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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

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1

Unver, Ayse Oguz, and Sertac Arabacioglu. "HELPING PRE-SERVICE SCIENCE TEACHERS TO UNDERSTAND ATOMISM THROUGH OBSERVATIONS AND EXPERIMENTS." Journal of Baltic Science Education 14, no. 1 (February 20, 2015): 64–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33225/jbse/15.14.64.

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Current atom concept teachings haven’t reached required levels from the points of both teaching methods and learning attainments. With this purpose in this research atom concept is conveyed to the classroom milieu through observations and experiments related to the atom concept during historical development process starting with the masterpiece of, the carrier of the atom thoughts of Antiquity to our age, Roman philosopher Lucretius, namely De Rerum Natura. The study has conducted thoughts regarding the atom in ancient and subsequent history under six headings teaching modules that would span over 11 weeks. The participants in the study were 73 pre-service science teachers. The two-tier multiple-choice diagnostic test was developed. In the analysis of the results of the test, after test hypotheses were proved, the single-factor ANOVA was employed for related samples, while frequency analysis was used for the content of the views of the participants and percentages were calculated to observe the change in alternative conceptions. Key words: concept of the atom in antiquity, experiments and observations, Titus Lucretius Carus, Two-tier Multiple-Choice Diagnostic test.

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2

Lapini, Walter. "Titus Lucretius Carus. De rerum natura, edizione critica con introduzione e versione a cura di E. Flores, I (libri I-III)." Elenchos 26, no. 1 (March 1, 2005): 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2005-260114.

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3

Deufert, Marcus. "Titus Lucretius Carus, De rerum natura. Edizione critica con Introduzione e Versione a cura di Enrico Flores. Volume primo (Libri I–III)." Gnomon 77, no. 3 (2005): 213–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2005_3_213.

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4

Butterfield, David. "Titus Lucretius Carus, De rerum natura. Edizione critica con Introduzione e Versione a cura di Enrico Flores. Volume terzo (Libri V e VI)." Gnomon 83, no. 7 (2011): 597–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/0017-1417_2011_7_597.

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5

Domingues, Mario Henrique. "A Natureza das Coisas." Belas Infiéis 9, no. 2 (March 30, 2020): 115–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/belasinfieis.v9.n2.2020.27043.

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O poema épico-didático A Natureza das Coisas (De rerum natura), de Lucrécio (Titus Lucretius Carus ”“ séc. I a.C) é uma das grandes obras literatura universal. Fundindo poesia e filosofia, trata-se da divulgação da doutrina do filósofo grego Epicuro (300 a.C), a um tempo formado nos ensinamentos de Sócrates e reformista do atomismo de filósofos pré-socráticos, principalmente de Demócrito. No âmbito da poesia, Lucrécio influenciou grandes poetas latinos que o sucederam, tais como Virgílio, Horácio e Ovídio. O poema trata principalmente da física epicurista, em que a natureza está reduzida a átomos e ao vazio. Esta física está centrada no átomo como elemento infinitesimal da matéria, Ã qual estão submetidas outras categorias filosóficas como a metafísica (na aceitação da hipótese da existência dos deuses, mas também na diatribe contra a superstição) e a moral (na crítica ao amor visto como desejo meramente carnal e no elogio da amizade como “contrato social”). Tendo sido solapados pelo avanço do cristianismo, Lucrécio e Epicuro sofreram pelo menos mil anos de ostracismo. As críticas de Kant aos atomistas da antiguidade e a canonização científica da mecânica dos sólidos de Newton também influenciaram nesta quarentena do epicurismo. A partir do séc. XIX o poema de Lucrécio passou a receber a atenção de filósofos, poetas e tradutores. Na filosofia, foi estudado por Henry Bergson, Michel Serres (para quem Lucrécio seria o precursor da mecânica dos fluidos), Giles Deleuze, Clément Rosset, Phillipe Sollers e André Compte-Sponville. Na poesia francesa do XX, Paul Valéry e, sobretudo, Francis Ponge ecoam o requintado imagismo de Lucrécio.

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6

Hartman, Edwin M. "De Rerum Natura." Ruffin Series of the Society for Business Ethics 4 (2004): 201–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ruffinx200442.

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Aristotelian naturalism is a good vantage point from which to consider the moral implications of evolution. Sociobiologists err in arguing that evolution is the basis for morality: not all or only moral features and institutions are selected for. Nor does the longevity of an institution argue for its moral status. On the other hand, facts about human capacities can have implications concerning human obligations, as Aristotle suggests. Aristotle’s eudaimonistic approach to ethics suggests that the notion of interests is far subtler than many have realized, and leaves open the possibility that cooperativeness may be adaptive, virtuous, and a good thing for the agent. Lawrence and Nohria argue along remarkably similar lines, and they provide evidence against those who would question the existence of character. But promising as the Aristotelian approach is, it seems to give an inadequate account of our moral responsibility to those who are not members of our community.

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7

ARCELLASCHI, A. "LucrèceDe Rerum Natura." Vita Latina 176 (April 30, 2007): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/vl.176.0.2020791.

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8

Bennett, Jane. "De Rerum Natura." Strategies: Journal of Theory, Culture & Politics 13, no. 1 (May 2000): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402130050007494.

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9

deAngeli, Edna S., Lucretius, and C. D. N. Costa. "Lucretius: De Rerum Natura V." Classical World 80, no. 6 (1987): 466. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350123.

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10

Edwards, Don Raymond, and John Godwin. "Lucretius: De Rerum Natura IV." Classical World 82, no. 5 (1989): 401. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350439.

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11

Lucretius and Spencer Lenfield. "De Rerum Natura 1.250–64." Colorado Review 42, no. 3 (2015): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/col.2015.0098.

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12

Forcucci, Luca. "Deep Listening to the Amazon Rainforest through Sonic Architectures." Leonardo Music Journal 30 (December 2020): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/lmj_a_01090.

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De Rerum Natura is an electroacoustic composition by the author, based on field recordings from the Brazilian Amazon rainforest. The piece is part of wider research from the author that explores the act of listening, associated visual mental imagery and dynamic subjective links between the composer's experience of listening to/recording experience of the original material and the audience's perception of the final composition as it is performed. This article focuses on the author's process of developing De Rerum Natura, based on Deep Listening. De Rerum Natura also examines the merging of the composition with the acoustics of the performance space.

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13

Hirai, Hiro. "Into the Forger’s Library: The Genesis of De natura rerum in Publication History." Early Science and Medicine 24, no. 5-6 (February 6, 2020): 485–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733823-02456p05.

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Abstract One of the most popular writings ascribed to Paracelsus, De natura rerum appeared in 1572. That was when the movement of forgery production reached its climax, in parallel with the multiple editions of his genuine work Archidoxis. This article aims to place the genesis of De natura rerum in the context of publication history. It will first reconstruct a “library” by surveying the works ascribed to Paracelsus which could serve as instruments for the “author/reworker/editor” of De natura rerum. Then it will examine the evolution of this forgery production by focusing on the divergent editions of Archidoxis from 1569 to 1572.

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14

Soto Posada, Gonzalo. "De Natura Rerum. Isidoro de Sevilla." Escritos 27, no. 58 (2019): 143–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.18566/escr.v27n58.a08.

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15

Hutchinson, G. O. "The Date of De Rerum Natura." Classical Quarterly 51, no. 1 (July 2001): 150–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/51.1.150.

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16

Schiesaro, Alessandro. "The Palingenesis of De rerum natura." Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 40 (1994): 81–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068673500001851.

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1. If I had to sum up as concisely as I possibly can the subject matter of this paper, I would probably say that it was originally stimulated by the attempt to understand how Lucretius articulated his didactic plot. What is the plot of a poem that presents itself as analysing nothing less than ‘the nature of things’? It is safe to assume as a starting-point that a didactic poem which intends to revolutionize each and every principle of perception and evaluation of reality cannot remain unaffected by the theoretical views it tries to prove, and that the persuasive impact of those theories on the reader will inevitably be strengthened or weakened by the way the text situates itself in respect to those theories: the poem itself will be the most effective or the most damning example of its own theories.

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17

Harrison, Stephen. "Lucretius and Memmius: De Rerum Natura 1.42." Cadernos de Letras da UFF 28, no. 56 (July 24, 2018): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/cadletrasuff.2018n56a581.

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<p>This article presents a new reading for a passage from the first book of De Rerum Natura by Lucretius. Through a reinterpretation of verses 1.42, textual problems are solved. Two objections to this new reading are also discussed.</p><p>---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------</p><p><strong>LUCRÉCIO E MÊMIO: </strong><strong><em>DE RERUM NATURA </em></strong><strong>1.42</strong></p><p>O presente artigo apresenta uma nova leitura para uma passagem do primeiro livro do <em>De Rerum Natura</em>, de Lucrécio. Por meio de uma reinterpretação dos versos 1. 41-3, resolvem-se problemas textuais. Duas objeções a essa nova leitura também são discutidas.</p>

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18

Shearin, W. H. "CONCEALED PLEASURE: LUCRETIUS, DE RERUM NATURA 3.237–42." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 1 (April 16, 2014): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000633.

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As they appear in E.J. Kenney's Cambridge edition, these lines are:iam triplex animi est igitur natura reperta,nec tamen haec sat sunt ad sensum cuncta creandum,nil horum quoniam recipit mens posse crearesensiferos motus et mens quaecumque volutat. 240quarta quoque his igitur quaedam natura necessestadtribuatur …

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19

TROUT, DENNIS. "POETS AND READERS IN SEVENTH-CENTURY ROME: POPE HONORIUS, LUCRETIUS, AND THE DOORS OF ST. PETER'S." Traditio 75 (2020): 39–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2020.3.

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This essay offers several reasons for reconsidering seventh-century Rome's reputation as a literary dark age. It provides close readings of several epigrams inscribed in Roman churches during and soon after the papacy of Honorius I (625–38) as evidence for a revived literary scene in the city during these years. It also argues that the intertextual maneuvers deployed by these epigrams suggest, contrary to current opinion, that Lucretius's De rerum natura had Roman readers in the early seventh century. Lucretius's “popularity” in contemporary Visigothic Spain; the likelihood that Honorius's younger contemporary and acquaintance, Jonas of Bobbio, was familiar with Lucretius; and the eventual presence of a (lost) manuscript of the De rerum natura in the library of the Bobbio monastery are enlisted in order to set both early seventh-century Rome and the De rerum natura in wider historical context. In general, this essay encourages the re-evaluation of the place of epigraphic poetry in our histories of late Latin literature and literary culture.

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20

Seelinger, Robert A. "A.2. Stolen fire: Aeschylean imagery and Thoreau’s identification of the Graius homo of Lucretius with Prometheus." Studia Humaniora Tartuensia 14 (December 30, 2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/sht.2013.14.a.2.

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In his Journal for April 26, 1856, Thoreau noted that he had quickly looked over the first 200 lines of the De Rerum Natura but was “…struck only with the lines referring to Promethius (sic)—whose vivida vis animi…extra/processit longe flammantia moenia mundi.” (1.72–73) During this time (i.e., late April and into May) Thoreau was reading the Roman agricultural writers Columella and Palladius, and it is unclear what led him to pick up the De Rerum Natura and then discard it so quickly. Perhaps most curious is Thoreau’s comment that lines 72–73 refer to Prometheus. No commentator in the context of Thoreau has noted that Lucretius is not actually referring to Prometheus in these lines but to Epicurus. The goal of this paper is to show how these lines in their wording and imagery may have reminded Thoreau of Aeschylus’ description of Prometheus in Prometheus Bound and led him to conclude that lines 1.72–73 of the De Rerum Natura refer to Prometheus.

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21

Brown, Robert D. "Lucretius' Malodorous Mistress (De Rerum Natura 4.1175)." Classical Journal 113, no. 1 (2017): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2017.0046.

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22

HENDREN, GEORGE. "WOVEN ALLITERATION IN THE DE RERUM NATURA." Classical Journal 107, no. 4 (2012): 409–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2012.0024.

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23

Tatum, W. Jeffrey. "Lucretius, De rerum natura, 1, 199-204." L'antiquité classique 67, no. 1 (1998): 225–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/antiq.1998.1312.

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24

Nethercut, Jason S. "Empedocles' "Roots" in Lucretius' De Rerum Natura." American Journal of Philology 138, no. 1 (2017): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2017.0002.

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25

Twisselmann, B. "De Rerum Natura (The Nature of Things)." BMJ 339, no. 04 1 (November 4, 2009): b4562. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.b4562.

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26

Possanza, D. Mark. "A Note on Lucretius "De Rerum Natura" 5.613." Phoenix 55, no. 1/2 (2001): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1089028.

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27

Gellar-Goad, T. H. M. "Lucretius' Personified Natura Rerum, Satire, and Ennius' Saturae." Phoenix 72, no. 1-2 (2018): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2018.0028.

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28

Holmes, Brooke. "Daedala Lingua: Crafted Speech in De Rerum Natura." American Journal of Philology 126, no. 4 (2005): 527–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2006.0008.

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29

DESCHAMPS, Lucienne. "Réflexions sur Lucrèce,De rerum natura, 3, 614." Vita Latina 167 (December 1, 2002): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/vl.167.0.583292.

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30

SANDERS, KIRK R. "MENS AND EMOTION: DE RERUM NATURA 3.136–46." Classical Quarterly 58, no. 1 (April 18, 2008): 362–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838808000396.

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31

Buglass, Abigail. "A NOTE ON LUCRETIUS, DE RERUM NATURA 3.361." Classical Quarterly 64, no. 1 (April 16, 2014): 413–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000852.

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A conjecture made by Lambinus in 1565 proposes replacement of difficilest (present in the three authoritative manuscripts O, Q and V) at 3.361 with desiperest. Although commonly printed until the end of the nineteenth century (including in Lachmann's famous edition and Heinze's edition of Book 3, but excluding Wakefield's and Munro's), in the twentieth century the conjecture fell out of favour, both in editions of the entire De rerum natura (DRN) and of Book 3; the manuscript reading of difficilest has been kept by editors since 1900: Duff, Bailey, Martin, Kenney, Müller, Smith and Brown. But with this consensus there are problems, and there are several reasons for preferring Lambinus' conjecture.

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32

Nethercut, Jason S. "The Alexandrian Footnote in Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura." Mnemosyne 71, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342211.

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AbstractThis paper contributes evidence to support the widely accepted view that Lucretius may justly be regarded by the reader as a Callimachean poet by synthesizing and analyzing Lucretius’ use of the so-called ‘Alexandrian footnote’ in theDRN. Although most scholars have come to agree with Kenney that Lucretius embraces many of the same poetic ideals as his contemporaries, there are still some who remain skeptical of Kenney’s thesis, and, while Kenney adduces the most prominent parts of theDRNthat show signs of Alexandrianism, in fact he only scratches the surface of the extent to which Lucretius practices his own version of Roman neo-Callimacheanism. Moreover, very few of those who accept Kenney’s results have followed his lead by adding corroborating evidence. It is still very much worthwhile, therefore, to explore this aspect of Lucretius’ poetic artistry; this paper’s analysis of the Alexandrian footnote provides further proof that Kenney’s argument is correct, and it expands on his thesis by showing how integral Alexandrian poetic techniques are to Lucretius’ philosophical purposes.

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33

Macdougall, Robert C. "Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura: A media ecological template." Explorations in Media Ecology 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/eme.14.1-2.21_1.

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34

Novak, Maria da Glória. "Morte: principio e fim no De Rerum Natura." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 7 (December 5, 1995): 117–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v7i0.665.

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Nada vem do nada, e nada se torna em nada, visto que os princípios dos seres são eternos e imutáveis. Em compensação, tudo o que nasce está destinado a morrer – e também assim o homem e o seu mundo e todos os mundos que houver. O espaço é infinito, a matéria está eternamente em equilíbrio, e tudo muda ao seu tempo. A natureza, de uns seres, constrói outros, e a morte e, assim, fisicamente reconstrução. Para o homem, no entanto, e para sua alma, será a morte o aniquilamento, o fim? Diz o epicurismo que a morte nada é para nós. Será verdade que ele nos aconselha a procurar esse nada?

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35

Wardle, D. "Suetonius: the ‘Change’ in, and the ‘Generosity’ of Titus." Antichthon 35 (November 2001): 64–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001258.

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Suetonius and Cassius Dio give assessments of the emperor Titus which are, at first sight at least, contradictory: for Suetonius he was ‘natura benivolentissimus’, but for Dio . The most recent treatment of Titus’ handling of financial affairs takes issue with earlier commentators who considered Titus extravagant and incompetent and offers a positive conclusion: ‘Titus’ financial acumen must be recognised; the economy did not suffer during his reign … he was well aware of the need to observe the formalities and appear to be generous, and at the same time ensure that he had the funds to be so’. Jones reaches his verdict on the basis of a range of numismatic, epigraphic and literary evidence, without, however, any detailed analysis of Suetonius’ section on Titus’ personal kindness. An examination of this material will strengthen Jones’ conclusions and cast light on Suetonius’ compositional skills.

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36

Cipriani, Mattia. "“In dorso colorem habet inter viridem et ceruleum…”." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 29 (December 31, 2017): 16–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.00002.cip.

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Like other contemporary encyclopaedists of his time, Thomas of Cantimpré (1200 ca.–1270/72) used a vast number of sources in his Liber de natura rerum (completed between 1241 and 1260 ca.), which he meticulously selected to copy, cut and ‘paste’ in order to create a solid, well-argued, coherent and ‘Dominican’ discourse on nature. Among these auctoritates, the friar also uses a mysterious and anonymous libellum, which he qualifies as “liber rerum,” in his work. Consequently, the paper explains this auctoritas through a careful consideration of all the objective aspects that can be acquired from the Liber de natura rerum. Secondly, the work shows how the anonymous source was Thomas’ privileged vehicle through which to introduce in his encyclopaedia ‘alternative’ information borrowed from non-canonical sources (direct observations, personal experiences, etc.). The analysis therefore identifies the particular textual typology of the anonymous libellum, while also demonstrating how the friar of Cantimpré was a curious and actual auctor on nature, observing everyday reality directly and thereby distinguishing himself from his contemporary compilatores.

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37

GEORGE HENDREN. "WOVEN ALLITERATION IN THE DE RERUM NATURA." Classical Journal 107, no. 4 (2012): 409. http://dx.doi.org/10.5184/classicalj.107.4.0409.

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38

Robert D. Brown. "Lucretius' Malodorous Mistress (De Rerum Natura 4.1175)." Classical Journal 113, no. 1 (2017): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5184/classicalj.113.1.0026.

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39

Martiarena, Óscar. "Tranquilidad del alma y poesía en De rerum natura." Theoría. Revista del Colegio de Filosofía, no. 20-21 (December 3, 2010): 143–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ffyl.16656415p.2010.20-21.7.

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A lo largo de su prodigioso poema, Lucrecio nos conduce a través de una naturaleza que en sí misma es poética, a la vez que nos invita a habitarla poéticamente y a tener presente que su contemplación es un ejercicio de la filosofía que busca alcanzar la tranquilidad del alma. Un ejercicio poético de la filosofía que, al tiempo de mostrarnos la visión admirable del todo y de sus partes, busca hacernos capaces de enfrentar con jovialidad el azar de la naturaleza, aunque también el temor, las tinieblas y las supersticiones, las amenazas de la religión, la muerte misma. Así, con “De rerum natura”, Lucrecio abre una posibilidad para nuestra existencia en la que pensamiento y forma, tranquilidad del alma y expresión poética, filosofía y poesía se funden en una unidad indisoluble. Después de mostrar cómo los rasgos esenciales del pensamiento de Epicuro se despliegan a lo largo de “De rerum natura”, el autor sostiene que en el poema, además de mantenerse fiel a su maestro, Lucrecio nos invita a habitar la naturaleza poéticamente, siempre como un ejercicio filosófico encaminado a alcanzar la tranquilidad del alma.

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40

Myakin, Timothey. "The Goddess Venus in Lucretius’ poem ‘De rerum natura’." ΣΧΟΛΗ. Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition 13, no. 1 (2019): 153–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2019-13-1-153-179.

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The true meaning of the image of the goddess Venus, its role and place in the philosophical poem of Lucretius, reveals itself through a comparative analysis of the word usage in Lucretius and contemporary Roman poetry (and prose) taken in the context of philosophical and religious quest of Roman writers of the first century BC. All 31 cases of using the name Venus in Lucretius are analyzed. New arguments are being advanced in favor of Cl. Beltrão da Rosa and M. Eichler’s apprehension of the ‘De rerum natura’ as a poem in the genre of physical theology stricto sensu. Cf. Varr. De Rer. Div. Fr. 8, 2–5 Cardauns.

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41

Bauer, Bernhard. "The Celtic Parallel Glosses on Bede’s De natura rerum." Peritia 30 (January 2019): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.perit.5.120979.

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42

Thury, Eva M. "Lucretius' Poem as a Simulacrum of the Rerum Natura." American Journal of Philology 108, no. 2 (1987): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294817.

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43

Ponce North, Eduardo. "La naturaleza. De rerum natura, de Tito Lucrecio Caro." Studium Veritatis 11, no. 17 (September 13, 2013): 558–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.35626/sv.17.2013.110.

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44

Rider, Zackary. "The Failure of Sacrifice in the De Rerum Natura." TAPA 149, no. 1 (2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/apa.2019.0000.

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45

Sterpetti, Antonio V. "Comment on: “de rerum natura” by Josef Fischer, MD." American Journal of Surgery 204, no. 4 (October 2012): 556. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.amjsurg.2010.12.013.

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46

King, Vernon. "An unreported early use of Bede's De natura rerum." Anglo-Saxon England 22 (December 1993): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263675100004324.

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Although there can be little doubt that Bede's works were widely known on the Continent by the end of the eighth century, the evidence supporting this assumption has been largely confined to the number of early manuscripts containing his works, together with requests for copies of his works contained in letters from continental scholars. The number of identified cases where his work is quoted before the beginning of the ninth century is very limited; and yet one clear case has been overlooked, as a result of a misattribution made more than one hundred years ago.

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Trinacty, Christopher V. "MEMMIUS, CICERO AND LUCRETIUS: A NOTE ON CIC. FAM. 13.1." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 1 (April 27, 2020): 440–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000221.

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A recent piece in this journal by Morgan and Taylor made the case that C. Memmius is not to be seen as an active prosecutor of Epicureanism but rather as an Epicurean himself, who merely has disagreed with the grimly orthodox Epicurean sect in Athens. As such, Memmius’ building intentions for Epicurus’ home could have been to create an honorary monument or possibly even construct a grander locus for pilgrimage and the practice of Epicureanism. This note adds to their findings by considering allusions to De Rerum Natura found in Fam. 13.1 and the implications of Cicero speaking to Memmius in Lucretius’ striking language. Cicero expresses his judgement on De Rerum Natura, famously, at QFr. 2.10.3, Lucreti poemata ut scribis ita sunt, multis luminibus ingeni, multae tamen artis. sed cum ueneris, uirum te putabo si Sallusti Empedoclea legeris, hominem non putabo, and Memmius, of course, is the addressee of De Rerum Natura. This Lucretian language, unremarked on by previous scholars, points to the shared literary culture of Cicero and Memmius as well as Memmius’ own ability to recollect and contextualize the references. By echoing Lucretius in this letter, Cicero hints at Memmius’ sophistication and learning (Cic. Brut. 247), underscores Lucretius’ own fervent devotion to Epicurus’ strictures, and suggests the need for Memmius to achieve ataraxia, at the very least, in regards to his building plans and the furore it is causing in Athens.

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Traver Vera, Ángel Jacinto. "EL MANUSCRITO 287 DE LA BIBLIOTECA MENÉNDEZ PELAYO Y SU COPISTA." Littera Aperta. International Journal of Literary and Cultural Studies 5 (December 30, 2017): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/ltap.v5i5.13321.

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Este artículo estudia el manuscrito 287 de la Biblioteca Menéndez Pelayo (Santander), que contiene una traducción española del De rerum natura de Lucrecio fechada en 1791. Aunque ha sido considerada la primera en verso castellano y obra del Abate Marchena, el artículo aporta nuevos datos que prueban que fue realizada, en realidad, por el sacerdote Matías Sánchez, cuyo manuscrito autógrafo se custodia hoy en la Biblioteca del Palacio Real (Madrid) con la signatura II 646. El manuscrito 287 es posiblemente una copia, ejecutada por el archivero de la Academia Greco-Latina Ramón Mª. Estabiel. Las letras de Matías Sánchez y de Ramón Mª. Estabiel, conocidas por otros documentos, confirman la identificación del primero como autor de la traducción en verso y del segundo como copista. Palabras clave: De rerum natura, Lucrecio, Matías Sánchez, Ramón Mª. Estabiel, Academia Greco-Latina

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Weber, Dorothea. "Homerus sceptra potitus (Lucr. 3,1037–1038). De rerum natura als Hinführung zur Homerlektüre?" Philologus 166, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/phil-2022-0102.

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Abstract De rerum natura displays a particular closeness to the Homeric epics on various levels: in language, in arguments, and in the selection of examples. This closeness clearly goes beyond similarities arising from the affinity as determined by genre. Further, a couple of passages are veritable translations from the Iliad resp. the Odyssey. There, the attitude towards the pretext becomes especially clear. It ranges from acknowledgement to rejection and in some instances is brought about through the use of allegory. This attitude of criticism and affinity at the same time can be observed in two passages of De rerum natura that are prominent due to their position: the beginning and the end allude to the plot of the Iliad. This should be read as an indication that Lucretius understood his didactic poem as an invitation to read the Homeric epics philosophically.

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Ballestra-Puech, Sylvie. "À quoi rêvent les chevaux ? Échos lucrétiens dans les réflexions sur la continuité du vivant de la première Modernité." Revue de Synthèse 143, no. 1-2 (February 17, 2022): 73–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19552343-14000064.

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Résumé Le De rerum natura chante une matière sans frontières afin de permettre à l’homme d’accepter sereinement sa condition mortelle. Le refus lucrétien de l’anthropocentrisme dans l’approche du vivant trouve un large écho dans la pensée de la première modernité. Une lecture attentive des citations du De rerum natura dans l’ “Apologie de Raymond Sebond” montre comment Montaigne s’est approprié les naturae foedera lucrétiens pour penser une relation respectueuse entre l’homme et la nature, fondée sur la notion d’obligation mutuelle. La théorie lucrétienne de la perception et de l’origine du langage informe aussi l’argumentation de Montaigne, qu’il la reprenne à son compte ou s’en démarque. En réfutant le plaidoyer de Pierre Charron en faveur d’une connaissance animale, largement redevable à Montaigne, le médecin Pierre Chanet déclencha une polémique avec Cureau de la Chambre. Bien que non explicite, l’héritage lucrétien pourrait avoir renouvelé l’aristotélisme professé par Cureau.

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