Academic literature on the topic 'Tournaments, 1903'

The development of the sport of chess in Mykolaiv begins with the legendary game between the Swedish king Karl XII and the Ukrainian hetman Ivan Mazepa on the banks of the Southern Bug on a rest stop on their route after the defeat in the Battle of Poltava in 1709 (modern yacht club). Mykolaiv was formed as a center of shipbuilding, where the Main Headquarters of the Black Sea Fleet and the ports of the Russian Empire were located, and its residents became shipbuilding engineers, naval officers, scientists, industrialists, diplomats, who were the first to introduce the game of chess among the townspeople. The very first public chess battles took place in the summer Maritime Meeting, and later in the constructed buildings of the "House of Flagships and Captains" (since 1824), Mykolaiv Maritime Astronomical Observatory (since 1829), yacht club (since 1887). On June 28, 1887, the "Chess Society" was founded in Mykolaiv, which did not last long, but was revived in December 1901. The members of the Society held chess games among themselves, for the fi rst time held a city-wide chess tournament in 1902, took part in European chess tournaments and won. The society held competitions of chess problems, collected literature and materials, published endgames of famous chess players and its own materials in local, metropolitan and European chess periodicals. Historical and political vicissitudes of the beginning of the 20th century with wars and revolutions that led to economic ruin, the death of people, the emigration of a significant part of the intelligentsia, did not contribute to the development and spread of chess sports in Mykolaiv during this historical period.

This study examined and discussed the historical significance of the developmental aspects of the Kodokan Judo in the process of inflow of Kodokan Judo by forced suppression after the establishment of YMCA Judo in 1906 in Korea with an objective perspective and drew conclusions. The establishment of Judo Korea was officially established on November 22, 1917 by the forced suppression of the Chosun Judo Department in the YMCA Hwangseong Christian Youth Association in 1906. This group was a group by political means of the Chosun Governor-General and the Japanese imperialists.,On the other hand, the Judo part of the Joseon Dynasty formed a momentum for the commercial spirit in the Judo part of the YMCA Hwangseong Christian Youth Association for the sake of national revival. In other words, with the claim of Lee Sang-jae, a teacher of Vietnam, who is training 100 people in the terrible times of the Japanese colonial rule, the national leaders did not spare all physical support to inspire the business spirit through Judo first, and the indifference of the drama in the emerging military schools became the starting point for the independence movement. In addition, the first Judo tournament was held on October 19, 1929, with five organizations participating, but the last tournament was abolished by Japan on October 12, 1935, as the 7th meeting. However, Lee Sun-gil won the championship and runner-up in 1930s and 1940s, and Seok Jin-kyung not only won the solo exhibition of the Judo Championship in July 1933, but also the Chosun Judo re-defeated Japan and gave a national spirit of business as a country. Thus, it will be possible to present the historical value that achieved the grandeur through the national thought of Judo in Korea during the Japanese colonial period and the academic plan of Judo history education.

AimsThis study aimed to determine the prevalence of hip pain in professional golfers, comparing the lead (left hip in right-handed golfer) and trail hips, and to establish what player characteristics predicted hip symptoms.MethodsMale elite professional golf players were invited to complete questionnaires and undergo clinical and MR examinations while attending the Scottish Hydro Challenge 2015. Questionnaires determined player demographics, self-reported hip pain and an International Hip Outcome Tool 12 (iHOT12) score (hip-related quality of life). Clinical examinations determined hip range of motion and the presence of a positive impingement test. MR scans determined the presence of labral pathology and player hip morphology with measures of α angle (cam), acetabular depth (pincer) and femoral neck antetorsion.ResultsA total of 109 (70% of tournament field) of players completed questionnaires, 73 (47%) underwent clinical examination and 55 (35%) underwent MR examination. 19.3% of players reported of hip pain. 11.9% of lead and 9.1% of trail hips were painful (p=0.378), iHOT12 scores were lower in the lead (94.1) compared to the trail hip (95.3) (p=0.007). Stepwise multiple linear regression modelling was able to predict 20.7% of the variance in iHOT12 scores with mean α angles between 12 and 3 o'clock, and increasing age-significant variables (R2=0.207, p<0.001; β=−0.502, p<0.001 and β=−0.399, p=0.031, respectively).Conclusions19.3% of male professional golfers reported hip pain. The presence of an increasing α angle and increasing age were significant predictors of reduced hip-related quality of life.

The article analyzes the main stages of the origin and formation of gymnastics events in France since the beginning of the XIX century to 1942 on the basis of the works of leading French scientists. The development of gymnastics in France does not attract much attention of Ukrainian specialists whose scientific interests are related to the study of physical education and sports in European countries, so the practical issues of our research will complement and expand the relevant courses on the history of physical education for students in Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the main historical aspects of the development of gymnastics events in France. To achieve it, the following tasks should be performed: to analyze the literature on research issues; to identify key dates in the history of gymnastics in France; to describe the role of personalities who have contributed most to the evolution of the field in this country. According to the results of the study, we conclude that the greatest influence on the development of gymnastics in France since the beginning of the XIX century to 1942 was made by Francisco Amorós, Napoléon Laisné, Eugène Paz, Charles Cazalet, Joseph Sansbœuf, Georges Demenÿ, Philippe Auguste Tissié. In the middle of the XIX century the institutionalization of gymnastics took place at the level of hospitals (1847), military services (1852) and school (1854). In the last quarter of the XIX century, physical education became a compulsory subject in primary and secondary schools for boys and girls. The Union of Gymnastics Societies of France was founded September 28, 1873 by Eugène Paz. In 1942, it was merged with the French Womenʼs Gymnastics and Physical Education Federation, which formed French Gymnastics Federation. French gymnasts since the beginning of Olympic Games in Paris (1900) have always shown consistently high results at competitions and tournaments of various scales, but since the 1930s it has begun to decline. Our further research will focus on a thorough study of the history of womenʼs gymnastics in France as well as the evolution of this sport in the period since 1942 to 2022.

Let $G_{1}$ be the acyclic tournament with the topological sort $0 < 1 < 2 < \dots < n < n+1$ defined on node set $N\cup \{0,n+1\}$, where $N=\{1,2,\dots,n\}$. For integer $k\geq 2$, let $G_{k}$ be the graph obtained by taking $k$ copies of every arc in $G_{1}$ and colouring every copy with one of $k$ different colours. A $k$-colour partition of $N$ is a set of $k$ paths from 0 to $n+1$ such that all arcs of each path have the same colour, different paths have different colours, and every node of $N$ is included in exactly one path. If there are costs associated with the arcs of $G_{k}$, the cost of a $k$-colour partition is the sum of the costs of its arcs. For determining minimum cost $k$-colour partitions we describe an $O(k^{2}n^{2k})$ algorithm, and show this is an NP-$hard$ problem. We also study the convex hull of the incidence vectors of $k$-colour partitions. We derive the dimension, and establish a minimal equality set. For $k>2$ we identify a class of facet inducing inequalities. For $k=2$ we show that these inequalities turn out to be equations, and that no other facet defining inequalities exists besides the trivial nonnegativity constraints.

This study evaluated the differences in training and match volume per set by season phase in female high school volleyball. Twelve athletes wore a device to measure total jumps (TJ) and high jumps (HJ), movements per minute (MPM), kinetic energy expended, and stress percent throughout the season phases: preseason, tournament, and district. In matches, athletes jumped less and had lower MPM in preseason (4.4 ± 2.3 TJ/set, 1.9 ± 0.5 MPM/set) compared with tournament (13.2 ± 8.1 TJ/set, 6.4 ± 1.7 MPM/set) and district (16.5 ± 9.9 TJ/set, 6.7 ± 1.8 MPM/set; p ≤ .001 for all) phases. District registered more HJ/set (2.6 ± 2.2 HJ/set) than preseason (0.7 ± 0.7 HJ/set, p = .007) and tournament phases (292 ± 172 J/lb/set, p < .001), and more kinetic energy expended/set (488 ± 174 J/lb/set) than preseason (201 ± 94 J/lb/set, p = .001). The highest training volume occurred during preseason with more TJ (preseason: 70.9 ± 26.0; tournament: 44.3 ± 19.3, p < .001; district: 34.7 ± 3.4, p = .004) and kinetic energy expended (preseason: 1,645 ± 547 J/lb; tournament: 980 ± 506 J/lb, p = .018; district: 1,108 ± 362, p = .016). Preseason training had higher stress percent (16.6 ± 3.0%) than tournament (19.4 ± 3.7%, p = .004) and more HJ (7.7 ± 6.3%) than district (3.1 ± 2.9%, p = .012). Match volume was unbalanced across the season phases, with preseason showing the lowest volume and district having the highest volume. This was counterbalanced with a higher training volume during the preseason compared with the other phases.

Per Jørgensen: Danish national identity and the media at the Olympic Games 1908-1960It has often been said that sport, and not least soccer, plays an important role in the construction of national identity. This is also the case in Denmark. This paper examines how the subject of Danish national consciousness, national feelings and nationalism, in the article collectively called »Danishness«, was culturally expressed through sport journalism in the period 1908-1960. The subject matter is the soccer- tournaments in those specific Olympic Games where Denmark took part. The discourse of the sport journalism in the paper »Politiken« has been hermeneutically analyzed. Research on how nationalism is expressed in one country requires international comparisons to allow theoretical generalizations. Therefore a minor study of the sport journalism of the Swedish newspaper »Dagens Nyheter« has been carried out regarding selected soccer-matches with Swedish participation in the Olympic Games in 1912, 1948 and 1952. Many of the characteristics of present day society referred to as »Danishness« are also explicit in the period 1908-1960 in the newspaper »Politiken«. A comparison between »Politiken« and »Dagens Nyheter« seems to show that the Danish discourse has distinctively Danish characteristics.

Abstract Background The role of sports pharmacists is being emphasized in international athletic events. This study aimed to describe the pharmacy services for the 2019 Fédération Internationale de Natation (FINA) World Masters Championships in Gwangju, South Korea. Method Research focused on athletes and coaching staff who received medications after visiting medical centers and pharmacies located in the athletes’ village from July 5 to July 29, 2019. We collected daily results of pharmacy operation and prescription interventions. The data were analyzed using Microsoft Excel, and were expressed as frequency (%). Results Throughout the tournament, 633 patients received medication at the athletes’ village pharmacy (gender: 338 men [53.4%], 295 women [46.6%]; nationality: 299 Korean [47.2%], 334 overseas players [52.8%]; patient type: 150 athletes [23.7%], 427 non-athletes [67.5%]). Therapy for musculoskeletal disorders was the most common (n = 29, 19.3%), and oral NSAIDs (n = 56, 22.0%) were the most frequently dispensed medication in athletes. Pharmacists intervened for 47 out of 491 prescriptions (9.6%), with dosage change (n = 21, 44.7%) being the most common intervention type. Conclusion Sports pharmacists at FINA World Masters Championships played a pivotal role in ensuring the safe usage of medications by all participants, especially athletes. This study results will be a useful reference for pharmacy services at future international or domestic sports competitions.

At last year’s Tour de France—the three-week cycling race—the winner of one stage was disqualified for allegedly obstructing a competitor. In newspapers and on social media, cycling fans immediately started a heated debate about the decision and about the actual course of events. They uploaded photographs and videos, which they had often edited and augmented with graphics to support their interpretation of the situation or to direct attention to some neglected detail (Simpson; "Tour de France").Due to their competitive character and their audience’s partisanship, modern media sports continuously create controversial moments like this, thereby providing ample opportunities for what Jason Mittell—with respect to complex narratives in recent TV drama—called “forensic fandom” ("Forensic;" Complex), in which audience members collectively investigate ambivalent or enigmatic elements of a media product, adding their own interpretations and explanations.Not unlike that of TV drama, sport’s forensic fandom is stimulated through complex forms of seriality—e.g. the successive stages of the Tour de France or the successive games of a tournament or a league, but also the repetition of the same league competition or tournament every (or, in the case of the Olympics, every four) year(s). To articulate their take on the disqualification of the Tour de France rider, fans refer to comparable past events, activate knowledge about rivalries between cyclists, or note character traits that they condensed from the alleged perpetrator’s prior appearances. Sport thus creates a continuously evolving and recursive storyworld that, like all popular seriality, proliferates across different media forms (texts, photos, films, etc.) and different media platforms (television, social media, etc.) (Kelleter).In the following I will use two examples (from 1908 and 1966) to analyse in greater detail why and how sport’s seriality and forensic attitude contribute to the highly dynamic “transmedia intertextuality” (Kinder 35) of media sport. Two arguments are of special importance to me: (1) While social media (as the introductory example has shown) add to forensic fandom’s proliferation, it was sport’s strongly serialized evaluation of performances that actually triggered the “spreadability” (Jenkins, Ford, and Green) of sport-related topics across different media, first doing so at the end of the 19th century. What is more, modern sport owes its very existence to the cross-media circulation of its events. (2) So far, transmedia has mainly been researched with respect to fictional content (Jenkins; Evans), yet existing research on documentary transmedia forms (Kerrigan and Velikovsky) and social media seriality (Page) has shown that the inclusion of non-fiction can broaden our knowledge of how storytelling sprawls across media and takes advantage of their specific affordances. This, I want to argue, ensures that sport is an insightful and important example for the understanding of transmedia world-building.The Origins of Sport, the Olympics 1908, and World-BuildingSome authors claim that it was commercial television that replaced descriptive accounts of sporting events with narratives of heroes and villains in the 1990s (Fabos). Yet even a cursory study of past sport reporting shows that, even back when newspapers had to explain the controversial outcome of the 1908 Olympic Marathon to their readers, they could already rely on a well-established typology of characters and events.In the second half of the 19th century, the rules of many sports became standardized. Individual events were integrated in organized, repetitive competitions—leagues, tournaments, and so on. This development was encouraged by the popular press, which thus enabled the public to compare performances from different places and across time (Werron, "On Public;" Werron, "World"). Rankings and tables condensed contests in easily comparable visual forms, and these were augmented by more narrative accounts that supplemented the numbers with details, context, drama, and the subjective experiences of athletes and spectators. Week by week, newspapers and special-interest magazines alike offered varying explanations for the various wins and losses.When London hosted the Olympics in 1908, the scheduled seriality and pre-determined settings and protagonists allowed for the announcement of upcoming events in advance and for setting up possible storylines. Two days before the marathon race, The Times of London published the rules of the race, the names of the participants, a distance table listing relevant landmarks with the estimated arrival times, and a turn-by-turn description of the route, sketching the actual experience of running the race for the readers (22 July 1908, p. 11). On the day of the race, The Times appealed to sport’s seriality with a comprehensive narrative of prior Olympic Marathon races, a map of the precise course, a discussion of the alleged favourites, and speculation on factors that might impact the performances:Because of their inelasticity, wood blocks are particularly trying to the feet, and the glitter on the polished surface of the road, if the sun happens to be shining, will be apt to make a man who has travelled over 20 miles at top speed turn more than a little dizzy … . It is quite possible that some of the leaders may break down here, when they are almost within sight of home. (The Times 24 July 1908, p. 9)What we see here can be described as a world-building process: The rules of a competition, the participating athletes, their former performances, the weather, and so on, all form “a more or less organized sum of scattered parts” (Boni 13). These parts could easily be taken up by what we now call different media platforms (which in 1908 included magazines, newspapers, and films) that combine them in different ways to already make claims about cause-and-effect chains, intentions, outcomes, and a multitude of subjective experiences, before the competition has even started.The actual course of events, then, like the single instalment in a fictional storyworld, has a dual function: on the one hand, it specifies one particular storyline with a few protagonists, decisive turning points, and a clear determination of winners and losers. On the other hand, it triggers the multiplication of follow-up stories, each suggesting specific explanations for the highly contingent outcome, thereby often extending the storyworld, invoking props, characters, character traits, causalities, and references to earlier instalments in the series, which might or might not have been mentioned in the preliminary reports.In the 1908 Olympic Marathon, the Italian Dorando Pietri, who was not on The Times’ list of favourites, reached the finish first. Since he was stumbling on the last 300 meters of the track inside the stadium and only managed to cross the finish line with the support of race officials, he was disqualified. The jury then declared the American John Hayes, who came in second, the winner of the race.The day after the marathon, newspapers gave different accounts of the race. One, obviously printed too hastily, declared Pietri dead; others unsurprisingly gave the race a national perspective, focusing on the fate of “their” athletes (Davis 161, 166). Most of them evaluated the event with respect to athletic, aesthetic, or ethical terms—e.g. declaring Pietri the moral winner of the race (as did Sir Arthur Conan Doyle in The Daily Mail of July 25). This continues today, as praising sport performers often figures as a last resort “to reconstruct unproblematic heroism” (Whannel 44).The general endeavour of modern sport to scrutinize and understand the details of the performance provoked competing explanations for what had happened: was it the food, the heat, or the will power? In a forensic spirit, many publications added drawings or printed one of the famous photographs displaying Pietri being guided across the finish line (these still regularly appear in coffee-table books on sports photography; for a more extensive analysis, see Stauff). Sport—just like other non-fictional transmedia content—enriches its storyworld through “historical accounts of places and past times that already have their own logic, practice and institutions” (Kerrigan and Velikovsky 259).The seriality of sport not only fostered this dynamic by starting the narrative before the event, but also by triggering references to past instalments through the contingencies of the current one. The New York Times took the biggest possible leap, stating that the 1908 marathon must have been the most dramatic competition “since that Marathon race in ancient Greece, where the victor fell at the goal and, with a wave of triumph, died” (The New York Times 25 July 1908, p. 1). Dutch sport magazine De Revue der Sporten (6 August 1908, p. 167) used sport’s seriality more soberly to assess Hayes’ finishing time as not very special (conceding that the hot weather might have had an effect).What, hopefully, has become clear by now, is that—starting in the late 19th century—sporting events are prepared by, and in turn trigger, varying practices of transmedia world-building that make use of the different media’s affordances (drawings, maps, tables, photographs, written narratives, etc.). Already in 1908, most people interested in sport thus quite probably came across multiple accounts of the event—and thereby could feel invited to come up with their own explanation for what had happened. Back then, this forensic attitude was mostly limited to speculation about possible cause-effect chains, but with the more extensive visual coverage of competitions, especially through moving images, storytelling harnessed an increasingly growing set of forensic tools.The World Cup 1966 and Transmedia ForensicsThe serialized TV live transmissions of sport add complexity to storytelling, as they multiply the material available for forensic proliferations of the narratives. Liveness provokes a layered and constantly adapting process transforming the succession of actions into a narrative (the “emplotment”). The commentators find themselves “in the strange situation of a narrator ignorant of the plot” (Ryan 87), constantly balancing between mere reporting of events and more narrative explanation of incidents (Barnfield 8).To create a coherent storyworld under such circumstances, commentators fall back on prefabricated patterns (“overcoming bad luck,” “persistence paying off,” etc.) to frame the events while they unfold (Ryan 87). This includes the already mentioned tropes of heroism or national and racial stereotypes, which are upheld as long as possible, even when the course of events contradicts them (Tudor). Often, the creation of “non-retrospective narratives” (Ryan 79) harnesses seriality, “connecting this season with last and present with past and, indeed, present with past and future” (Barnfield 10).Instant-replay technology, additionally, made it possible (and necessary) for commentators to scrutinize individual actions while competitions are still ongoing, provoking revisions of the emplotment. With video, DVD, and online video, the second-guessing and re-telling of elements—at least in hindsight—became accessible to the general audience as well, thereby dramatically extending the playing field for sport’s forensic attitude.I want to elaborate this development with another example from London, this time the 1966 Men’s Football World Cup, which was the first to systematically use instant replay. In the extra time of the final, the English team scored a goal against the German side: Geoff Hurst’s shot bounced from the crossbar down to the goal line and from there back into the field. After deliberating with the linesman, the referee called it a goal. Until today it remains contested whether the ball actually was behind the goal line or not.By 1966, 1908’s sparsity of visual representation had been replaced by an abundance of moving images. The game was covered by the BBC and by ITV (for TV) and by several film companies (in colour and in black-and-white). Different recordings of the famous goal, taken from different camera angles, still circulate and are re-appropriated in different media even today. The seriality of sport, particularly World Cup Football’s return every four years, triggers the re-telling of this 1966 game just as much as media innovations do.In 1966, the BBC live commentary—after a moment of doubt—pretty soberly stated that “it’s a goal” and observed that “the Germans are mad at the referee;” the ITV reporter, more ambivalently declared: “the linesman says no goal … that’s what we saw … It is a goal!” The contemporary newsreel in German cinemas—the Fox Tönende Wochenschau—announced the scene as “the most controversial goal of the tournament.” It was presented from two different perspectives, the second one in slow motion with the commentary stating: “these images prove that it was not a goal” (my translation).So far, this might sound like mere opposing interpretations of a contested event, yet the option to scrutinize the scene in slow motion and in different versions also spawned an extended forensic narrative. A DVD celebrating 100 years of FIFA (FIFA Fever, 2002) includes the scene twice, the first time in the chapter on famous controversies. Here, the voice-over avoids taking a stand by adopting a meta-perspective: The goal guaranteed that “one of the most entertaining finals ever would be the subject of conversation for generations to come—and therein lies the beauty of controversies.” The scene appears a second time in the special chapter on Germany’s successes. Now the goal itself is presented with music and then commented upon by one of the German players, who claims that it was a bad call by the referee but that the sportsmanlike manner in which his team accepted the decision advanced Germany’s global reputation.This is only included in the German version of the DVD, of course; on the international “special deluxe edition” of FIFA Fever (2002), the 1966 goal has its second appearance in the chapter on England’s World Cup history. Here, the referee’s decision is not questioned—there is not even a slow-motion replay. Instead, the summary of the game is wrapped up with praise for Geoff Hurst’s hat trick in the game and with images of the English players celebrating, the voice-over stating: “Now the nation could rejoice.”In itself, the combination of a nationally organized media landscape with the nationalist approach to sport reporting already provokes competing emplotments of one and the same event (Puijk). The modularity of sport reporting, which allows for easy re-editing, replacing sound and commentary, and retelling events through countless witnesses, triggers a continuing recombination of the elements of the storyworld. In the 50 years since the game, there have been stories about the motivations of the USSR linesman and the Swiss referee who made the decision, and there have been several reconstructions triggered by new digital technology augmenting the existing footage (e.g. King; ‘das Archiv’).The forensic drive behind these transmedia extensions is most explicit in the German Football Museum in Dortmund. For the fiftieth anniversary of the World Cup in 2016, it hosted a special exhibition on the event, which – similarly to the FIFA DVD – embeds it in a story of gaining global recognition for the fairness of the German team ("Deutsches Fußballmuseum").In the permanent exhibition of the German Football Museum, the 1966 game is memorialized with an exhibit titled “Wembley Goal Investigation” (“Ermittlung Wembley-Tor”). It offers three screens, each showing the goal from a different camera angle, a button allowing the visitors to stop the scene at any moment. A huge display cabinet showcases documents, newspaper clippings, quotes from participants, and photographs in the style of a crime-scene investigation—groups of items are called “corpus delicti,” “witnesses,” and “analysis.” Red hand-drawn arrows insinuate relations between different items; yellow “crime scene, do not cross” tape lies next to a ruler and a pair of tweezers.Like the various uses of the slow-motion replays on television, in film, on DVD, and on YouTube, the museum thus offers both hegemonic narratives suggesting a particular emplotment of the event that endow it with broader (nationalist) meaning and a forensic storyworld that offers props, characters, and action building-blocks in a way that invites fans to activate their own storytelling capacities.Conclusion: Sport’s Trans-Seriality Sport’s dependency on a public evaluation of its performances has made it a dynamic transmedia topic from the latter part of the 19th century onwards. Contested moments especially prompt a forensic attitude that harnesses the affordances of different media (and quickly takes advantage of technological innovations) to discuss what “really” happened. The public evaluation of performances also shapes the role of authorship and copyright, which is pivotal to transmedia more generally (Kustritz). Though the circulation of moving images from professional sporting events is highly restricted and intensely monetized, historically this circulation only became a valuable asset because of the sprawling storytelling practices about sport, individual competitions, and famous athletes in press, photography, film, and radio. Even though television dominates the first instance of emplotment during the live transmission, there is no primordial authorship; sport’s intense competition and partisanship (and their national organisation) guarantee that there are contrasting narratives from the start.The forensic storytelling, as we have seen, is structured by sport’s layered seriality, which establishes a rich storyworld and triggers ever new connections between present and past events. Long before the so-called seasons of radio or television series, sport established a seasonal cycle that repeats the same kind of competition with different pre-conditions, personnel, and weather conditions. Likewise, long before the complex storytelling of current television drama (Mittell, Complex TV), sport has mixed episodic with serial storytelling. On the one hand, the 1908 Marathon, for example, is part of the long series of marathon competitions, which can be considered independent events with their own fixed ending. On the other hand, athletes’ histories, continuing rivalries, and (in the case of the World Cup) progress within a tournament all establish narrative connections across individual episodes and even across different seasons (on the similarities between TV sport and soap operas, cf. O’Connor and Boyle).From its start in the 19th century, the serial publication of newspapers supported (and often promoted) sport’s seriality, while sport also shaped the publication schedule of the daily or weekly press (Mason) and today still shapes the seasonal structure of television and sport related computer games (Hutchins and Rowe 164). This seasonal structure also triggers wide-ranging references to the past: With each new World Cup, the famous goal from 1966 gets integrated into new highlight reels telling the German and the English teams’ different stories.Additionally, together with the contingency of sport events, this dual seriality offers ample opportunity for the articulation of “latent seriality” (Kustritz), as a previously neglected recurring trope, situation, or type of event across different instalments can eventually be noted. As already mentioned, the goal of 1966 is part of different sections on the FIFA DVDs: as the climactic final example in a chapter collecting World Cup controversies, as an important—but rather ambivalent—moment of German’s World Cup history, and as the biggest triumph in the re-telling of England’s World Cup appearances. In contrast to most fictional forms of seriality, the emplotment of sport constantly integrates such explicit references to the past, even causally disconnected historical events like the ancient Greek marathon.As a result, each competition activates multiple temporal layers—only some of which are structured as narratives. It is important to note that the public evaluation of performances is not at all restricted to narrative forms; as we have seen, there are quantitative and qualitative comparisons, chronicles, rankings, and athletic spectacle, all of which can create transmedia intertextuality. Sport thus might offer an invitation to more generally analyse how transmedia seriality combines narrative and other forms. Even for fictional transmedia, the immersion in a storyworld and the imagination of extended and alternative storylines might only be two of many dynamics that structure seriality across different media.AcknowledgementsThe two anonymous reviewers and Florian Duijsens offered important feedback to clarify the argument of this text.ReferencesBarnfield, Andrew. "Soccer, Broadcasting, and Narrative: On Televising a Live Soccer Match." Communication & Sport (2013): 326–341.Boni, Marta. "Worlds Today." World Building: Transmedia, Fans, Industries. Ed. Marta Boni. Amsterdam: Amsterdam UP, 2017. 9–27."Das Archiv: das Wembley-Tor." Karambolage, 19 June 2016. 6 Feb. 2018 <https://sites.arte.tv/karambolage/de/das-archiv-das-wembley-tor-karambolage>.The Daily Mail, 25 July 1908.Davis, David. Showdown at Shepherd’s Bush: The 1908 Olympic Marathon and the Three Runners Who Launched a Sporting Craze. 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Camp leads the New Haven Clock Company as the company successfully builds a profitable business in inexpensive pocket watches. Factory expansions are made, the company builds a significant financial surplus, and sizable dividends are paid. Camp writes a series of three fictional sports books for boys from 1908 to 1911 and with assistance from ghostwriters publishes two more series: one, from 1911 to 1914, of six less expensive books under a pseudonym (Camp probably wrote the first book in this series) and another, from 1913 to 1915, of three books under Camp’s name (possibly all by a ghostwriter). A culture is growing around football, with a play on Broadway (The College Widow in 1904), added fight songs, homecoming festivities (beginning about 1910), and a first game at the Tournament of Roses (1902). The Intercollegiate Athletic Association becomes the NCAA and by 1909 has sixty-seven members; it is led until 1930 (except for the years 1913-16) by Palmer Pierce.

Abstract This chapter describes Althea Gibson’s experiences competing in tennis tournaments from 1951 to 1953, as well as her continued struggles with sexism and racism. These tournaments include the Caribbean Championship, the National Indoors at the Seventh Regiment Armory, and the Good Neighbor Tournament. The exclusivity of Miami Beach made Gibson’s entry in the Good Neighbor a landmark moment for her chroniclers in the African-American press. Being a Black woman on the White tennis circuit gave Gibson social capital but not money or independence. The chapter then turns to Gibson’s debut at Wimbledon, the oldest and most prestigious tennis tournament in the world. Other tournaments that Gibson participated in during this time include the Pennsylvania State Tennis Tournament at the famed Merion Cricket Club in Haverford and the Eastern Grass Court Championships. While Gibson’s status as the premier Black tennis player in the world earned her no latitude in academics at the Florida Agricultural and Mechanical College (FAMC), her fame was still rewarded with special treatment elsewhere. Gibson experienced personal disappointment as she did not succeed in amateur tennis as quickly as she had hoped.

The 1974 NCAA Tournament demonstrated much of what was right—and wrong—with college basketball. It showcased great coaching and extraordinary athletic talent, close games and nail-biting excitement. But the twenty-five team format and the one team per conference rule excluded great programs from the “Big Dance.” The 1973-1974 season proved that Tom Scott’s call to reform the tournament was correct. In the next few years the size of the tournament would increase and more than one team from a conference would be eligible.

This chapter explains how and why South Americans pioneered international sports in the 1910s and 1920. It highlights that South American sporting histories were central in the creation of a global sporting culture of international competition in the 1920s. In 1930, the first FIFA World Cup in Uruguay was the culmination of twenty years of international sporting tournaments in the continent, which were held to celebrate the centenary of independence from colonial rule. The success of the Uruguayan team at the Olympics originated from the continent's less visible international sporting traditions. The chapter cites how South America's international tournaments and their consolidated political meanings shaped around celebrations of national independence could now be opened to competitors from elsewhere.

This chapter examines Mississippi State’s fourth straight SEC championship and the team’s first appearance in the integrated NCAA tournament. The journalistic debate surrounding the 1963 Bulldogs demonstrated discontent for the unwritten law by Mississippi’s sports scribes, which was unveiled in the pages of the press. From February 26, 1963, when the Bulldogs clinched the SEC championship through March 20, 1963, after the MSU contingent returned to Starkville from the NCAA tournament, editors and reporters in Mississippi debated the legitimacy of the unwritten law. While Jimmy Ward of the Jackson Daily News continued to champion the cause of the Closed Society, the majority of Mississippi’s sports writers supported an NCAA title opportunity for the Bulldogs. The 1962-63 debate brought forth new support for integrated athletics from Mississippi’s sports reporters and demonstrated the beginning of a slow but progressive change in Mississippi’s press that refused to blindly dismiss any notions towards integration and social equality.

This chapter focuses on the 1930 World Cup. After the Uruguayan victory at the Paris Olympic Games in 1924 and Amsterdam in 1928, authorities lobbied FIFA to be chosen to host the first men's soccer World Cup in 1930 and succeeded. The success meant that the tournament would mark the centenary of the country's independence from colonial rule. Moreover, the Uruguayans used their victory over Argentina in the 1930 men's soccer World Cup finals to show how at ease they were with their diverse ancestries and independent history. The chapter highlights that the 1930 World Cup is the culmination of the intertwined histories of technologies, identities, politics, and sports.

Abstract If we define violence as the unsanctioned or illegitimate use of harmful or destructive physical force, which I take to be a reasonable definition, then sports confront us with a paradox: boxing matches and a number of other sports events involve a great deal of interpersonally harmful but nonetheless sanctioned physical force. In sports as in warfare, whose image sports are often taken to be, some forms of interpersonal violence are legitimate. In many sports, physical violence is the core if not the name of the game. The prestige of a Roman gladiator increased with the number of opponents he slew. The mayhem at a medieval tournament was often more deadly than the carnage of a real battle. (In the course of a tournament held in 1240 near the German town of Neuss, scores of knights were killed Uusserand, 1901; Keen, 1984].) In our own time, a number of boxers have been beaten to death by opponents who were subsequently judged exempt from legal prosecution for assaults that are severely penalized if committed outside sports’ specially privileged time and space. Like gladiatorial combats and knightly jousts, boxing matches are haunted by the specter not only of serious injury but also of immediate death.

Freeth was praised as a lifesaving hero in the Hawaiian press, and though Alexander Hume Ford (who’d founded the Outrigger Canoe Club in 1908) wanted Freeth to lifeguard at Waikīkī, Freeth decided to work as an underwater diver at Pearl Harbor to help build Dry Dock Number One for the U.S. Navy. He worked at Pearl Harbor until August 1911, when he competed at Honolulu Harbor in the first tournament sanctioned by the Amateur Athletic Union in Hawai‘i. Although Freeth won the diving event, the press focused on his friend Duke Kahanamoku, who broke two world records in the swimming events. Freeth suddenly had ideas of becoming Duke’s manager as Duke trained for the 1912 Olympics in Stockholm.

Abstract This chapter focuses on Althea Gibson’s professional golf career, which roused her spirit from the depths of disappointment brought on by the failure of her pro-tennis career. The Ladies Professional Golf Association (LPGA) was the only professional sports organization for women, offering regular tournaments, prizes, and purses. By playing on the circuit, she could do what she had always wanted: play sports for money. The chapter then considers African Americans’ relationship with golf, the last American sport to admit Blacks on the elite level. Black women had played golf across the country for decades, forming clubs of their own and competing in events organized by the United Golfers Association (UGA), which established a women’s division in 1930. Despite this feature, Black women still faced sexism and barriers to being made to feel as if they fully belonged in the association. Gibson thus earned positive press in the African American media as she embarked on her golf career. Disappointment, though, soon followed for Gibson as her golf career did not match the success that she had known in tennis. The chapter then looks at her marriage with Will Darben, begun in 1965, and the publication of her second memoir, So Much to Live For, in 1968.

Abstract This chapter begins by examining how the Police Athletic League (PAL) led Althea Gibson to paddle tennis. Gibson’s background—Southern and working-poor—made her a decidedly unlikely tennis player, since the game was a pastime associated with the White American elite. In the summer of 1941, Gibson was given a place on the membership roster of the American Tennis Association’s (ATA) Cosmopolitan Tennis Club, which was interracial in membership. She later discovered that the Cosmopolitan and the ATA used tennis as a vehicle for teaching and expressing respectability. Gibson was not a devotee of either standardization or femininity and bristled at attempts to make her such. The chapter then recounts the first tennis tournament that Gibson won: the annual New York State Open at the Cosmopolitan in 1942. She was also a member of the Mysterious Girls A.C. (Athletic Club), Harlem’s famed basketball team, between 1943 and 1945. The Mysterious Girls A.C. gave Gibson a group of Black female friends who, in their passion for and success in sports, gave her a queer community that she did not have at the Cosmopolitan.