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1

McSpadden, James. "“A New Way of Governing”: Heinrich Brüning, Rudolf Hilferding, and Cross-Party Cooperation during the Waning Years of the Weimar Republic, 1930–1932." Central European History 53, no. 3 (September 2020): 584–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000943.

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AbstractThis article examines the unexpected behind-the-scenes relationship between the conservative Catholic chancellor Heinrich Brüning and Marxist theorist Rudolf Hilferding. This relationship is the starting point to understand both the politics of toleration and the political and cultural ecosystem in which this friendship came about. The German Social Democratic Party's policy of tolerating Brüning's conservative minority cabinet was hotly contested and has been viewed skeptically by political historians ever since. This article analyzes the mechanics of toleration through Brüning and Hilferding's relationship and demonstrates how Hilferding became the indispensable intermediary between the German cabinet and the socialist party. Toleration was a replacement political process in a polarized climate. A behind-the-scenes informal coalition that included the socialists, as well as the conservative cabinet, muddled through governing and policymaking with backroom negotiations instead of parliamentary debate. Although it failed, toleration was a last-ditch political strategy trying to preserve the Weimar Republic.
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KILDYASHOVA, TATIANA, EVGENIYA PARSHEVA, and YULIA SIBIRTSEVA. "HISTORY OF RELIGIOUS TOLERATION IN THE RUSSIAN NORTH: RESEARCH ASPECTS." Sociopolitical sciences 10, no. 6 (December 28, 2020): 128–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2020-10-6-128-146.

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The formation of religious toleration in the Russian context had a complex and long history. But history of religious toleration in different regions had its own features. The idea of the Russian North as a special example of a multicultural and multi-confessional space has always existed. However, this topic has not received complex studying in the framework of regional studies. The aim of this research is to systematize and analyze the scientific works devoted to the development of the religious situation in the Russian North for identifying traditions of religious toleration and tolerance in this territory. The systematization of the sources is based on the chronological principle up to the beginning of the XX century, and takes into account the three main models of religious life in the region. The analysis showed that the formation of religious toleration in the Russian North was related to the emergence of new religious cultures in the region, which led to their coexistence, and not to the displacement. The official policy of the Orthodox Church and the Russian state towards non-Orthodox and non-Christian people was not always supported by the local community. Moreover, there is evidence for the existence of not only a “passive” form of toleration in the Russian North, but also an “active” form of toleration that was manifested towards non-Orthodox and non-Christian people.
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3

Bohman, James. "Deliberative Toleration." Political Theory 31, no. 6 (December 2003): 757–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591703252379.

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4

DEES, RICHARD H. "Establishing Toleration." Political Theory 27, no. 5 (October 1999): 667–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591799027005004.

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5

White, G. Edward, and David A. J. Richards. "Toleration and the Constitution." Journal of American History 74, no. 1 (June 1987): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908522.

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6

CREPPELL, INGRID. "Locke on Toleration." Political Theory 24, no. 2 (May 1996): 200–240. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591796024002003.

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7

Kaul, Volker. "Sources of toleration: Individuals, cultures, institutions." Philosophy & Social Criticism 45, no. 4 (May 2019): 360–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453719843767.

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Nowadays the question of toleration is less related to an international clash of civilizations than to the clashes that take place within the states and polities themselves. The article addresses the sources of toleration in this new global scenario, starting from the following set of questions: Do the sources of toleration differ across time and space? Does toleration have different roots in different civilizational contexts, such as China, India or Islam? Or, is toleration the result of particular institutional frameworks and designs? In this case, does the concept of toleration vary from one institutional setting to the other? Do empires, republics and democracies give rise to different forms of toleration? And last but not least, isn’t toleration rather a matter of individual morality, as many liberal theories sustain? The article distinguishes between three different sources of toleration: individuals, cultures and institutions. Kant and contemporary liberals, as John Rawls who follows him, situate the source of toleration in the individual itself and the capacity for practical reason. More communitarian-oriented thinkers, as Michael Walzer, defend ‘a historical and contextual account of toleration and coexistence’, arguing that ‘the best political arrangement is relative to the history and culture of the people whose lives it will arrange’. The institutionalist account, which goes back to John Locke’s A Letter Concerning Toleration establishing the separation between state and church, holds that it is the right institutional design that grounds toleration. The article concludes that political strategies aiming to cultivate toleration must take into account the causes of intolerance.
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8

Belknap, Michael R., and David A. Richards. "Toleration and the Constitution." American Historical Review 93, no. 1 (February 1988): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1865821.

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9

HALSTEAD, MARK. "Liberalism, Multiculturalism and Toleration." Journal of Philosophy of Education 30, no. 2 (July 1996): 307–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9752.1996.tb00400.x.

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10

Ross, Tamar. "Between Metaphysical and Liberal Pluralism: A Reappraisal of Rabbi A. I. Kook's Espousal of Toleration." AJS Review 21, no. 1 (April 1996): 61–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400007625.

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Much has been said and written about the unique position regarding toleration that was adopted by Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook. Its uniqueness within Jewish tradition is not open to doubt. The question I would like to explore here is the extent to which his version of toleration is compatible with the toleration that has become part of the modern secular outlook. In order to accomplish this task, I begin by setting up a typology of two basic varieties of toleration, relating one to the skepticism of the relativist who espouses liberal pluralism, and the other to religious systems with absolutist claims for truth. In the second part of the article, a sketch of the history of toleration in Judaism, this typology is confirmed. The third part of the article is a review of R. Kook′s notion of toleration, which seems at first to conform to the type of toleration generally associated with liberalism, but, when translated into practical policy, displays some significant aberrations. The fourth part suggests that these aberrations are not evidence of inconsistencies or anomalies, but rather an indication of the fact that no attitude of toleration, even that of the most liberal pluralist, can completely evade the necessity for intolerance at some point; and that different views regarding the point where toleration should be limited reflect different epistemological positions, each of which is associated with a different societal ideal which serves as the criterion for limiting toleration.
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11

Numao, J. K. "Locke and Hate Speech Law." Locke Studies 17 (February 19, 2018): 173–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5206/ls.2017.882.

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Hate speech is a high profile issue in many liberal democracies today. While commentaries by constitutional experts and jurists abound in the press, and by legal and political philosophers in academia, it is remarkable that there is far less contribution from students of history of political thought and intellectual history, especially of the early modern era, considering how largely the theme of religious toleration and intolerance featured in this period. Jeremy Waldron’s The Harm in Hate Speech, and more specifically Chapter 8 entitled ‘Toleration and Calumny’, helps to break this silence, making a case for how Enlightenment toleration theories from Locke to Voltaire might connect and enrich our discussions about hate speech today.
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12

Mara, Gerald M. "Socrates and Liberal Toleration." Political Theory 16, no. 3 (August 1988): 468–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591788016003006.

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13

Olsen, Glenn W. "The Middle Ages in the History of Toleration." Historically Speaking 5, no. 2 (2003): 24–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hsp.2003.0007.

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14

COFFEY, JOHN. "MILTON, LOCKE AND THE NEW HISTORY OF TOLERATION." Modern Intellectual History 5, no. 3 (November 2008): 619–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001820.

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For three centuries now, John Milton and John Locke have been hailed as heroic advocates of religious freedom. Securely ensconced in the pantheon of liberal icons, they continue to be enlisted in the cause of liberty. In the wake of 9/11, a number of writers have retold the tale of how enlightened progressives rescued the West from the forces of theocratic repression. Milton and Locke loom large in that story. They have starring roles in Perez Zagorin's study ofHow the Idea of Religious Toleration Came to the West(2003), and they feature prominently as “two champions of liberty” in the philosopher A. C. Grayling's bookTowards the Light: The Story of the Struggles for Liberty and Rights that Made the Modern West(2007). Whig history is not dead yet. Indeed, Grayling is refreshingly honest about his old-fashioned liberalism—in the British edition, his book's dust jacket is laid out like the title page of a nineteenth-century pamphlet: “By Mr. A. C. Grayling. London. Printed in the Year 2007”.
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Knox, R. Buick. "A Scottish Chapter in the History of Toleration." Scottish Journal of Theology 41, no. 1 (February 1988): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600031276.

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The year 1988 is the tercentenary of the accession of William and Mary to the throne of England at the invitation of the English Parliament. In 1689 the Estates of Scotland invited them to the Scottish throne. Their accession has been called a Revolution and it made a decisive change in the constitutional and ecclesiastical situation in both countries. Henceforth, the monarchy could not claim to rule solely by divine right. The hereditary principle still operated and the panoply of coronations retained many echoes of a divine commission, but monarchs now ruled within the law and were accountable to the parliaments of the two kingdoms and after 1707 to the parliament of the United Kingdom.
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16

WALMSLEY, J. C., and FELIX WALDMANN. "JOHN LOCKE AND THE TOLERATION OF CATHOLICS: A NEW MANUSCRIPT." Historical Journal 62, no. 4 (August 15, 2019): 1093–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000207.

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AbstractThe following Communication presents a newly discovered manuscript by John Locke. The manuscript dates from 1667–8 and it deserves notice as the most significant example of Locke's thought on the toleration of Catholics prior to the Epistola de tolerantia (1689). The manuscript, entitled Reasons for tolerateing Papists equally with others, reveals Locke's engagement with Sir Charles Wolseley's Liberty of conscience, the magistrates interest (1668) and significantly informs the compositional history of Locke's Essay concerning toleration (1667–8).
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17

Stenger, Gerhardt. "From Toleration to Laïcité." Dialogue and Universalism 31, no. 2 (2021): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du202131225.

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This paper traces the history of the philosophical and political justification of religious tolerance from the late 17th century to modern times. In the Anglo-Saxon world, John Locke’s Letter Concerning Toleration (1689) gave birth to the doctrine of the separation of Church and State and to what is now called secularization. In France, Pierre Bayle refuted, in his Philosophical Commentary (1685), the justification of intolerance taken from Saint Augustine. Following him, Voltaire campaigned for tolerance following the Calas affair (1763), and the Declaration of the Rights of Man (1789) imposed religious freedom which, a century later, resulted in the uniquely French notion of laïcité, which denies religion any supremacy, and any right to organize life in its name. Equality before the law takes precedence over freedom: the fact of being a believer does not give rise to the right to special statutes or to exceptions to the law.
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18

Macleod, Colin. "Toleration, Children and Education." Educational Philosophy and Theory 42, no. 1 (January 2010): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-5812.2008.00493.x.

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19

Ha, Polly. "Religious Toleration and Ecclesiastical Independence in Revolutionary Britain, Bermuda and the Bahamas." Church History 84, no. 4 (November 13, 2015): 807–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640715000918.

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By the mid-seventeenth century, radical protestant tolerationists in Britain and the British Atlantic began to conceive of religious liberty as a civil liberty applicable to all subjects, in contrast to contemporary puritans who limited toleration to orthodox protestants. This essay seeks to explain why certain puritans, however small in number, came to adopt radical views on toleration in contrast to the religious mainstream in the Anglophone world. Drawing upon a longer history of ecclesiastical independence than considered in the existing scholarship on religious toleration, it identifies a hitherto unexplored relationship between ecclesiastical independence in England and the Atlantic World.
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20

Bangs, Jeremy Dupertuis. "Dutch Contributions to Religious Toleration." Church History 79, no. 3 (August 16, 2010): 585–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640710000636.

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Historians have neglected a seventeenth-century hero whose actions and words laid the groundwork for America's democratic diversity and religious toleration—at least that is the theme of a best-selling history of the Dutch colony of New Netherland, the predecessor of New York. This courageous but forgotten lawyer, Adriaen van der Donck, went out from Holland in 1641 as a young man to serve as “schout” (chief judicial officer, both sheriff and prosecutor) of Rensselaerwyck, then moved to New Amsterdam where he eventually became the spokesman of colonists irked by the arbitrary highhandedness of the Director General, Petrus Stuyvesant. Van der Donck is now proclaimed to have ensured that Dutch religious toleration became the basic assumption and pattern that evolved into modern American religious pluralism. The great popularity of this recent revelation ensures that thousands of people, from general readers to professional historians whose specialty lies elsewhere, now believe that religious toleration in America originated in New Amsterdam/ New York, where Dutch customs of toleration contrasted with the theocratic tendencies of English colonies. Is this claim true? In my opinion—no. Should historians pay attention to journalistic jingoism? Perhaps—because unexamined assumptions affect topics treated more seriously. What, then, can be said about the fabled Dutch tradition of toleration and its contribution to the discussion of religious freedom in America in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries?
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21

GLICKMAN, GABRIEL. "EARLY MODERN ENGLAND: PERSECUTION, MARTYRDOM – AND TOLERATION?" Historical Journal 51, no. 1 (March 2008): 251–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006668.

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22

Aston, Nigel. "Book Review: Toleration in Enlightenment Europe." European History Quarterly 31, no. 3 (July 2001): 458–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569140103100308.

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23

Wykes, David L. "Friends, Parliament and the Toleration Act." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 1 (January 1994): 42–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900016420.

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It is surprising to find that Friends were included within the terms of the Toleration Act. The political situation they faced in 1689 was distinctly unpromising. They not only continued to experience the hostility and prejudice that they had suffered since their earliest days, but they were seriously compromised by the close identification of William Penn with the discredited Catholic policies of James II. An examination of the debates in parliament on the Toleration Bill reveals that Friends were by no means certain of being included in the act. Yet their acceptance of the terms they were offered is also surprising in view of their objection to any compromise with the state over matters of religious conscience, an objection which led to their refusal to seek licences under Charles II's Declaration of Indulgence in 1672. Moreover, a number of recent studies have identified the continued insistence of many provincial Friends, particularly in the rigorous heartland of Quakerism in the north–west, upon the strict maintenance of their testimonies, and indeed a redefining of those testimonies partly in response to the growing compromises with the state made by the Quaker leadership.
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Rummel, Erika, and Gary Remer. "Humanism and the Rhetoric of Toleration." American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (February 1998): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650782.

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Mitchell, Joshua. "John Locke and the Theological Foundation of Liberal Toleration: A Christian Dialectic of History." Review of Politics 52, no. 1 (1990): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500048270.

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Locke's doctrine of toleration is best understood in the context of his larger argument about the political significance of Christ. Christ, Locke argues, separated the spiritual and political realm. His argument for separating the two realms, his basis for insisting that magistrates be tolerant of religious heterodoxy, is essentially theological. This claim is further developed by exploring Locke's thoughts of the unconcealment of foundation of moral duty which Christ was purported to have brought about. The bearing this unconcealment has on Locke's thoughts of the necessity of toleration is also explored. Finally, some comparisons between Locke and Hobbes's understanding of the significance of Christ are made, with a view to providing a new theoretical approach to their thought.
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Dunthorne, Hugh. "History, Theology and Tolerance: Grotius and his English Contemporaries." Grotiana 34, no. 1 (2013): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18760759-03400002.

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Drawing on letters of Grotius and his English hosts as well as on work of modern scholars, the first part of this article considers the origins, conduct and outcome of Grotius’s mission to England in April and May 1613. Ostensibly part of a trade delegation, his real purpose was to win the support of King James I and senior English churchmen for the policy of Oldenbarnevelt and the States of Holland in the worsening religious and political conflict of the United Provinces; and his failure to achieve this purpose was one factor which led to the writing of the treatise Ordinum Pietas soon after his return to the Netherlands. In the short term, Grotius’s treatise was no more successful in winning English support than his diplomacy had been. But in the longer term, as the second part of this article seeks to show, its impact was more positive. The arguments for tolerance put forward in Ordinum Pietas were reinforced in later works of Grotius: in his Verantwoordingh (1622) and in De veritate religionis Christianae (1627), the most accessible, popular and widely-translated of all his writings. And these works, together with the emergence of a more tolerant policy in the Netherlands from the years around 1630, left their mark on Britain. They resonated in English writings on toleration, from the pamphlets of Henry Robinson and Richard Overton in the 1640s to Locke’s Letter on Toleration of 1689. In doing so, they contributed not only to the growth of more liberal religious attitudes in Britain but also to the measures which enshrined those attitudes in law, the toleration acts of 1650, 1689 and 1695.
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Tyacke, N. "Persecution and Toleration in Protestant England, 1558-1689." English Historical Review 117, no. 472 (June 1, 2002): 718–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/117.472.718.

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Collins, Jeffrey R. "Redeeming the Enlightenment: New Histories of Religious Toleration." Journal of Modern History 81, no. 3 (September 2009): 607–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/599275.

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Matynia, Elzbieta. "Poland Provoked: How Women Artists En-Gender Democracy." Current History 105, no. 689 (March 1, 2006): 132–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2006.105.689.132.

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It is women artists who, by entering into an open debate with central elements of the Polish cultural tradition, pose the main questions concerning the nature of democratic citizenship, toleration, and pluralism.
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Spinner-Halev, Jeff. "Hinduism, Christianity, and Liberal Religious Toleration." Political Theory 33, no. 1 (February 2005): 28–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591704271472.

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KÖKER, LEVENT. "Political Toleration or Politics of Recognition." Political Theory 24, no. 2 (May 1996): 315–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591796024002007.

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Olsen, Glenn W. "The Middle Ages in the History of Toleration: A Prolegomena." Mediterranean Studies 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41167002.

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Olsen, Glenn W. "The Middle Ages in the History of Toleration: A Prolegomena." Mediterranean Studies 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/mediterraneanstu.16.2007.0001.

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34

Israel, J. "John Locke, Toleration and Early Enlightenment Culture: Religious Intolerance and Arguments for Religious Toleration in Early Modern and 'Early Enlightenment' Europe." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 498 (September 1, 2007): 1042–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem233.

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35

Randall, Thomas. "A Care Ethical Engagement with John Locke on Toleration." Philosophies 7, no. 3 (April 26, 2022): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies7030049.

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Care theorists have yet to outline an account of how the concept of toleration should function in their normative framework. This lack of outline is a notable gap in the literature, particularly for demonstrating whether care ethics can appropriately address cases of moral disagreement within contemporary pluralistic societies; in other words, does care ethics have the conceptual resources to recognize the disapproval that is inherent in an act of toleration while simultaneously upholding the positive values of care without contradiction? By engaging care ethics with John Locke’s (1632–1704) influential corpus on toleration, I answer the above question by building the bases for a novel theory of toleration as care. Specifically, I argue that care theorists can home in on an oft-overlooked aspect of Locke’s later thought: that the possibility of a tolerant society is dependent on a societal ethos of trustworthiness and civility, to the point where Locke sets out positive ethical demands on both persons and the state to ensure this ethos can grow and be sustained. By leveraging and augmenting Locke’s thought within the care ethical framework, I clarify how care ethics can provide meaningful solutions to moral disagreement within contemporary pluralistic societies in ways preferable to the capability of a liberal state.
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Randall, Thomas. "A Care Ethical Engagement with John Locke on Toleration." Philosophies 7, no. 3 (April 26, 2022): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies7030049.

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Care theorists have yet to outline an account of how the concept of toleration should function in their normative framework. This lack of outline is a notable gap in the literature, particularly for demonstrating whether care ethics can appropriately address cases of moral disagreement within contemporary pluralistic societies; in other words, does care ethics have the conceptual resources to recognize the disapproval that is inherent in an act of toleration while simultaneously upholding the positive values of care without contradiction? By engaging care ethics with John Locke’s (1632–1704) influential corpus on toleration, I answer the above question by building the bases for a novel theory of toleration as care. Specifically, I argue that care theorists can home in on an oft-overlooked aspect of Locke’s later thought: that the possibility of a tolerant society is dependent on a societal ethos of trustworthiness and civility, to the point where Locke sets out positive ethical demands on both persons and the state to ensure this ethos can grow and be sustained. By leveraging and augmenting Locke’s thought within the care ethical framework, I clarify how care ethics can provide meaningful solutions to moral disagreement within contemporary pluralistic societies in ways preferable to the capability of a liberal state.
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37

Sardoč, Mitja. "Toleration, Respect and Recognition: Some tensions." Educational Philosophy and Theory 42, no. 1 (January 2010): 6–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-5812.2009.00546.x.

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OKINES, A. W. R. E. "Why Was There So Little Government Reaction to Gunpowder Plot?" Journal of Ecclesiastical History 55, no. 2 (April 2004): 275–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046904009911.

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This article rejects the approach that treats the Gunpowder Plot as a discrete historical episode. The plot is better understood when examined in parallel with the period after November 1605; the surprising leniency shown by the Jacobean government towards English Catholics destroys the motives upon which conspiracy theories are based. This article demonstrates that Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury, supported King James's toleration since both wished to preserve domestic stability and peace with Spain. The assassination of King Henri IV of France in 1610 did more to jeopardise toleration than did the Gunpowder Plot, despite the latter's profound impact on the English popular consciousness.
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Cowan, A. "Religious Toleration and Social Change in Hamburg 1529-1819." German History 4, no. 1 (January 1, 1987): 101–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/4.1.101.

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MOORE, R. LAURENCE. "CHARTING THE CIRCUITOUS ROUTE TOWARD RELIGIOUS LIBERTY." Modern Intellectual History 2, no. 1 (April 2005): 109–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244304000344.

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Arguably, with respect to religious practice, the United States Constitution sought to metamorphose what had been restricted practices of religious toleration into what we more commonly and with more generous spirit call religious tolerance. The provisions of toleration laws, making legal concessions under the aegis of an official religion, were better than burning heretics at the stake, a practice that after the bloody Thirty Years War in Europe (1618–48) usually caused more trouble than it was worth. Still they extended only a grudging permission to “dissenters.” The category “dissenter” did not include all religious minorities, and it placed the tolerated minorities at a disadvantage in almost all civil capacities. Religious toleration before the end of the eighteenth century gave some religious believers license to be wrong, but it carried no pledge of respect.
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Berg, Scott. "“The Lord Has Done Great Things for Us”: The 1817 Reformation Celebrations and the End of the Counter-Reformation in the Habsburg Lands." Central European History 49, no. 1 (March 2016): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938916000066.

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AbstractIn anticipation of the upcoming five-hundreth anniversary in 2017 of the start of the Reformation, this article addresses the memory of this event in Central Europe by focusing on the tricentennial celebrations of 1817. The jubilees that took place that year were unique in that they were the first ones characterized by an ecumenical spirit. The article focuses on the Habsburg lands, where the 1817 jubilees were especially significant because of the recent dismantling of the Counter-Reformation by Emperor Joseph II and the favorable policies for Protestants pursued by his conservative successors. Using sermons and state records from archives in Vienna and Budapest, the article argues that the Austrian government used this event to display its newfound policies of religious toleration. Although the Austrian celebrations mirrored, in many respects, the ones in the German states, the infamous censorship regime of the pre-1848 Habsburg government paradoxically promoted an atmosphere of toleration that ensured the ecumenical nature of the celebrations in the Habsburg Empire.
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Schnepper, Rachel N. "Qualified Toleration: Bermuda and the English Revolution." Parliamentary History 35, no. 2 (June 2016): 132–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12216.

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43

McCLURE, KIRSTIE M. "Difference, Diversity, and the Limits of Toleration." Political Theory 18, no. 3 (August 1990): 361–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591790018003002.

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44

Sorkin, D. "Jews, the Enlightenment and Religious Toleration - Some Reflections." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 37, no. 1 (January 1, 1992): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/37.1.3.

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45

MENDUS, SUSAN. "Toleration and Recognition: education in a multicultural society." Journal of Philosophy of Education 29, no. 2 (July 1995): 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9752.1995.tb00353.x.

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46

Wykes, David L. "Quaker Schoolmasters, Toleration and the Law, 1689-1714." Journal of Religious History 21, no. 2 (June 1997): 178–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9809.00033.

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47

Field, Peter S. ":Beyond Toleration: The Religious Origins of American Pluralism." American Historical Review 113, no. 5 (December 2008): 1526–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.5.1526.

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48

WYKES, DAVID L. "Quaker Schoolmasters, Toleration and the Law, 1689–1714." Journal of Religious History 21, no. 2 (June 1997): 178–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.1997.tb00484.x.

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49

TURNER, JACK. "JOHN LOCKE, CHRISTIAN MISSION, AND COLONIAL AMERICA." Modern Intellectual History 8, no. 2 (July 28, 2011): 267–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244311000199.

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John Locke was considerably interested and actively involved in the promotion of Protestant Christianity among American Indians and African slaves, yet this fact goes largely unremarked in historical scholarship. The evidence of this interest and involvement deserves analysis—for it illuminates fascinating and understudied features of Locke's theory of toleration and his thinking on American Indians, African slaves, and English colonialism. These features include (1) the compatibility between toleration and Christian mission, (2) the interconnection between Christian mission and English geopolitics, (3) the coexistence of ameliorative and exploitative strands within Locke's stance on African slavery, and (4) the spiritual imperialism of Locke's colonial vision. Analyzing evidence of Locke's interest and involvement in Christian mission, this article brings fully to light a dimension of Locke's career that has barely been noticed. In so doing, it also illustrates how the roots of toleration in the modern West were partly evangelical.
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50

van der Haven, Alexander. "Predestination and Toleration: The Dutch Republic’s Single Judicial Persecution of Jews in Theological Context." Renaissance Quarterly 71, no. 1 (2018): 165–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/696886.

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AbstractThe toleration of Jews in early modern Dutch society is commonly seen as predicated on the maintenance of a clear social and religious separation between Jews and Christians. I argue that this view is incomplete and misleading. Close analysis of the only judicial persecution of Jews in the Dutch Republic’s history, the trial of three Jewish proselytes in the anti-Calvinist city of Hoorn in 1614–15, yields a more complex picture. Comparison of the Hoorn trial with cases of apostasy to Judaism in orthodox Calvinist Amsterdam during the same period suggests that the theological commitments of orthodox Calvinism played an important and hitherto unrecognized role in Dutch toleration.
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