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1

KONO, DANIEL Y. "When Do Trade Blocs Block Trade?" International Studies Quarterly 51, no. 1 (March 2007): 165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2007.00444.x.

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2

Mulyo, Jangkung Handoyo. "REGIONAL TRAE BLOCS : A CASE STUDY OF THE WELFARE IMPACT OF THE EUROPEAN UNION ON INDIA AND KENYA." Agro Ekonomi 8, no. 2 (November 29, 2016): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/agroekonomi.16812.

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Some countries, including the big player in the world economy, the USA , believe that free trade liberalization based on principles of non discriminatory and multilateral bases as well as an open market will improve the welfare of many countries. However, other countries do not follow the idea of trade liberalization and hence respond by forming regional trading blocs. Therefore, the existence of such trading blocs will be examined, whether they are a 'building blocks' or a 'stumbling blocks, for sustaining the free trade liberalization. And hence, this paper focuses on three main parts: rationalization of the establishment of trading blocs; identification of the critical factors for the success of these blocs; and presentation of empirical evidence for the welfare implications of the trade diverting effects of the European Union through the analysis of two less developed countries, India and Kenya.
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Baldwin, Richard E., and Elena Seghezza. "Are Trade Blocs Building or Stumbling Blocs?" Journal of Economic Integration 25, no. 2 (June 15, 2010): 276–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2010.25.2.276.

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LAL, DEEPAK. "Trade Blocs and Multilateral Free Trade." JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 31, no. 3 (September 1993): 349–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-5965.1993.tb00468.x.

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5

Bhat, Taranath P. "Trade Blocs and Global Trade Prospects." Foreign Trade Review 31, no. 4 (January 1997): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515970404.

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6

Papadopoulos, Nicolas. "Trade Blocs and Marketing:." Journal of Global Marketing 5, no. 3 (March 31, 1992): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j042v05n03_01.

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Mansfield, Edward D., and Jon C. Pevehouse. "Trade Blocs, Trade Flows, and International Conflict." International Organization 54, no. 4 (2000): 775–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081800551361.

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The relationship between foreign trade and political conflict has been a persistent source of controversy among scholars of international relations. Existing empirical studies of this topic have focused on the effects of trade flows on conflict, but they have largely ignored the institutional context in which trade is conducted. In this article we present some initial quantitative results pertaining to the influence on military disputes of preferential trading arrangements (PTAs), a broad class of commercial institutions that includes free trade areas, common markets, and customs unions. We argue that parties to the same PTA are less prone to disputes than other states and that hostilities between PTA members are less likely to occur as trade flows rise between them. Moreover, we maintain that heightened commerce is more likely to inhibit conflict between states that belong to the same preferential grouping than between states that do not. Our results accord with this argument. Based on an analysis of the period since World War II, we find that trade flows have relatively little effect on the likelihood of disputes between states that do not participate in the same PTA. Within PTAs, however, there is a strong, inverse relationship between commerce and conflict. Parties to such an arrangement are less likely to engage in hostilities than other states, and the likelihood of a military dispute dips markedly as trade increases between them.
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Campa, José Manuel, Timothy L. Sorenson, and Jose Manuel Campa. "Are Trade Blocs Conducive to Free Trade?" Scandinavian Journal of Economics 98, no. 2 (June 1996): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3440858.

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9

Su, Tie-ting, and Dan Clawson. "Trade Networks, Trade Blocs, and Hegemortic Conflict." Sociological Inquiry 64, no. 4 (October 1994): 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-682x.1994.tb00400.x.

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10

Eichengreen, Barry, and Douglas A. Irwin. "Trade blocs, currency blocs and the reorientation of world trade in the 1930s." Journal of International Economics 38, no. 1-2 (February 1995): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0022-1996(95)92754-p.

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Downey, Clara. "MERCOSUR: A Cautionary Tale." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 13, no. 5 (August 23, 2014): 1177. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v13i5.8783.

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Regional economic integration has resulted from the globalization phenomena. Nations establish trade blocs as a strategic maneuver, while firms seeking growth and investment opportunities require knowledge of prevailing business laws. Prudent, integrated policy-making will support the trade blocs interactions and provide firms with a sense of certainty. The business bankruptcy laws of South Americas largest trade bloc, MERCOSUR, are investigated to determine if they are moving toward alignment that would foster growth within the association and attract foreign investors.
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Gunning, J. W. "Trade Blocs: Relevant for Africa?" Journal of African Economics 10, no. 3 (September 1, 2001): 311–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jae/10.3.311.

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13

Huang, Deng-Shin, Yo-Yi Huang, and Ying-Chih Sun. "Production Specialization and Trade Blocs." Journal of Economic Integration 21, no. 3 (September 15, 2006): 474–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.11130/jei.2006.21.3.474.

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14

Kim, ByungKoo, and Iain Osgood. "Pro-Trade Blocs in the US Congress." Forum 17, no. 4 (March 5, 2020): 549–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0035.

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AbstractWho supports trade in the US Congress? We uncover the ideological space of trade voting, focusing on trade agreements and development policy as two fundamental cleavages around globalization. We then cluster members of Congress into coherent voting blocs, and identify the most pro-trade voting blocs in each Chamber. We find that these blocs: cross party lines; are ideologically heterogeneous; and are over-represented on the committees with jurisdiction over trade. We then examine two leading theories of Congressional voting – on constituency characteristics and campaign contributions – and find support for each using our learned voting blocs. Members of pro-trade blocs have defended their constituents’ and contributors’ interests by speaking out to confront the Trump administration’s protectionism. We conclude that unsupervised learning methods provide a valuable tool for exploring the multifaceted and dynamic divisions which characterize current debates over global economic integration.
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15

CHANG, YUAN-CHING. "Economic Interdependence and Third-Party International Interactions: A 30-Country Third-Party Bloc Case Study." Japanese Journal of Political Science 9, no. 1 (April 2008): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109907002824.

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AbstractThe trade–conflict model claims that one state, designated ‘actor’, is deterred from initiating conflict against a trading partner, designated ‘target’, for fear of losing the welfare gains associated with trade. This paper extends the trade–conflict model to garner implications concerning trade and conflict interactions where third-party blocs are involved. The theoretical propositions supported by proofs are: (1) if the actor increases trade with a third-party who is a friend of the target, then the actor will decrease conflict toward the target; (2) if the actor increases trade with a third-party who is a rival of the target, then the actor will increase conflict toward the target. A 30-country sample from the Conflict and Peace Data Bank (COPDAB) is used and divided into three blocs, namely a Western bloc, a Middle Eastern bloc, and an Eastern bloc. The empirical analysis supports the hypotheses. A similar relationship is also discussed and tested for situations in which conflict increases or decreases between the actor and third-party bloc. In addition, the evidence shows that Western bloc countries play a central role in world political and economic relationships.
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Lee, Chang-Soo, and Inkyo Cheong. "Regional contents in exports by major trading blocs in the Asia-Pacific region." Journal of Korea Trade 21, no. 2 (June 5, 2017): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jkt-03-2017-0027.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to calculate regional contents in the exports of the major regional blocs to the world, Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership (TPP), and Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), respectively, to find the backward trade linkages between them instead of normal forward linkages. Design/methodology/approach To calculate “a region” content in intermediate and value-added exports, this paper uses OECD’s inter-country input-output table (ICIOT), and tries to decompose the contents of trade. Using the information of ICIOT, Koopman et al. (2014) and Wang et al. (2013) decompose gross exports of a country’s exports. Findings TPP is a loosely tied bloc featured by openness to the Asia-Pacific region. Trade linkages between members are stronger in RCEP than those in TPP, particularly in the trade of intermediate goods. Trades in RCEP are closely connected to exports to TPP, but the opposite direction is not clear. Research limitations/implications First of all, the recent base year of the data on value added in trade is 2011, which can be regarded as a little bit out of date. Therefore, it should be cautious in interpreting the results in that it may not reflect the characteristics of current trade. Second, this paper uses ICOIT instead of world input-output table. Practical implications A large portion of trades in RCEP and TPP is triggered by a global production network (fragmentation, vertical specialization), different from traditional trade focusing on inter-industry trade or competition between countries. Thus, the formation of TPP or RCEP is predicted to stimulate trade of the other instead of discriminating nonmember countries. Social implications In particular, the authors have special concern in the backward linkages between RCEP and TPP, the distinct characteristics of the two regional blocs and, finally, major countries’ preferences of the one over the other and industrial conflicts toward TPP or RCEP even in an economy. Originality/value Although this paper uses the approach by Baldwin and Lopez-Gonzalez, this paper is the first research on the analysis of the export contents in major trading blocs in the Asia-Pacific region.
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17

Dahikar, Karunya. "COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF REGIONAL TRADE BLOCS." International Journal of Advanced Research 11, no. 11 (November 30, 2023): 1232–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/17933.

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This research paper investigates the impact of regional trade blocs (RTBs) on global trade and economic growth, adopting a comparative perspective. Regional trade agreements (RTAs) have gained significant prominence in the global economy due to their role in promoting trade liberalization and economic integration among member nations. This study aims to assess the potential for multilateral liberalization within these blocs and examines how political and ideological differences influence the effectiveness of RTBs. Additionally, it explores the consequences of the proliferation of RTAs on international trade dynamics and their broader economic implications. The analysis begins by examining the effects of RTBs on global trade. The study compares the trade performance of RTB member countries with non-member countries to assess the extent to which RTBs contribute to trade expansion. Furthermore, the research investigates the impact of RTBs on economic growth. The economic integration fostered by RTBs can lead to increased investment flows, technology transfer, and productivity gains. It considers the potential spillover effects of RTBs on non-member countries, as increased regional integration may create both opportunities and challenges for economies outside the bloc. The analysis also delves into the complexities of multilateral liberalization within RTBs. While RTBs aim to promote trade liberalization among member countries, the presence of political and ideological differences can hinder the achievement of comprehensive agreements. The study explores the challenges faced by RTBs in reaching consensus on sensitive issues such as agriculture, intellectual property rights, and services trade. It examines the role of political dynamics and power asymmetries within RTBs in shaping the outcomes of negotiations.
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18

Nicolaides, Phedon. "Trade Blocs, Oligopolistic Industries and the Multilateral Trade System." World Competition 15, Issue 2 (December 1, 1991): 163–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/woco1991014.

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Jacks, David S., and Dennis Novy. "Trade Blocs and Trade Wars during the Interwar Period." Asian Economic Policy Review 15, no. 1 (July 2, 2019): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aepr.12276.

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20

Guengant, Jean-Pierre. "Emerging Trade Blocs and Caribbean Emigration." International Migration Review 30, no. 1_suppl (January 1996): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839603001s08.

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21

Jackson, John H. "Regional Trade Blocs and the GATT." World Economy 16, no. 2 (March 1993): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9701.1993.tb00158.x.

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22

Hashmi, M. Anaam, Fahad Al-Eatani, and Fareed Shaikh. "Is There A Need For A Free Trade Agreement Between The European Union And Gulf Cooperation Council?" International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 13, no. 1 (December 31, 2013): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v13i1.8361.

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The need for a free trade agreement between the European Union (EU) and Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is analyzed in this research project. Trade flows between these two economic blocs are studied to understand the importance of trade for these respective blocs. Failure of the free trade agreement negotiation is attributed to the lack of economic focus and the EU demands to improve human rights in GCC member countries. Based on the secondary sources and data analyses, the primary interest of both economic blocs is to enhance geopolitical influence and not boasting bilateral trade. Despite recent failures, both sides are still committed to increased partnership in the future. It is concluded that an EU-GCC free trade area may be essential for increased cooperation in economic, as well as geopolitical, security, environmental, and cultural arenas.
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Shinyekwa, Isaac M. B., and Lawrence Othieno. "Uganda's Intra-East African Community Customs Union Trade Performance in Comparison to other Trading Blocs: A Gravity Model Analysis." Journal of African Development 18, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 99–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jafrideve.18.1.0099.

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The paper estimates determinants of Uganda's trade flows and compares the performance of the different trade blocs on Uganda's trade. The empirical question is whether Uganda's trade is getting more integrated in the EAC region or is still dominated by other trading blocs. The augmented gravity model is applied. The panel data are extracted from COMTRADE for the period 2001 – 2009. Uganda's trade flows have conspicuously adjusted to the gravitational forces of the EAC during the progress of the integration. Whereas exports are being integrated more into the EAC and COMESA regions, imports are also integrated into these regions as well as in the Asian and EU trading blocs. To continue consolidating and deepening the trade gains within the EAC, Uganda should implement the frameworks, protocols and provisions of the treaty and seek industrialization as a priority.
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Jemiluyi, Olufunmilayo Olayemi, and Rebecca Folake Bank-Ola. "The Burden of Infectious Diseases: A Trend Appraisal in Sub-Saharan Africa Regional Trade Blocs." Journal of Scientific Research in Medical and Biological Sciences 2, no. 3 (August 27, 2021): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.47631/jsrmbs.v2i3.331.

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Purpose: The study aimed at presenting a comparative appraisal of the trends of the two most prevalent infectious diseases bedeviling the region: human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and tuberculosis (TB). Subject & Methods: Data on fourteen ECOWAS member countries and also fourteen member countries of the SADC bloc. This represents about 93.3% and 87.5% membership of the ECOWAS and SADC blocs respectively. Although the choice of sample size is determined largely by the availability of data, the choices were carefully made to maximize available observation. The data were sourced from World Development Indicators online database published by the World Bank. We use two measures of infectious diseases: the prevalence rate of human immunodeficiency virus and the incidence of tuberculosis. Results: The HIV prevalence rates and incidence of TB were uneven in the two selected trade blocs. The magnitude and the severity of the diseases varied. The burden of both diseases was higher for SADC and lesser for ECOWAS. The average prevalence rate of HIV in the SADC bloc over the study period was 600% of the prevalence rate in ECOWAS (SADC = 12.5%, ECOWAS = 2.1%). Likewise, in the same period, the average TB incidence per 100,000 people was 578.8 and 181.7 respectively in the SADC and ECOWAS blocs. Conclusions: The study finds that the magnitude and severity of the diseases vary widely between the Economic Community of West Africa States (ECOWAS) and the Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) trade blocs. And, while concerted efforts at curbing the diseases have yielded results, there is still much to be done in both blocs.
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Aynul Hasan, M. "Conceptual Framework for Growth Triangles." Pakistan Development Review 38, no. 4II (December 1, 1999): 805–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v38i4iipp.805-822.

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In recent years, while the significance of regional trade and trading blocs within Asia region (AFTA, APEC, ASEAN, SAARC, EAEC, etc.) has gained considerable interest among the policy-makers and researchers alike, tangible accomplishments, in terms of enhanced economic cooperation and trade liberalisation among the trading blocs, are still muted [Thant et al. (1998), p. 23]. Several reasons and problems have been cited for the limited success of these formal trading blocs, particularly in the Asia region, namely:
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Gowa, Joanne, and Soo Yeon Kim. "An Exclusive Country Club: The Effects of the GATT on Trade, 1950–94." World Politics 57, no. 4 (July 2005): 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2006.0010.

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Using data on bilateral trade flows from both before and after World War II, this article examines the impact of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade on trade between its members and on the system of interwar trade blocs. It shows that the distribution of the benefits produced by the GATT was much more highly skewed than conventional wisdom assumes. The article also shows that the gold, Commonwealth, Reichsmark, and exchange-control blocs exerted positive and significant effects on trade after 1945. The authors attribute these effects to the bargaining protocol that governed successive rounds of GATT negotiations, the signature element of the postwar trade regime.
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Buhner-Thomas, Victor. "Trade blocs? The future of regional integration." International Affairs 71, no. 3 (July 1995): 614–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624876.

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Nitsch, Volker. "Do Three Trade Blocs Minimize World Welfare?" Review of International Economics 4, no. 3 (October 1996): 355–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9396.1996.tb00109.x.

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Kandogan, Yener. "Consistent Estimates of Regional Blocs' Trade Effects." Review of International Economics 16, no. 2 (May 2008): 301–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9396.2008.00736.x.

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Freund, Caroline L., and John McLaren. "On the Dynamics of Trade Diversion : Evidence from Four Trade Blocs." International Finance Discussion Paper 1999, no. 637 (June 1999): 1–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17016/ifdp.1999.637.

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Hill, Hal. "Comment on “Trade Blocs and Trade Wars During the Interwar Period”." Asian Economic Policy Review 15, no. 1 (August 13, 2019): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aepr.12280.

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Marcus Hollington. "The AfCFTA and the Promise of Intra-Continental Trade in Africa." Thinker 88, no. 3 (September 6, 2021): 47–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/thethinker.v88i3.602.

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This article takes stock of the state of intra-continental trade in Africa by reviewing trends in the continent’s five sub-regional trading blocs in terms of their strengths and shortcomings, in order to assess the continent’s trade efficiency on an intra-regional level ahead of the rollout of a continent-wide free trade area. Thereafter, the article assesses trade indicators seen over the past decade to illustrate the amount of goods traded to prognosticate the future of intra-continental trade on the continent in the wake of discussing the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). Implications for youth are cast in the wider imperatives of the continent’s developmental agenda and post-Covid-19 economic recovery.
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Ndao, Mamadou Saidou. "Factors Explaining the Weakness of Intra-Regional Trade Flows in the ECOWAS Region." Journal of Economics, Management and Trade 29, no. 11 (November 17, 2023): 104–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/jemt/2023/v29i111166.

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With a GDP of over 628 billion dollars and a population of over 350 million, ECOWAS (Benin, Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal and Togo) was set to be one of Africa's most powerful economic blocs. However, at ECOWAS level, intracommunity trade is still low, and its share of world trade is around 0.3%. Moreover, intracommunity trade, which is estimated at 10% of the region's total trade, is also low compared with other regional blocs. The main objective of this article is to identify the main factors explaining the evolution of trade within ECOWAS. The augmented gravity model is used to show that economic and structural factors have a significant impact on intra-regional trade. Geographic, demographic and institutional factors play a key role in the evolution of intraregional trade.
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Grant, R. "Trading Blocs or Trading Blows? The Macroeconomic Geography of US and Japanese Trade Policies." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 25, no. 2 (February 1993): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a250273.

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In this paper, US and Japanese trade policies are examined from an institutional perspective: an approach taken with renewed interest by researchers in political science and economics. An attempt is made, by taking this approach, to bridge international and domestic politics by positioning state institutions at the center of analysis. The institutional framework is situated within a cyclical context of Kondratieff cycles in the global economy. The findings demonstrate that the US and Japanese governments have altered their trade policies according to broader cyclical developments in the global economy. US and Japanese trade policies can be seen as the reverse of each other: the US pursued a policy of liberalization up to the 1970s, whereas Japan entertained protectionism, and recently the two have switched roles.
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Chang, Shu-Man, Yo-Yi Huang, Kuo-Chung Shang, and Wei-Tzu Chiang. "Impacts of regional integration and maritime transport on trade: with special reference to RCEP." Maritime Business Review 5, no. 2 (May 4, 2020): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mabr-03-2020-0013.

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Purpose The proposed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) will become a large trade agreement in Asia, which has brought together the ten members of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and five of the neighbors’ countries. Under the trend of globalization, the progress of the transportation industry and regional integration will increase the volume of trade, therefore maritime performance is intrinsically linked to trade. In fact, few studies have examined regional integration in the context of seaborne. This paper aims to use the cluster analysis and Poisson quasi-maximum likelihood (PQML) gravity model to investigate the trading bloc phenomenon and relation between trade and marine transportation. Design/methodology/approach In this paper, hierarchical clustering analysis and tree diagrams are used to identify functional areas characterized by bilateral trade intensity and bilateral liner shipping connectivity indices. Regional reorganizations that have occurred within Asian countries were studied. This study illustrates that these trading blocs have a positive impact on trade when maritime transport, production and trading networks have developed between regions. A gravity model was constructed using worldwide trade data for 2007, 2010 and 2015. The study considered free trade agreement (FTA)/common market (CM) of EU, RCEP and North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) as regional dummies and designed a real trade bloc induction variable. In addition, the study did not use the commonly adopted ordinary least squares (OLS) estimation but used the PQML method to estimate the gravity equation to overcome the problem of a large number of zero trade observations. Preliminary results show that regional integration cannot guarantee the establishment of intraregional trade but depends on the stage of economic development and regional industrial characteristics. Findings The major findings are summarized as follows. Both liner shipping connectivity and logistics performance have significant advantages with positive coefficients in each regression results. The creation of intraregional trade is not guaranteed, depending on the characteristics of the trade and the stage of economic development of the region. For RCEP, the effect created by intra-regional trade is better than the EU. Instead, the “nominal” intra-RCEP trade was significantly below the “real” trading blocs. For RCEP, the effect created by intra-regional trade is better than that of the EU. Instead, “nominal” intra-RCEP trade is much lower than “real” trading blocs. The real trading bloc between East Asia and Taiwan clearly exists, and the bloc phenomenon is becoming more and more significant. This result shows that Taiwan’s trade flow with East Asia is higher than the normal level relationship implied by its corresponding economic and geographical conditions. Originality/value This paper focuses on new empirical work done for this study is on the potential impact on trade. Earlier studies that have discussed and/or provided estimates of the benefits to the RCEP plan from improved transport and supply chain connectivity are cited. Marine transportation performance inherently links to economies of commerce. Few studies have examined regional integration in the context of maritime transportation, which reflects the lack of a mix of trade economists and maritime logistics research in the existing literature. This paper attempts to investigate the trading bloc phenomenon formed by regional integration (such as RCEP) and the relation between trade and marine transportation. With the official entry into force of the RCEP in 2020, it will promote increased trade and demand for logistics and maritime transport services in East Asia.
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Ahuja, Shobha. "Potential for Augmenting Trade and Commercial Ties between India and the SAARC-ASEAN Region." Foreign Trade Review 36, no. 1-2 (April 2001): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0015732515010104.

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Emergence of regional trading blocs like EC, NAFT A, SAARC, etc. has resulted in the strengthening and enhancement of economic and trade relations between the countries in particular and world at large. The collective self-reliance emanating out of these regional trade blocs has become crucial for the developing countries to manoeuvre against the pressures exerted by the developed nations. The objective of the paper is to explore the potential of enhancing trade and commercial ties between India and SAARC-ASEAN region in areas of comparative advantage. It also aims to explore wider business opportunities at mutually advantageous terms.
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Mccalla, Alex F. "GATT, Preferential/Regional Trading Blocs and Agricultural Trade." Review of International Economics 1, no. 1 (November 1992): 73–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9396.1992.tb00007.x.

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38

Baru, Sanjaya. "Power shifts and new blocs in global trade." Adelphi Series 54, no. 450 (October 3, 2014): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19445571.2014.1019713.

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Sohag, Kazi, Md Monirul Islam, and Oleg Mariev. "THE RESPONSE OF BRICS TRADE INTEGRATION TO GEOPOLITICAL RISKS." Journal of Central Banking Law and Institutions 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 57–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21098/jcli.v3i1.180.

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Mounting geopolitical risks have led over time to a reorientation of trade integrations across different economic blocs. As one of the increasingly dominant global blocks, the organisation comprised of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa (BRICS) has intensified their trade integration. Therefore, we conducted a thorough analysis of how BRICS countries’ multilateral trade integration responded to geopolitical risk events from January 1996 to December 2021. To achieve this, we utilized a sophisticated econometric method, specifically the cross-quantilogram approach, to analyse high frequency data due to their non-normal and fat-tailed features. Our study confirms the proposition that geopolitical risks strengthened trade integration within the BRICS bloc. Specifically, our findings show that the volume of exports from one economy to another responded positively at lower to medium quantiles of exports and lower geopolitical risks, considering a 12–36-month horizon. Moreover, we found that the quantity of exports from Russia to China was higher in the presence of higher geopolitical risks. Our study demonstrates that geopolitical risks can create a sense of shared identity and mutual interest among the BRICS countries, fostering greater cooperation and trade integration.
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Zdráhal, Ivo, Nahanga Verter, and Věra Bečvářová. "The dynamics of agri-food trade between the EU28 and East African Community (EAC)." Agricultura Tropica et Subtropica 53, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ats-2020-0005.

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AbstractThe increasing number of regional blocs and interdependence of nations have become important aspects of global economic integration. The European Union (EU28) as one of the most advanced regional bodies has had preferential trade agreements with other regional bodies, such as the East African Community (EAC). Historically, the EU28 has been the EAC’s leading trading partner. Against this background, this paper analyses the dynamics of bilateral trade in agri-food between the two regional blocs for the period 2000–2018, using the battery of empirical tools.The findings indicate that even though the EU has finalised trade agreements with the EAC, it holds on the region regarding trade has diminished. The EAC bloc has diversified its trading partners (to other African countries, India and China) beyond the EU28 markets. The results further reveal that the EU28 has comparative advantages in 32 out of 46 agri-food products in trading with EAC. The export concentration ratios show the EU28 slightly concentrated more in exporting products to the EAC than EAC to the Union. The BCG findings reveal (un)competitive and/or promising (dropping) products in export structures of both regions. By and large, the results indicate certain shifts in the comparative advantage, specialisation/diversification of exports and competitiveness of specific products on the bilateral level between EU28 and EAC. Policymakers, especially from EAC should continue to create enabling environments to stimulate food processing, trade and monitor changes in trade patterns or shocks within the framework of the Partnership Agreement.
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Kim, HeeMin, and Dale L. Smith. "Blocs or Rounds? An Analysis of Two Approaches to Trade Liberalization." Canadian Journal of Political Science 30, no. 3 (September 1997): 427–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900015961.

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AbstractThis article examines the properties and relative strengths of two approaches to reducing barriers to trade among nations: multilateral negotiating rounds versus regional economic blocs. Instead of focusing on the net welfare gains—the macro-level effects—that result either from each member of the system reducing trade barriers to all its partners (rounds) or from reductions among a subset of states (blocs), the analysis focuses on the institutional features (group size and the voting and enforcement mechanisms) that may affect individual nations' micro-level motivations to participate in and abide by certain trade arrangements. Existing models in formal theory are used to analyze these approaches in terms of voting games and collective action models.
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Gowa, Joanne, and Raymond Hicks. "Politics, Institutions, and Trade: Lessons of the Interwar Era." International Organization 67, no. 3 (July 2013): 439–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818313000118.

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AbstractRecent studies cast doubt on the value added of international trade agreements and institutions. Using a new data set that consists of about 35,000 observations on the trade of fifty-four nations between 1919 and 1938, we examine whether this skepticism also applies to the infamous interwar trade blocs. Traditional historical accounts attribute to them a large drop in international trade and a rise in the political tensions that would later erupt in World War II. In this study, we show that no bloc raised trade among its members as a whole or decreased trade between members and nonmembers. However, our findings are not wholly consistent with the skepticism recent studies express. We argue that conflicts of interest among the great powers encouraged the emergence of the bloc system and also gave rise to intrabloc trade shifts consistent with the political interests of their great-power hubs. The political-military alliances these conflicts created also reduced trade between their signatories, and we argue more generally that the causal chain runs from politics to trade. As a result, measuring only the effect of agreements and institutions on aggregate trade between their members can generate inaccurate estimates of their value added.
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Banerjee, Kallal. "FDI flow in Energy Sector among BCIM, BIMSTEC+1 and ASEAN+4 sub-regional alignments." Journal of Environmental Science and Economics 1, no. 3 (August 28, 2022): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.56556/jescae.v1i3.226.

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FDI is the most dynamic component for boosting trade among different sub-regional blocs. It may be considered under Mode 3 of the GATS agreement. This study documents various restrictions under market access and national treatments under mode 3 as committed by different member countries, among three regional trading blocs to improving the energy sector. A large portion of trade is being facilitated through strong linkage between service trade and FDI flow among countries or regions. ASEAN countries among South East Asia played an important role in attracting foreign direct investments for the economic development and growth in Energy Sector. Trade barriers, particularly commitment barriers of importing country, have a strong negative impact on smooth flow of investments across regions. This research also reviews the purposes of FDI among regional countries and explores the deepest and strong relationships among regional members to explore a possible strategic relationship for formation of Regional Trade Agreement (RTA).
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Ortikov, Akhmadjon, Luboš Smutka, and Irena Benešová. "Competitiveness of Uzbek agrarian foreign trade – different regional trade blocs and the most significant trade partners." Journal of International Studies 12, no. 4 (December 2019): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.14254/2071-8330.2019/12-4/12.

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45

Ibrahem, Rehab Said, and Eman Aish Al brahim. "Impact of Saudi's Membership in Global and Arab Economic Blocs on its Agricultural Foreign Trade." Asian Journal of Economic Modelling 9, no. 4 (December 13, 2021): 230–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.18488/journal.8.2021.94.230.245.

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In recent years, the world has witnessed many changes in international economic relations, and the global system has crystallized into major economic blocs aimed at strengthening the position of these blocs in the framework of global international trade and economic stability. Accordingly, the research aims to study the impact of the accession of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to the membership of some economic blocs on Saudi agricultural foreign trade during the time period (1995-2019). By depend on both descriptive and quantitative statistical analysis. To study the evolution of the value of agricultural exports and imports and the most important factors affecting each of them, used of some indicators of export competitiveness such as a measure of geographical and commodity concentration. Also used the simultaneous equations method to build an econometric model to analyze the structure of agricultural foreign trade and its estimation by Two-Stage least squares (2SLS) method, the paper predicts the future of Saudi agricultural foreign trade. The research relied on secondary data. The results of the study expect that the average per capita share of agricultural exports, imports and agricultural Balance Deficit will reach about 600, 3.600 and 2.900 thousand riyals, respectively, during the year 2026.
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LEE, Chang-Soo, and Jong Gyu JEON. "South Korea-ASEAN Trade Linkages." East Asian Policy 09, no. 04 (October 2017): 65–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000368.

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This paper quantifies the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ (ASEAN) trade linkages with other regional blocs and countries to determine the characteristics of ASEAN’s inter- and intra-regional trade. The competitiveness of member countries and that of rival countries such as China, Japan and Korea are then evaluated at the industry level. Finally, ASEAN member countries’ gross exports in the main exporting industries are decomposed to identify the global value chain features of ASEAN’s trade.
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Frankel, Jeffrey A., and Shang-Jin Wei. "Open Regionalism in a World of Continental Trade Blocs." IMF Working Papers 98, no. 10 (1998): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451842661.001.

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Wei, Shang-Jin, and Jeffrey A. Frankel. "Open Regionalism in a World of Continental Trade Blocs." Staff Papers - International Monetary Fund 45, no. 3 (September 1998): 440. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3867411.

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COLLIE, D. R. "BILATERALISM IS GOOD: TRADE BLOCS AND STRATEGIC EXPORT SUBSIDIES." Oxford Economic Papers 49, no. 4 (October 1, 1997): 504–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.oep.a028622.

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McDonald, Frank, Heinz Josef Tüselmann, Svitlana Voronkova, and Sougand Golesorkhi. "The strategic development of subsidiaries in regional trade blocs." Multinational Business Review 19, no. 3 (August 19, 2011): 256–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/15253831111172685.

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