Academic literature on the topic 'Tour Saint-Gobain (Paris, France)'

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Journal articles on the topic "Tour Saint-Gobain (Paris, France)"

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Bergeron, Anne, Sylvie Chevret, Regis Peffault De La Tour, Karine Chagnon, Cedric De Bazelaire, Frédéric Rivière, Marie Robin, et al. "Incidence, Risk Factors and Outcome of Late Onset Noninfectious Pulmonary Complications after Allogeneic Hematopoietic Stem Cell Transplantation: A Prospective Cohort Study." Blood 128, no. 22 (December 2, 2016): 4562. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v128.22.4562.4562.

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Abstract Introduction: Late onset noninfectious pulmonary complications (LONIPCs) occurring beyond the third month following allogeneic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (HSCT) are various and are associated with a poor outcome. Bronchiolitis obliterans (BO) is the most frequent LONIPC. Available epidemiological data are conflicting and exclusively come from retrospective studies. Methods: We conducted a prospective observational cohort study where all consecutive patients who were scheduled to receive an allogeneic HSCT between January, 31, 2006 and December, 31, 2008 at the university-teaching Saint Louis Hospital (Paris, France) were prospectively screened for inclusion in the study. Those allogeneic HSCT recipients surviving at day 100 were included in the cohort. They were followed-up for at least three years after HSCT. Clinical outcomes were the 3-year incidence and mortality of LONIPC, and the identification of early risk factors for LONIPC and specifically BO. This study is registered with ClinicalTrials.gov, number NCT 01219972. Results: 198 patients were included after a median of 101 [IQR: 99-106] days following HSCT, from a total of 243 screened patients. The actual median follow up of the 198 included patients was 72.3 months [IQR: 15.2-88.5]. 68 patients died within the first 36 months resulting in a 3-year overall survival after inclusion of 65.4% (95%CI: 59.1-72.4%). Fifty five episodes of LONIPC were diagnosed in 43 patients. These 55 LONIPC were diagnosed as BO (n=22), interstitial lung disease (n=12), and others. Ten patients had more than one LONIPC during the follow-up. At 36 months after inclusion, the estimated cumulative incidence of LONIPC was 19.8% (95%CI: 14.2-25.3%). The 36 months cumulative incidence of BOS was 10.7%, (95%CI: 6.3-15.1%). 18 patients with a LONIPC died during the follow up with an estimated median survival of 78.5 months (95%CI: 20.0-not reached) after the diagnosis of LONIPC. The occurrence of LONIPC was associated with an increased hazard of death (HR=2.18, 95%CI= 1.14; 4.15; p= 0.0181). Based on a multivariable Cox model, a chest irradiation prior to HSCT, a history of pneumonia within the 100 days post HSCT and a low FEF 25-75 at day 100 were associated with the development of LONIPC. The use of PBSC was predictive for BOS based on a multivariable Cox model both after multiple imputation and on the complete cases whereas both a history of post transplantation pneumonia and bronchial abnormalities on CT scan at day 100 were also identified as predictive factors after multiple imputation and a 10% FEV1 decline from baseline to day 100 was a predictive factor for BOS on the complete cases. Conclusion: our data give clues to identify high-risk patients for developing LONIPC/BO. These patients should be targeted for close monitoring, and so offer earlier treatment of LONIPC or prophylactic treatment to improve the outcome. Funding: The study was supported by an institutional grant from the French Ministry of Health (CRC 04118). Disclosures Peffault De La Tour: PFIZER: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; ALEXION: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; NOVARTIS: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding.
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Brignon, Arnaud. "Les « ichtyolites » (Actinopterygii) de la collection Jean-Baptiste Beurard (1745–1835) : intérêt historique et redécouverte de la série type d’Armigatus brevissimus (Blainville, 1818) du Cénomanien du Liban." BSGF - Earth Sciences Bulletin 192 (2021): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/bsgf/2021025.

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Cet article souligne le rôle Jean-Baptiste Beurard dans l’histoire de la paléoichtyologie. Ancien chanoine de la cathédrale de Toul, il trouva après les affres des débuts de la Révolution un emploi d’agent du gouvernement attaché à l’administration des mines entre 1794 et 1815. Chargé de la surveillance des mines de mercure dans les nouveaux départements annexés par la France sur la rive gauche du Rhin, il redécouvrit en juillet 1799 le fameux gisement d’« ichtyolites » (poissons fossiles) imprégnés de cinabre de Münsterappel daté du Permien inférieur. Il envoya plusieurs spécimens dans des collections institutionnelles parisiennes. Des représentants de l’espèce Paramblypterus duvernoy (Agassiz, 1833) (Actinopterygii, Amblypteridae), probablement envoyés par Beurard avant 1809 d’après le témoignage de Barthélémy Faujas de Saint-Fond, ont été identifiés dans les collections du Muséum national d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris. Un autre spécimen ayant appartenu de manière incontestable à Beurard est conservé dans les collections Géosciences de Sorbonne Université et revêt un intérêt historique tout particulier. Beurard possédait également dans sa collection deux échantillons de poissons fossiles du Cénomanien de Haqel dans l’actuel Liban, qu’il avait reçu de son neveu Claude Charles Harmand (1784–1847), officier de marine, en 1817. À partir d’eux, Henri Marie Ducrotay de Blainville décrivit deux espèces qu’il nomma Clupea beurardi Blainville, 1818a et Clupea brevissima Blainville, 1818a. La première n’est plus considérée comme valide et la seconde est aujourd’hui assignée au genre Armigatus Grande, 1982 (Actinopterygii, Clupeomorpha) dont elle est l’espèce type. Un de ces spécimens est conservé au Natural History Museum, Londres, et provient de la collection de William Willoughby Cole (1807–1886), comte d’Enniskillen, qui avait acquis une partie de la collection Beurard. Étiqueté par erreur Clupea beurardi par Beurard, cet échantillon porte en réalité les quatre syntypes d’Armigatus brevissimus. Un lectotype est désigné ici pour fixer le statut de cette espèce, certainement la plus abondante et la plus iconique du gisement de Haqel.
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Stoddart, Simon. "O. Buchsenschutz, A. Bulard, M.-B. Chardenoux & N. Ginoux (ed.). Décors, images et signes de l'âge du Fer européen. Actes du XXVIe colloque de l'Association Française pour l'étude de l'âge du Fer, Paris et Saint-Denis, 9-12 mai 2002 – thème spécialisé (Revue Archéologique du Centre de la France Suppl. 24). 280+i pages, 263 b&w & colour figures, 7 tables. 2003. Tours: FERACF; 2-913272-09-6 (ISSN 1159-7151) paperback €30 +p&p." Antiquity 80, no. 307 (March 1, 2006): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00093510.

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Hoogvliet, Margriet. "A List of 267 French Texts in Tours: A Hub for Reading in the Vernacular." Studi di storia medioevale e di diplomatica - Nuova Serie, December 23, 2020, 115–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54103/2611-318x/14377.

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This article analyses the late fifteenth-century booklist on folios 78r to 82v of Manuscript français 2912 of the Bibliothèque nationale de France in Paris, listing over 267 books in French. A close study of the material aspects of the document itself and of the texts listed in the inventory has allowed for a new dating of the booklist, to shortly after 1494, and for a fairly reliable hypothesis concerning the owner of the books: a bookseller specialising in second-hand books in French. The geographical indication in the booklist, «In Tours in front of the hôtel [town house] of monseigneur de Dunois», can be located in the town on the basis of historical maps: in the Grand Rue (now the rue Colbert) against the southern wall of the church of Saint-Julien or next to its southern and main entrance. Comparison with other book producers and booksellers in Paris and in Flanders shows that this is a typical location. The names and locations of booksellers and artisans active in the production of books in Tours as contained in the notarial archives of the town have unfortunately not permitted an identification of the bookseller, although the printer Simon Pourcelet had his printing workshop and bookshop nearby. Documented lending activities of booksellers in Flanders and the open character of other late medieval libraries and book collections show that this remarkably rich collection of literary, historical, pragmatic, and religious books in French was most likely an open access hub for reading in the vernacular in the bustling heart of late medieval Tours.
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Books on the topic "Tour Saint-Gobain (Paris, France)"

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author, Renaudie Frédérique, and Trelcat Sophie author, eds. Tour Saint-Gobain: Valode & Pistre. Paris: Archibooks + Sautereau éditeur, 2021.

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La tour Saint-Jacques: Biographie d'un monument parisien. [Marseille]: Gaussen, 2014.

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P, Akehurst F. R., ed. The Etablissements de Saint Louis: Thirteenth-century law texts from Tours, Orléans, and Paris. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996.

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Céry, Loïc. Saint-John Perse, Aimé Césaire, Édouard Glissant: Regards croisés : actes du colloque international organisé par l'Institut du Tout-Monde, Paris, 19-21 septembre 2012, UNESCO, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Maison de l'Amérique latine. Paris: Éditions de l'Institut du Tout-Monde, 2020.

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Akehurst, F. R. P. Etablissements de Saint Louis: Thirteenth-Century Law Texts from Tours, Orleans, and Paris. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015.

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The Etablissements De Saint Louis: Thirteenth-Century Law Texts from Tours, Orleans, and Paris (Middle Ages Series). University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Tour Saint-Gobain (Paris, France)"

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"ing if one remembers that the Industrial Revolution started in France a few decades after England. But several authors [Levy-Leboyer, 1968; Asselain, 1984; and Keyder & O'Brien, 1978] ex­ plain that the French economy always kept up with technological progress in Great-Britain. A massive deceleration in the economy occurred between 1790 and 1810; the French industrial produc­ tion, which was probably equivalent in volume to the English one in 1790, was reduced to a much lower level in 1810. However, a new start occurred after 1810 and the two countries had parallel industrial growths all through the 19th century. Cost accounting systems may have appeared around the turn of and after the 15 th century in Europe [Gamer, 1954]. They actually spread to most firms during the industrial revolution in the 19th century; first in England, then in France, then in the USA, and in Germany. The aim of the present article is to describe the creation and development of such an industrial accounting system at Cie Saint-Gobain. This paper discusses the development of accounting by this very old company (created in 1665) between 1820, when it abandoned single entry bookkeeping, and 1880, when it achieved a full cost system. When examining the archives, this researcher saw no evidence that the textbooks mentioned above were read by anyone at Saint-Gobain. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF SAINT-GOBAIN: THE ROYAL MANUFACTURE AND THE PRIVILEGE Instead of continuing to buy glass from Venice, which was too much for the finances of the French kingdom, Colbert encouraged the foundation of a Manufacture Royale des Glaces, established in Rue Reuilly in Paris. The creation and development of the Com­ pany resulted from privileges granted by the monarch to business­ men successively in 1665, 1683, 1688, 1695, 1702, 1757 and 1785. Those privileges made the firm a hybrid one, depending both on public and private laws; on the one hand it had a privilege and on the other hand the legal statutes of a limited Company [Pris, 1973, p. 26]. Having a privilege meant industrial, commercial, fiscal, ad­ ministrative, juridical and financial advantages such as exemption of taxes, free circulation for goods bought and sold, and a prohibi­ tion for anyone to sell the same kind of product. Saint-Gobain was therefore protected from possible rivals and all those years of 194." In Accounting in France (RLE Accounting), 250. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315871042-18.

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"After a long discussion on the advantages and drawbacks of each method (production or capital), it was decided that the decision would be made during the next meeting. On March 16, 1832, the Board opted for the capital method. However, the debate was re­ vived less than a year later when at the August 20, 1833 meeting the chief accountant was instructed to compare Saint-Gobain’s and Chauny's respective efficiencies. . . . we shall probably be told, with good reason, that if cost prices are charged with the mostly arbitrary distribu­ tion of overheads, those cost prices are an unreliable means of comparing the economical efficiency of differ­ ent methods of manufacturing. That is why we wish to propose a third way in which overhead expenses of the Headquarters are not charged to any production. For the last four months, Saint-Gobain has been costed at OF79 per square foot. At Chauny, both raw materials and labor are worked out at OF51 per square foot. If you add the depreciation of the building and the machinery of that factory, the cost rises to OF71, and if we wish to have figures that could be compared to those of Saint-Gobain, repair expenses for the machinery, the cost for slack peri­ ods or flawed glass must be added. The records in our accounts are not yet accurate enough and moreover too recent to allow us to give precise figures for these kinds of expenses. But no doubt they will go over OF80; conse­ quently, the question of economical efficiency is settled. The overhead expenses to be shared included traveling ex­ penses, tokens, salaries of administrators, a hypothetical rent for the Paris building, and operating expenses, but the fate of divi­ dends paid to shareholders was not sealed. It was raised on Sep­ tember 4, 1834 by the chief accountant: It has often been said that we should not include divi­ dends in the cost prices: this is a big mistake; a Limited Company must always be considered as a business which, thanks to its repute, can borrow funds for its ac­ tivity: those funds produce interests, which amount must be deducted from the profit ... if the interests were not included in the cost prices, we could not know the real profit of the soda factory. The Continuity of accounting methods. The Board of Directors of Saint-Gobain was also concerned about comparability of ac­ counting data over periods of time and under different variation methods. The following quotation may seem somewhat difficult to." In Accounting in France (RLE Accounting), 261. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315871042-29.

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"sented every year and a set of accounts was finally approved by the Board of Directors in October 1832. From these accounts came a steady stream of information in the form of reports from the chief accountant to the Board of Directors, including sets of unitary costs at every stage of the manufacturing process. Moreover, the directors frequently visited the branches of the Company.7 Those three elements combined to create a real Decision Support System. The Manufacturing Process. Before going into the accounting problems, it is worthwhile to describe briefly the operating process for glass. Glass production can best be described as follows: from several raw materials (silica, soda and lime) they produced glass by pouring and flattening it in order to give it its plane shape; the glass was then annealed in order to improve its mechanical qualities. After that “hot process”, the “cold process” began, to rectify or get rid of the shortcomings of the flattening; it was divided into two stages: abrasion, called “douci", gave the two faces their parallelism and general flatness; then polishing, called “poli", to improve the quality of the surface; after abra­ sion, the sheet of glass was translucent but not transpar­ ent, because it was still slightly grained, and it only turned perfectly transparent at the end of the polishing [Daviet, 1988]. In accounting for the production of glass, the company made a distinction between the costs of pouring, abrasion and polishing. Charges were not classified according to their nature, but to their place in the manufacturing process. During the 18th Century, the Company had four branches: its Headquarters in Paris, a mirror factory in Saint-Gobain (Aisne), another in Chauny (Aisne), and a soda factory in Chauny. The first document available is a Profit and Loss Account (Compte de revient) dated from June 30, 1826.8 This Profit and Loss Account was organized according to the in­ ventory production and corresponds to the period beginning July 1, 1825 and ending June 30, 1826. Details of this account are shown in Table 1." In Accounting in France (RLE Accounting), 255. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315871042-23.

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"privilege were turned to good account; the company gathered strength to face competition which was a real concern from 1810 onwards. The first competitor appeared in 1770 in England, but the glass that this competitor turned out was not of such quality as to be a threat to Saint-Gobain. Further, the company’s products were protected in France and potential competitors were punished by law until the abolition of privileges in 1790. The first legal French competitor appeared in 1804;1 and the second one in 1823.2 THE NEED FOR A NEW INFORMATION SYSTEM The Accounting System Under the Old Regime In order to understand, analyze and assess the early account­ ing system, it must be remembered that relatively few of the com­ pany records have survived compared with the innumerable docu­ ments that must have been created over a period of 155 years. Pris [1973, pp. 290-8 & 856-64] faithfully described the accounting sys­ tem under the old regime in his Ph.D. thesis, at the end of which he includes copies of most of the documents that have survived. The company was nearly in a position of monopoly with re­ gards to the production of glass. The customers belonged to the King’s court or were local or foreign noble families. Therefore the accumulation of capital was not an essential aim and the market did not seem to be expandable. These are a few elements which give insights about the quality and relevance of the information system required by such a firm. Very little is known about what the accounting system looked like before 1702; the statutes were only concerned with the ac­ counting documents necessary to ascertain the dividends payable quarterly. They included "Inventory" or "balance sheet of bills and payments” (statutes of 1667, 6th item), or “statement of receipts and payments" (statutes of 1695, 18th and 20th items). An annual inventory had existed since the beginning of the company, but only those after 1774 have been preserved. The annual inventories were calculated in Paris by putting together all the inventories of every establishment of the company. The accountants do not seem to have worried about lacking consistent accounting methods; for example, land and buildings, tools and raw materials, finished." In Accounting in France (RLE Accounting), 251. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315871042-19.

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