Vranceanu. "A trade union model with endogenous militancy: interpreting the French case." Labour Economics 6, no. 3 (September 1999): 355–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0927-5371(99)00007-x.

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Stern, Andy. "Unions & Civic Engagement: How the Assault on Labor Endangers Civil Society." Daedalus 142, no. 2 (April 2013): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00208.

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American trade unions are a crucial segment of civil society that enriches our democracy. Union members are stewards of the public good, empowering the individual through collective action and solidarity. While union density has declined, the U.S. labor movement remains a substantial political and economic force. But the relentless attacks by the political right and its corporate allies could lead to an erosion of civic engagement, further economic inequality, and a political imbalance of power that can undermine society. The extreme assault on unions waged by Republicans in Wisconsin, Ohio, Michigan, and at a national level must be countered by a revitalized labor movement and by those who understand that unions are positive civil actors who bring together individuals who alone have little power. Unions need both structural reform and greater boldness; there are moments in which direct action and dramatic militancy can bring about positive social change. The current assault on labor can be rebuffed, and unions can expand their role as stewards for the public good and as defenders of efforts by the 99 percent to reduce inequality and protect democracy.

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Gartner, Manfred. "Political and Industrial Change in a Model of Trade Union Militancy and Real Wage Growth." Review of Economics and Statistics 67, no. 2 (May 1985): 322. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1924733.

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Grayson, John. "Developing the Politics of the Trade Union Movement: Popular Workers’ Education in South Yorkshire, UK, 1955 to 1985." International Labor and Working-Class History 90 (2016): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547916000090.

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AbstractDrawing on evidence from research interviews, workers’ memoirs, oral histories, and a range of secondary sources, the development of popular workers’ education is traced over a thirty year period, 1955 to 1985, and is rooted in the proletarian culture of South Yorkshire, UK. The period is seen as an historical conjuncture of Left social movements (trade unions, the Communist and Labour parties, tenants’ movements, movements of working-class women, and emerging autonomous black movements) in a context of trade union militancy and New Left politics. The Sheffield University extramural department, the South Yorkshire Workers' Educational Association (WEA), and the public intellectuals they employ as tutors and organizers are embedded in the politics and actions of the labor movement in the region, some becoming Labour MPs. They develop distinctive programs of trade union day release courses and labor movement organizations (Institute for Workers' Control, Conference of Socialist Economists, Society for the Study of Labour History). Workers involved in the process of popular workers' education become organic intellectuals having key roles in local and national politics, in the steel and miners' strikes of the 1980s, and in the formation of Northern College. The article draws on the language and insights of Raymond Williams and Antonio Gramsci through the lens of social movement theory and the praxis of popular education.

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Gill-McLure, Whyeda. "The political economy of public sector trade union militancy under Keynesianism: The case of local government." Capital & Class 37, no. 3 (October 2013): 417–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816813503172.

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Sutcliffe, M., and P. Wellings. "Worker Militancy in South Africa: A Sociospatial Analysis of Trade Union Activism in the Manufacturing Sector." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 3, no. 3 (September 1985): 357–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d030357.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Trade union militancy"

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Roche, William Kevin. "Social integration, union policies and strategic power : the development of militancy among electricity generating station workers in the Republic of Ireland 1950-1982." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327996.

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Gülstorff, Torben. "Trade follows Hallstein?" Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17628.

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Die deutsche Außenpolitik zur Zeit des Kalten Krieges stellt in historischer wie politikwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht einen Gegenstand dar, der mit gutem Gewissen als wissenschaftlich erschlossen bezeichnet werden kann. Zahlreiche Aufsätze, Artikel und Bücher sind in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten erschienen, welche die deutsche Außenpolitik in Europa, Afrika, Asien, Ozeanien, Amerika, oder auch gleich der Welt als Ganzem, in den Blick genommen haben. Dies gilt sowohl für die Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland als auch für diejenige der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Früh – wenn nicht sogar von Beginn an – kam hierbei eine zentrale These, eine Kernthese, zum Vorschein, die, ohne auf Widerstand zu stoßen, Eingang in den historischen und politikwissenschaftlichen Forschungskanon fand und ihn bereits nach kurzer Zeit zu dominieren begann. Die Rede ist von der die deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten angeblich bestimmenden Hallstein-Doktrin und dem mit ihr in engem Zusammenhang stehenden deutsch-deutschen Gegensatz. In dieser Arbeit wird dieser Kernthese, diesem ''Mythos'' der deutschen Außenpolitik, vehement widersprochen. Weder die Hallstein-Doktrin, noch der deutsch-deutsche Gegensatz, sondern nationale ökonomische und internationale geostrategische Interessen haben die deutsche Außenpolitik – und darüber hinaus auch die gesamten deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten, der BRD wie der DDR – maßgeblich bestimmt. Zur Stützung dieser Gegenthese werden in der vorliegenden Studie die staatlichen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten West- und Ostdeutschlands in neun zentralafrikanischen Staaten zwischen 1945 und 1975 kritisch dargelegt, umfassend analysiert und im Hinblick auf mehrere zentrale Thesen zu den deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten ausgewertet.
For decades articles and books have been published on the history of German foreign policy during Cold War. Regardless of whether Europe, Africa, Asia, Oceania, America or the world as a whole, the foreign affairs of the Western Federal Republic of Germany and the Eastern German Democratic Republic have been researched and analysed in context of a broad variety of locations. However, even though the list of publications continues to grow, the topic''s theses–especially its main thesis–do not show much progress. Already at an early stage, a central thesis–a core thesis–came to light, met no resistance and entered history''s and political science''s research canons on German foreign policy. This thesis reads: Inner German issues and the non-solved German question were so powerful, they dominated West and East German foreign affairs nearly right from the start. German foreign policy, that was the so-called Hallstein doctrine, that was the so-called German-German contradiction. And all studies–whether of history or political science, whether designed as a case study or as a global approach–confirm this thesis, use it as an integral part of their work–until today. But be that as it may. This study contradicts this thesis, this ''myth'' of German foreign policy. Instead it argues that neither the Hallstein doctrine nor the German-German contradiction, but national economic and international geostrategic interests dominated German foreign policy and German foreign activities–regarding the FRG, the GDR, and Germany as a whole. To proof this thesis, West and East German activities–of the two states, their economies and their societies–in nine Central African states between 1945 and 1975 are observed and analysed. More than a million file pages out of more than a dozen German archives were read to tackle this task–and shed some refreshing new light on the foreign policies of the two German states during Cold War.

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Bachelier, Elsa. "Les modalités d’appropriation des expertises CE et Chsct par les représentants du personnel." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3037.

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La thèse est menée dans le cadre d’une convention industrielle de formation par la recherche (Cifre) avec un cabinet d’études et de conseil spécialisé dans les relations sociales, l’analyse des enjeux contemporains du travail (organisation, conditions de travail, évolution des métiers, etc.) et de la stratégie des entreprises. Il réalise dans ce cadre des expertises demandées par les Institutions représentatives du personnel (Comités d’entreprise ou d’établissement, Chsct) dont l’appropriation par les représentants du personnel est marquée par une forte disparité. Cette recherche s’inscrit dans la suite d’une étude réalisée pour la Dares sur les savoirs des représentants du personnel qui a été réalisée en 2009 conjointement par le cabinet et le Ceperc où il est apparu que l’expertise tenait une place ambigüe dans le discours des représentants du personnel. Ceux-ci, bien que pensant l’expertise utile, ne l’identifient pas toujours comme une source de savoirs. A partir d’une réflexion sur la notion d’expertise, il s’agit dans ce travail de comprendre comment elle opère en connecteur entre le monde des militants du travail et le monde des experts auprès des IRP. La première partie de cette thèse cherche à circonscrire respectivement ces deux mondes tandis que la seconde partie se propose de les mettre en pratique à travers l’activité du cabinet et une enquête menée auprès des représentants du personnel. Les résultats ainsi obtenus, nous permettent de dégager des trajectoires d’appropriation en fonction du profil des militants, des catégories d’expertises et des savoirs
The thesis is carried out as part of an industrial convention of a research training program (Cifre) with a consultancy firm specialized in social relationships, in the study of contemporary issues of work (organisation, working conditions, working evolution etc…) and in the companies’strategy. This firm carries expert assessments requested by the Institutions representing the staff (works council or joint consultative committee, Chsct) – an appropriation which is marked by a strong disparity. This investigation fits into a study line made by the Dares on the staff representatives acknowledgements which was made in 2009 by both the firm and the Ceperc. During this investigation, it appeared that the assessment had an ambiguous place in the speech of the staff representatives. Though they thought the investigation useful, they don’t always relate it to a source of knowledge. Beginning with a reflection on the notion of expertise, this work seeks to understand how expertise operates as a link between the world of militant workers and that of the experts working with representative bodies. The first part of my thesis tends to confine these two worlds distinctly, while the second offers to put them into practice through the activity of the practice and a survey conducted with the staff representatives. The results thus obtained allow us to bring out paths of appropriation depending on militants profile, categories of expertise and knowledge

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Terrier, Marie. "La contribution théorique et militante d'Annie Besant (1847-1933) au renouveau socialiste en Grande-Bretagne. Genèse et prolongements." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA107.

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Dans les années 1880, en Grande-Bretagne, les idées socialistes connaissent un regain d’intérêt et des organisations socialistes sont créées. La contribution théorique et militante d’Annie Besant (1847-1933) à l’effervescence intellectuelle du « renouveau socialiste » a été importante. Annie Besant a pourtant été marginalisée par les historiens du mouvement socialiste. Après dix ans de militantisme dans la National Secular Society (NSS), l’organisation radicale, mais antisocialiste de Charles Bradlaugh, Annie Besant en vient, dans de nombreux articles et opuscules, à définir un socialisme évolutionniste. Elle exige l’intervention de l’État dans l’économie ainsi que la mise en place de droits sociaux. En 1885, elle adhère à la jeune Société fabienne et participe à l’élaboration de la doctrine fabienne fondée sur l’implication des socialistes dans les institutions politique et sur un collectivisme graduel. En aidant les allumettières de chez Byrant and May lorsqu’elles se mettent en grève puis forment un syndicat, Annie Besant contribue au « nouvel unionisme ». En 1888, lorsqu’elle est élue au conseil des écoles de Londres, elle défend ouvertement un programme socialiste. En 1889, Annie Besant se convertit à la théosophie, doctrine spiritualiste inspirée par les religions et les philosophies orientales. Dans un premier temps, elle renonce au militantisme politique et social. Cependant, après son installation en Inde, elle milite pour l’autodétermination de cette nation dès les années 1910. Elle s’intéresse de nouveau aux idéaux socialistes et cherche à nouer des alliances au sein du parti travailliste. Prendre en compte l’évolution du parcours d’Annie Besant, ainsi que les prolongements de son engagement socialiste, permet de mieux appréhender la nature et le développement du socialisme britannique de la fin du XIXe et du début du XXe siècle
In the 1880s, socialist ideas attracted renewed interest in Britain and socialist organisations were set up. Annie Besant (1847-1933)’s theoretical and militant contribution to the intellectual ferment of the “Socialist Revival” was important. Annie Besant was nevertheless marginalised by historians of the socialist movement. After ten years of militancy in Charles Bradlaugh’s radical but anti-socialist National Secular Society (NSS), Annie Besant came to argue in numerous articles and pamphlets, for an evolutionary socialism, demanding state intervention in the economy and the establishment of social rights. In 1885, she joined the newly formed Fabian Society and took part in the elaboration of the Fabian doctrine based on involvement in traditional politics and gradual collectivism. In helping the Bryant and May’s women matchmakers when they struck and formed a union, Annie Besant contributed to “new unionism”. In 1888, when she was elected to the London School Board, she openly defended a socialist programme. In 1889, Annie Besant converted to theosophy, a spiritualist doctrine inspired by eastern philosophies and religions. First, she gave up political and social agitation. However, after moving to India she agitated for Home Rule in India from the 1910s. Her interest in socialist ideals was renewed and she sought to make alliances within the Labour party. Taking into account the evolution her career, but also the sequel to her socialist commitment, is crucial to understand the nature and the development of British socialism at the end of the 19th century and at the beginning of the 20th century

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Esno, Tyler P. "Trading with the Enemy: U.S. Economic Policies and the End of the Cold War." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1486807359479029.

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Krüger, Louis Lodewyk. "The creation of a general duty to bargain in view of the SANDF judgements / Louis Lodewyk Krüger." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/15923.

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Section 23(5) of the Constitution entrenches trade unions, employer's organisations and employers' right to engage in collective bargaining. For employees, collective bargaining is the key which opens the door to better wages, improved working conditions and an overall better standard of living to name but a few. The Labour Relations Act was promulgated to give effect to section 23 of the Constitution. However, in section 2 of the Labour Relations Act, members of the South African National Defence Force were excluded from the ambit of the Labour Relations Act (LRA). After the Constitutional Court regarded members of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) to be "workers", they also had the right to engage in collective bargaining. However, because of the special duty that the members of the SANDF have to fulfil namely to ensure the safety of the republic and its citizens, they are not awarded the right to strike. The question therefor is: How do the members of the SANDF compel the SANDF to bargain with them? The aim of this study is to establish if a duty to bargain was implemented by Chapter XX of the General Regulations of the South African National Defence Force and the Reserve. Firstly, the new dispensation of voluntarism under the new LRA is examined to understand how collective bargaining would work in a normal situation and not that of the members of the SANDF. Freedom of association is also discussed. The reason for this was because members of the SANDF also have to right to associate with a trade union of their choice by sections 18 and 23(2) of the Constitution. Under the new LRA, organisational rights also play a major role in the bargaining process and afford trade unions more bargaining power. The voluntarist approach followed by the new LRA effectively removed the duty to bargain from collective bargaining. As explained above, the special situation applicable to the SANDF and its members are not governed by the LRA and therefor a duty to bargain might still exist in this specific system of collective bargaining managed by the regulations. The duty to bargain is based on representativeness and good faith which are also examined in this study. To establish if a duty to bargain was created by the courts, an examination of the judgements of the High Court, the Supreme Court of Appeal and the Constitutional Court. The Constitutional Court reiterated that there is no legally enforceable duty to bargain between the SANDF and the South African National Defence Union (SANDU). If Chapter XX of the regulations is scrutinised, it can however be seen that there is an initial duty on the SANDF to bargain with a registered military trade union over matter set out in regulation 36 which include most if not all matters of mutual interest. Therefor it would seem that a duty to bargain is created by Chapter XX.
LLM (Labour Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

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Books on the topic "Trade union militancy"

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Norwood, Stephen H. Labor's flaming youth: Telephone operators and worker militancy, 1878-1923. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1990.

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McCabe, Anton. General strike against conscription in Ireland 1918: A militant pamphlet. [S.l.]: [s.n.], 1995.

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International Workshop on Trade Unions, National Development, and Military Rule (1997 Ijebu-Ode, Nigeria). Trade unions, national development, and military rule: Proceedings of the International Workshop on Trade Unions, National Development, and Military Rule organised by the Friedrich Ebert Foundation, and the Organisation of African Trade Union Unity, 8-11, December 1997 at the Gateway Hotel, Ijebu-Ode, Nigeria. Lagos: Friedrich Ebert Foundation, 1998.

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Hince, Kevin. Trade unionism in Fiji in 1990: After twenty years of independence and two military coups. Kingston, Ont: Industrial Relations Centre, Queen's University at Kingston, 1991.

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Parlak, Zeki. The military regimes and their policy towards trade unions: In the case of Turkey. [s.l.]: typescript, 1990.

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Boucher, Robert. Confederation de formation pour les militantes et les militants des syndicats. [Montréal]: CSN, 1997.

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Foner, Philip Sheldon. U.S. labor movement and Latin America: A history of workers' response to intervention. South Hadley, Mass: Bergin & Garvey, 1988.

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Hanson, Philip. Soviet industrial espionage. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1987.

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Hanson, Philip. Soviet industrial espionage: Some new information. London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1987.

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Hanson, Philip. Soviet industrial espionage: Some new information. London: Royal Inst.Internat. Affairs, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Trade union militancy"

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Söderström, Hans Tson. "Union Militancy, External Shocks and the Accommodation Dilemma." In Trade Unions, Wage Formation and Macroeconomic Stability, 193–209. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08596-5_12.

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De Bruyne, Guido, and Edmund Phelps. "Comment on H. Tson Söderström,“Union Militancy, External Shocks and the Accommodation Dilemma”." In Trade Unions, Wage Formation and Macroeconomic Stability, 210–14. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08596-5_13.

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"TRADE UNION POLITICS: EARLY PERIOD." In The Rise and Decline of Labour Militancy in Batam, 8–11. ISEAS Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/9789814818445-005.

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Buckley, Sheryl Bernadette. "Making miners militant?" In Waiting for the Revolution. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526113658.003.0007.

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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) was a visible presence across many significant trade unions in the post-war period, largely due to its industrial strategy. The party envisaged that politicising the rank and file of important trade unions and also capturing the leadership of these unions would allow it to influence the Labour Party, as these unions held a significant number of votes at Labour's annual conference. This chapter analyses the success of this strategy in the National Union of Mineworkers, a union that became increasingly emblematic of the difficulties trade unions faced in the late twentieth century, particularly obvious through its 1984 strike. This chapter considers the relationship between Communists in the party and those in the union, exploring the extent to which the party's strategy translated into the union in practice, and understanding if there was any conflict between these two groups who occupied distinctly different roles. Unpicking the concept of 'wage militancy', the way through which the party felt politicisation of the union rank and file would best be achieved, the chapter frames this discussion within the broader context of the increasingly divided CPGB, the political and economic policies of Labour and Conservative governments, and the union's national strikes.

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Bank Muñoz, Carolina. "Leveraging Power." In Building Power from Below. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501712883.003.0003.

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Chapter 3 presents the analytical framework for the book. The warehouse union can be characterized by strategic democracy, whereas the retail unions are characterized by flexible militancy. The warehouse workers have significant structural power, a tradition of political education, leaders with trade union experience, and a deeper culture of union democracy. As a result they have been particularly successful in achieving economic gains. The retail workers are newer unions with weaker social power but a strong culture of autonomy and militancy, and democratic structures. They have achieved some economic gains and have significantly and effectively challenged Walmart culture. These two models of unionism set up the case studies in chapters 4 and 5.

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"3. Trade Union Power, Wage Inflation, and Labor Militancy: A Comparative Analysis." In The Political Economy of Industrial Democracies, 77–114. Harvard University Press, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.4159/harvard.9780674494046.c5.

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Griffiths, Trevor. "Making a Living at the Cinema: Scottish Cinema Staff in the Silent Era." In Early Cinema in Scotland. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474420341.003.0005.

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In this chapter, Trevor Griffiths focuses on the people who ran and staffed cinemas and who shaped the experience of going to the cinema. These were not simply the entrepreneurs who owned the cinema or the distribution companies but also the more publicly visible employees of the cinema such as the manager, the ushers and usherettes, the musicians and the projectionists who were central to the experience of going to a show. The chapter charts, through reference to the trade press and trade union records, developments in the employment experience of cinema staffs, and in particular traces the impact of growing levels of unionization and labour militancy from the First World War onwards.

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Bull, Anna Cento. "2. Alternative projects of nationhood." In Modern Italy: A Very Short Introduction, 23–38. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198726517.003.0003.

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After the First World War, the country was torn apart by competing visions of what modern Italy should stand for and which values should bind Italians together. Against a background of high inflation, high unemployment, widespread social protests, soaring trade-union membership, and militancy, liberals, Catholics, socialists, nationalists, and fascists vied with each other for popular support. ‘Alternative projects of nationhood’ outlines Benito Mussolini’s fascist movement describing its failure as a totalitarian project. It then describes the rise and decline of the Christian democratic take on modern nationhood after the Second World War, before looking at the Second Republic’s modernization project epitomized by Silvio Berlusconi, which embraced consumerism and media culture.

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Tilburg, Patricia. "“They are nothing but birdbrains!”." In Working Girls, 156–96. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841173.003.0005.

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From 1901, the Parisian clothing trades saw a remarkable escalation of labor activism and subsequent legislative reform driven by and on behalf of the more than 80,000 women working in the capital’s couture industry. Time and again (in 1901, 1908, 1910, 1911, 1916, 1917, 1918, and 1919), the midinettes of Paris took to the boulevards in work stoppages that captured unprecedented media attention and garnered meaningful gains for garment workers across the city. French journalists, government officials, and labor leaders alike promoted a romantic and infantilizing vision of the female garment strikers as insouciant girls in need of paternal care (whether of the state, union, or reforming bourgeoisie), and replicated the pervasive belle époque type of the midinette. In the face of strikes in the heavily feminine garment trades, an image of the female Parisian fashion worker as charmingly capricious and pleasure-loving persisted. This chapter assesses the symbolic work performed by such a persistence, and also attends to the workingwomen who lamented the condescension of strike coverage and stressed their own demands and experience. In tracing the discursive work of the midinette as type, this chapter draws upon archival material from the Préfecture de Police, union journals, cartoons, workers’ memoirs, reform inquiries, songs, novels, and newspapers. The aestheticization of workingwomen had real consequences for the handling of garment trade militancy by the press, politicians, police, labor leaders, and couture workers themselves. It also framed the evolution of a new brand of militant midinette over the course of these strikes

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Smale, Bob. "Comparative Analysis of Union Identities." In Exploring Trade Union Identities, 121–28. Policy Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781529204070.003.0009.

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This chapter presents a limited comparative analysis in order to explore the potential transferability of the multidimensional framework. It considers five countries, namely, China, France, Germany, Japan and US. Whereas a single Chinese union projects a ‘true general union identity’ and operates in parallel with the Communist Party, the multiplicity of competing French unions project identities that can only be understood with the addition of political and religious sources. Although most German unions project industrial identities, for some a religious or professional component is required. The multi-layered structure of Japanese union organisation includes unions that project ‘organisational union identities’ in the corporate sector and ‘industrial union identities’ in the public sector and public services. The majority of US unions project occupational and/or industrial identities, although many also have binational identities, with membership territories incorporating the US and Canada. In contrast the Teamsters and IWW project ‘general union identities’ and a more militant version of ‘protest union identity’. Whilst the chapter concludes that the multidimensional framework is broadly applicable to unions in other countries it identifies that additional sources of identity are needed for comparative analysis.

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Conference papers on the topic "Trade union militancy"

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Apak, Sudi, and Selin Kozan. "The Impact of Ukraine Crisis's on Turkey and Ukraine’s Economic Relationship." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01262.

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After the breakup of the Soviet Union and independence declaration of Ukraine in 1991, as in the other Soviet countries, Ukraine has left a heavy industrial based economy with an insufficient technology. Trade relations with Turkey gained momentum in 2004 and has continued its growing until today. This trade relationship has a complementary role and mostly based on intermediate good export. Turkey is the second largest export volume partner of Ukraine and providing the largest trade surplus for Ukraine. Ukraine economy is very sensitive to foreign trade fluctuations, therefore in the 2009 global crisis, Turkey’s trade volume with Ukraine declined more than two times. In 2014, military conflict in the East, Russian trade restrictions, the Hryvnia depreciation and tight fiscal austerity measures have exacerbated the existing macroeconomic challenges of Ukraine and pushed the country into its deepest recession since 2009. This study analyses the Ukraine crisis effects on its economic situation and effects on the Turkey and Ukraine’s economic relationship by using statistical methods. Data sources are: National Bank of Ukraine, State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, Trade Statistics for International Business Development, National Bank of Turkey, Turkish Exporters Assembly, Turkish Statistical Institute. Turkey, as a country has earned trusts of both Ukraine and Russia, is able to lead a peacekeeping force in Ukraine. Furthermore, Turkey should evaluate the possibilities to provide a credit line to Ukraine and it would be useful for Turkey to search the other markets and trade conditions as well.

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Uğur, Ömer. "The Eu's Influence on Eastern European Stability in the Context of Ukrainian Crisis." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01652.

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The Ukraine crisis that started with the Euromaidan protests in November 2013 appears to be a most important security crises of the post-Cold War security order. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has not just threaten the territorial integrity or sovereignty of the EU's largest neighbour, but also it has led to a rivalry between the former Cold War enemies again and even it led to the start of a period that may cause to conflict between them. The EU's approach that established the Free Trade Area between the EU and Ukraine did not give any chance of talking to third country or organizations such as the Eurasian Union. Therefore, Russia worked hard to influence on Ukraine to abandon to sing the agreement and this happened to see Ukraine’s choice as a zero-sum game. In order to understand the effect of crisis on the EU and Russia, it have to be analysed the economic sanctions imposed by the EU against Russia to resolve the crisis through diplomatic and economic means. Thus, it is necessary to look at the economic relations between Russia and the EU and this data will be obtained in Eurostat. As a result, economic sanctions helped to move the conflict from the military to the diplomatic levels. Indeed, Russia has seen that European unity gave rise to a significant impact on its economy. Also, the EU realized that the sanctions is the most powerful tool in the hands of the EU in absence of military power.

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Szmitkowska, Agata. "FROM THE LUFTWAFFE HEADQUARTERS TO A SANATORIUM”. THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE HOLIDAY RESORT OF THE WARSAW EXECUTIVE BOARD OF THE TRADE UNION OF THE BOOK, PRESS AND RADIO EMPLOYEES IN GOŁDAP, MASURIA." In GEOLINKS International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/geolinks2020/b2/v2/26.

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This article presents the architecture, origin and the vicissitudes of the holiday resort which was dedicated to employees of the state media institutions of that time and which is representative of Polish holiday centres in Poland in the 1970s. It was developed near a town called Gołdap in northern Poland in the area of the Masurian Lake District which constituted a part of German East Prussia before 1945. The centre was planned in the land which operated as the Main Headquarters of the General Command of Luftwaffe during II World War. One of the key principles assumed by the designer of the holiday resort was not only the use of the natural advantages of the place but also the maximum adaptation of the preserved facilities, the foundations of the buildings and the infrastructure of the former military complex. The unusual architecture, attractive location and the scale of the constructed complex bespoke of the investors’ considerable wealth. The history of the centre entwined closely with important events in general history and the political and economic changes which occurred in Poland after 1989 determined the decision to introduce a new function of a sanatorium to the facility. The complex was then partially reconstructed and developed. This article was based on a number of researches. A detailed analysis was made of the related archival materials and scientific publications. A comparative analysis was conducted of the architecture of the centre and other facilities used for the same purpose which had been built in the 1960s and 1970s in Poland. The required field studies and photographic documentation of all the premises were performed simultaneously.

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Seaton, Simon, Thomas Jelley, and Daphné Carthy. "Improving Employee Wellbeing through a Five-Phase Psychological Model to Reduce Risk and Improve Performance." In SPE/IADC International Drilling Conference and Exhibition. SPE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/204036-ms.

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Abstract In its latest US Oil & Gas workplace safety report, the American Petroleum Institute (API) noted that the industry's incidence rate has decreased by 41% since 2008 due to an increased focus on the industry-wide goal of zero incidents (American Petroleum Institute, 2020). However, there continues to be a significant number of serious incidents directly related to human behaviours rather than a lack of control or processes. In a high-risk environment such as Oil & Gas sites, onshore or offshore, it is imperative to have a healthy workforce - both physically and mentally - and there is a link between worker wellbeing, stress, overall performance, and safety attitudes. Many segments of the Oil & Gas industry require workers to leave home and family for extended periods, and this can have a significant impact on an employee's psychological wellbeing. This paper aims to inform individuals and organisations so they can better understand the effects of the experience of being away and increase the chances of maintaining their workers’ psychological wellbeing. A five-phase model - from preparing to leave home through to being back at home - has been developed in consultation with academics, trade unions, expert insight from oil and gas, military and education sector perspectives. This model offers a new and practical way to think about and manage potential adverse impacts on psychological wellbeing while away in order to reduce risk. It was first set out by Seaton and Jelley (2015) and additional research has since been completed with new data that demonstrates the impact of the five-phase model. The five-phase model has been tested among international students at universities in the UK (Smith, Smith and Jelley 2018) and in 2019 among foreign workers at an on-shore location in the United Arab Emirates (UAE). Consistent with findings in the university context, the results of the latest field research suggest that greater use of strategies to cope with working away from home is associated with (a) greater positive wellbeing (happiness, life satisfaction) in life generally (b) a better quality of working life (c) more efficient operational performance.

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