Journal articles on the topic 'Timor Timur (Indonesia) Politics and government'
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1
Soehadha, Moh. "PENGUATAN IDENTITAS DAN SEGREGASI SOSIAL KOMUNITAS EKS PENGUNGSI TIMOR TIMUR DI SUKABITETEK, NUSA TENGGARA TIMUR." Jurnal Sosiologi Reflektif 13, no. 2 (May 24, 2019): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/jsr.v13i12.1563.
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The exodus of East Timorese refugees after the 1999 referendum to Indonesia left a problem till now. International refugee affairs agencies, the Indonesian government, and non-governmental organizations have helped repatriate refugees. But many refugees do not want to return and choose to stay in Indonesia, among them they choose to stay in the border area in Sukabitetek Village, Belu Regency, East Nusa Tenggara. In a study through an ethnographic approach to the former East Timorese refugee community in the following Sukabitetek, it was explained about strengthening identity and social segregation in the interaction between former East Timorese refugees and local people. Resettlement policies for refugees that are top down and tend to pay less attention to the needs of refugees cause social problems, namely land access, economy and education, economic and political commodification, and social conflict.
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Zakharov, A. O. "THE MEDALS OF INDONESIA FOR WEST IRIAN CAMPAIGNS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (11) (2020): 170–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-1-170-177.
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Indonesian struggle for West Irian was an essential aspect of Indonesian politics since early fifties. Indonesian Government managed to annex West Irian in the sixties due to a substantial material, technical and diplomatic support by the Soviet Union. The USSR stopped its support in 1965, when Indonesian Army under command of General Suharto undertook a terrific massacre of Indonesian communists, backed by the USA. The first President of Indonesia Sukarno was removed from his post. Suharto turned President and proclaimed the New Order (Orde Baru), manifesting itself in the Army rule over the nation. Despite strong positions of Suharto and his associates, there were many different factions in the Army, while Suharto managed to dismiss all disloyal generals. He also instituted new military orders to praise his loyal servants — The Navy Star (Bintang Jalasena), the Army Meritorious Service Star (Bintang Kartika Eka Pakçi), and Air Force Star (Bintang Swa Bhuwana Paksa) — in 1968. A year later, the West Irian open vote confirmed its joining with Indonesia, supported by the Indonesian military surveyors and army presence. Till the end of the sixties, there were constant tensions in West Timor. Indonesian Government instituted two campaign medals for operations in this area — the Satya Dharma Medal and the Raksaka Dharma / GOM IX Medal. The paper examines these two decorations and their context.
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Pranadji, Tri. "Sejarah Politik dan Dinamika Agraris Kawasan Timur Indonesia." Forum penelitian Agro Ekonomi 28, no. 2 (August 11, 2016): 123. http://dx.doi.org/10.21082/fae.v28n2.2010.123-134.
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<strong>English</strong><br />From the agrarian politic history view, the eastern region of Indonesia has a relatively strong competition potential in the global arena. However, since the past five decades, the capacity of socio-economic-politic-culture of the eastern region of Indonesia was degraded to the lowest level. The political planning concern of the central government in the agrarian resource development management is the obstacle point to allow serious implication on social gap and backwardness. The agrarian politic set back in the western part of Indonesia has a heavy influence on the community’s socio-economic livelihood who are depending on local agrarian resources. The prominent ability of several local kings of kingdoms in the eastern Indonesia to perform agricultural trade at a global level during the period of 15-18 centuries has no longer existed. In the future, a strong political support is required to reform agrarian development planning for the eastern region of Indonesia. The plan should cover: First, the vision and direction to establish a strong, self-support, high competitive, fair, and sustainable industrial community based on the existing agrarian resource management. Second, to produce high value of agrarian products, manage by integrated organizations, use high technology and innovation, apply sharing system on collective assets, and select appropriate business adjusted to the existing local agro-ecosystems. Third, strengthen infrastructure networks, support financial institutions, and apply law enforcement in accordance with good governance in a decentralized government administration. Fourth, to establish the community’s rights to express their political opinion and aspiration, to involve in organization (economic, society, and politic), and support on local wisdom. Fifth, to perform policies that integrates agrarian management, safety and defense, and the empowerment of civil society in the eastern part of Indonesia.<br /><br /><br /><strong>Indonesian</strong><br />Dilihat dari sejarah politik agraria, kawasan timur Indonesia mempunyai potensi daya kompetisi relatif kuat dalam “pertarungan” global. Hanya saja, sejak lima dekade terakhir secara sosio-ekonomi-politik-budaya kawasan timur Indonesia berbalik menjadi sangat memprihatinkan. Kepedulian politik perencanaan pemerintah pusat dalam pengembangan pengelolaan sumber daya agraria setempat tampaknya menjadi titik lemah yang berimplikasi serius terhadap munculnya keterbelakangan dan kesenjangan sosial. Kemunduran politik agraria yang terjadi di kawasan barat Indonesia berimbas sangat berat terhadap tingkat kehidupan sosial-ekonomi masyarakat berbasis pengelolaan sumber daya agraria setempat. Kehebatan kemajuan perdagangan produk agraris yang dikendalikan secara politik di tingkat global oleh beberapa kerajaan di kawasan timur Indonesia pada rentang abad 15-18 saat ini sudah hampir tidak tersisa lagi. Pada masa mendatang perlu dukungan politik yang kuat untuk merumuskan kembali perencanaan pembangunan agraria di kawasan timur Indonesia. Substansi perencanaan mencakup: Pertama, visi dan arah yang mengutamakan terbentuknya masyarakat industrial berbasis pengelolaan sumber daya agraria yang kuat, mandiri, berdaya saing tinggi, adil, dan berkelanjutan. Kedua, dihasilkannya produk agraria bernilai tambah tinggi, dikelola dengan organisasi yang utuh (tidak tersekat-sekat), sarat dengan muatan iptek tinggi, penguasaan aset secara kolektif dengan sharing system yang lebih adil, serta pilihan usaha yang sesuai dengan kekayaan agroekosistem setempat. Ketiga, dilakukan penguatan terhadap jaringan infrastruktur, kelembagaan modal finansial, penegakan hukum, serta good governance dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan yang desentralistik. Keempat, penguatan hak-hak warga dalam berpendapat dan beraspirasi secara politik, berorganisasi (ekonomi, kemasyarakatan, dan politik), serta pemberdayaan aspek kearifan lokal. Kelima, kebijakan politik yang mengintegrasikan pengelolaan agraria, pertahanan dan keamanan, serta penguatan civil society di kawasan timur Indonesia.
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Nawawi, Imam. "Sejarah Nalar Diplomasi Politik Indonesia di Kawasan Timur Tengah." Millati: Journal of Islamic Studies and Humanities 3, no. 1 (June 15, 2018): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/mlt.v3i1.73-102.
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The historiography of Indonesian political diplomacy in the Middle-East regions faces obstacles from the researchers themselves. The perspective contradictions are compounded by sorting data and sources. The appearance of Indonesian political diplomacy in the Middle East regions according to the Middle East researchers and academics themselves seems to be gloomy and lethargic, because they demand more than what Indonesia has achieved and done. Indonesia is considered not too interested in contributing to the recovery of conflict countries and the acceleration of the transition to democratic values. According to the other researchers who are not based on the Middle East institutions, the appearance of Indonesian political diplomacy in the Middle East is quite positive and slightly vague. Unlike the case with the version that came out directly from the Government of the Republic of Indonesia about their achievements and performance in building diplomatic relations with related countries in the Middle East. Some achievements are recorded annually and submitted to the public in their annual reports. The constraints in historical writing can be overcome by the historical reasoning approach which tries to examine reason, thought and awareness, and which not only focuses on historical facts and events themselves. This approach is able to map the narrative contestation and discourse ideology, and find solutions to the problems.
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Firdaus, Aos Yuli. "The Effects of Australia's Foreign Policy on Indonesia Post-Independence Timor Leste." British Journal of Philosophy, Sociology and History 2, no. 1 (January 13, 2022): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/bjpsh.2022.2.1.4.
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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. The Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released, the joint training was canceled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were canceled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens.
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Zulkarnain and Aos Yuli Firdaus. "Australia Foreign Policy Effect On Indonesia Post Independence of Timor Leste." Britain International of Humanities and Social Sciences (BIoHS) Journal 4, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 282–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/biohs.v4i2.667.
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As initially, Australia supported the integration of Timor Leste into the Republic of Indonesia, many events occurred which caused the relationship between Indonesia and Australia to be slightly disturbed. The changes that have taken place in Australia's relationship with Indonesia illustrate the real effects of Timor-Leste's independence. As a result of Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process, its relationship underwent many changes, especially in the political and military fields. The changes taking place in military relations are evident. First, the Agreement on Mutual Security (AMS) was released. Second, the joint training was cancelled, and the troops that used to work together became enemies. Eventually, Australian arms sales to Indonesia were stopped. Changes in the political and diplomatic sphere, including all political visits, were cancelled, and politicians within Australia and Indonesia publicly denounced others. Furthermore, cooperation within the global framework is limited, and the Ambassador's 'high alert' status is. Overall, Australia's relations with Indonesia became hostile. This study aims to determine how the influence of Australian foreign policy on Indonesia after the independence of Timor Leste. This research shows that the independence of Timor Leste and Australia's role in this process directly influenced government relations between Australia and Indonesia. Most Indonesians view the Australian government's actions and policies as separate from its relationship with Australian citizens. However, the relationship between people must still be considered when making policies about Indonesia because of widespread reactions to Australia's role in the East Timorese independence process.
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Purba, Iman Pasu Marganda Hardianto, I. Made Suwanda, Agus Satmoko Adi, and Rahmanu Wijaya. "Policy Synergy between The Provincial Government of East Java and The Central Government on Health Quarantine in The Treatment of Covid-19." JPSI (Journal of Public Sector Innovations) 5, no. 2 (May 30, 2021): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/jpsi.v5n2.p43-51.
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ABSTRACTThis study aims to examine the policy synergy between the Provincial Government of East Java and the Central Government in dealing with Covid-19. The urgency of this study is to explain to what extent policies between the Local Governments and the Central Government are in sync. This research uses legal research methods. Primary data includes statutory regulations, especially the Law on Health quarantine and secondary data such as previous research, expert opinion, and other relevant document data. This study concludes that the East Java Provincial Government and the Central Government have a synergy in dealing with Covid-19 in Indonesia. However, neither the legal products that are produced nor policies that are political in nature do not conflict with one another. ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji sinergitas kebijakan antara Pemerintah Provinsi Jawa Timur dengan Pemerintah Pusat dan dalam menghadapi Covid-19. Urgensi penelitian ini adalah menjelaskan sejauhmana kebijakan antara Pemerintah Pusat dan Pemerintah Daerah sinkron. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian hukum. Data primer mencakup peraturan perundang-undangan terutama Undang-undang tentang karantina Kesehatan dan data sekunder seperti penelitian terdahulu, pendapat para pakar, dan data dokumen lain yang relevan. Kajian ini menyimpulkan bahwa Pemerintah Provinsi Jawa Timur maupun Pemerintah Pusat memiliki sinergi dalam menangani Covid-19 di Indonesia. Baik produk hukum yang dihasilkan maupun kebijakan yang bersifat politis, tidak bertentangan satu sama lain.
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Da Cruz, Carolina. "Comparative Roles and Notary Responsibilities in Indonesia and Timor Leste." Jurnal Akta 6, no. 2 (August 14, 2019): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/akta.v6i2.5021.
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The purpose of this study were 1) To explain the role of the notary and responsibilities similarity in Indonesia and Timor Leste, 2) To explain the different roles and responsibilities of notaries in Indonesia and Timor Leste. The approach I use in the preparation of the writing of this legal research is a normative legal research, as in the study of law conceived as normative regulations and as written norms created and promulgated by an agency or by the competent state authorities. This research is descriptive research that aims to paint a picture of the state of things on certain areas and at certain times. Based on the results of this study were 1) Equation notary's role and responsibilities in Indonesia and Timor Leste. In Indonesia since 2004 has passed a law concerning Notary. But in Timor Leste began in 2009 Decree-Act No. 24/2009, dated August 26, set political guidelines for Timor-Leste's notary system and assigning to the Government the responsibility to set political guidelines specified in this legal diploma. 2) The different roles and responsibilities of notaries in Indonesia and Timor Leste. On the side of this difference can describe that, it is a rule that is very effective to help the public in understanding the roles and responsibilities of notaries in force in the country, especially in Indonesia is quite effective in establishing the truth related to his profession.Keywords: Comparison; Roles; Responsibilities; Notary.
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Lundry, Chris. "The East Timor Action Networkand Transnational Advocacy:Domestic Lobbying and International Pressure for Self-determinationin Timor-Leste." Estudios de Asia y África 57, no. 3 (July 29, 2022): 577–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.24201/eaa.v57i3.2829.
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Many factors contributed to the timing, in August 1999, of the referendum in Timor-Leste that led to the country’s independence; among them: Suharto’s abdication, Indonesia’s vulnerability to pressure after the East Asian economic crisis, Indonesia’s confidence that it will prevail using its usual methods of intimidation and manipulation, and, of course, the political and armed struggle of who supported and died for independence in Timor-Leste. Another element was the solidarity networks that emerged among activists from various countries who exerted internal pressure on their governments to force them to change their policy towards Indonesia. This article examines the East Timor Action Network, founded in 1991 in the United States, and its lobbying and internal pressure strategy. Building on Sikkink and Keck’s model of principle-based issue networks and their ability to exert domestic pressure for international results, this article shows how the Network successfully lobbied for change in US foreign policy toward Indonesia and contributed to the selfdetermination in Timor-Leste.
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Bradt, David A., Christina M. Drummond, and Mark Richman. "Complex Emergencies in Indonesia." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 16, no. 4 (December 2001): 294–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00043454.
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AbstractRecently, Indonesia has experienced six major provincial, civil, armed conflicts. Underlying causes include the transmigration policy, sectarian disputes, the Asian economic crisis, fall of authoritarian rule, and a backlash against civil and military abuses. The public health impact involves the displacement nationwide of >1.2 million persons. Violence in the Malukus, Timor, and Kalimantan has sparked the greatest population movements such that five provinces in Indonesia each now harbor > 100,000 internally displaced persons. With a background of government instability, hyperinflation, macroeconomic collapse, and elusive political solutions, these civil armed conflicts are ripe for persistence as complex emergencies.Indonesia has made substantial progress in domestic disaster management with the establishment of central administrative authority, strategic planning, and training programs. Nevertheless, the Indonesian experience reveals recurrent issues in international humanitarian health assistance. Clinical care remains complicated by absences of treatment protocols, inappropriate drug use, high procedural complication rates, and variable referral practices. Epidemiological surveillance remains complicated by unsettled clinical case definitions, non-standardized case management of diseases with epidemic potential, variable outbreak management protocols, and inadequate epidemiological analytic capacity. International donor support has been semi-selective, insufficient, and late.The militia murders of three UN staff in West Timor prompted the withdrawal of UN international staff from West Timor for nearly a year to date. Re-establishing rules of engagement for humanitarian health workers must address security, public health, and clinical threats.
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Nossal, Kim Richard. "Les droits de la personne et la politique étrangère canadienne : le cas de l’Indonésie." Études internationales 11, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701043ar.
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Margaret Doxey has argued that there exists a "rhetoric gap" between the lofty pronouncements of Canadian governments on the question of human rights violations by other governments in the international System and the actions of the Canadian government. This paper argues that specific external constraints will hamper any attempt by governments in Ottawa to transform the rhetoric of official statements into direct policy action. This paper examines Indonesian-Canadian relations during the 1970s as a case study, and concludes that economic, strategic and diplomatic imperatives and interests proved more compelling than concerns over the treatment of political prisoners by the government of General Suharto, or concerns over the Indonesian invasion of Timor. The specific case study suggests a more general observation about human rights and Canadian foreign policy : that where trade-offs must be made, economic and diplomatic interests will tend to prevail over concerns about human rights violations.
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Justisia, Vita. "Peran Ilmu Politik Dalam Mendukung Hak Asasi Manusia di Indonesia." Jurnal Studi Sosial dan Politik 2, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 149–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jssp.v2i2.4058.
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Human rights is an idea that have a long process in the history of human civilization. Human rights always have a correlative relationship with human duty because of the nature of human nature as individuals and social beings. Human Rights has incuded in the Constitution of the Republic Indonesia UUD-RI 1945. The history of the Indonesian nation records the occurrence of various gross human rights violations such as crimes against humanity that occurred in East Timor, Aceh, Jakarta and in some other areas that have not completed the handling, whereas in the field of legislation of the Government of Indonesia has made various efforts to make laws and ratify them from various international instruments on human rights. This is due to the unrelated legislation existing with the political will of the government. Political science is concerned with the state's governance, State’s governance deals with key officials setting policy directions including human rights policies. For the public it is important to study political science so that the public can contribute to the political will of the government in the field of law enforcement of human rights in Indonesia.
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Herry, Musleh. "EKSISTENSI PERADILAN HAM TERHADAP PELANGGARAN HAM DI TIMOR TIMUR." El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 2, no. 1 (August 22, 2008): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/el.v2i1.4725.
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<p> </p><p>The state of Indonesia is a state based on law (rechtstaat) and not based on mere power (machststaat). This implies that the state, including the Government and other state institutions in carrying out any action must be lawful or legally accountable. Human rights are principally universally applicable, but their applications vary greatly according to the style and basic attitudes of cultures adopted by a nation. Human rights in the country of Indonesia starting from the disappearance of East Timor post-opinion that accuses the involvement of the Indonesian military is behind it, the new draft law (RUU) is based on an agreement between the drafting team of the bill consisting of experts and legal practitioners and Parliament will impose these laws will retroactively apply indefinitely.</p><p> </p><p>Negara Indonesia adalah negara yang berdasarkan atas hukum ( rechtstaat ) dan tidak berdasarkan atas kekuasaan belaka (machststaat). Ini mengandung arti bahwa negara, termasuk didalamnya Pemerintah dan lembaga-lembaga negara yang lain dalam melaksanakan tindakan apapun harus berdasarkan hukum atau harus dapat dipertanggungjawabkan secara hukum. Hak Asasi Manusia pada prinsipnya berlaku secara universal, hanya saja aplikasinya sangat bervariasi sesuai dengan corak dan sikap dasar budaya yang dianut oleh suatu bangsa. Hak Asasi Manusia dinegara Indonesia mulai dari pembumi-hangusan Timor Timur pasca pendapat yang menuding keterlibatan militer Indonesia berada dibelakang semua itu, baru rancangan undang-undang (RUU) inilah berdasarkan kesepakatan antara tim penyusun RUU yang terdiri dari pakar dan praktisi hukum dan DPR akan memberlakukan undang-undanng ini nantinya berlaku surut (retroactive) tanpa batas waktu.</p>
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Oki, Kamilaus Konstanse, and Margareta Diana Pangastuti. "Peran Sumber Daya Pada Pertumbuhan Ekonomi Daerah Perbatasan Timor Leste." e-Journal Ekonomi Bisnis dan Akuntansi 7, no. 2 (September 3, 2020): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/ejeba.v7i2.18421.
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Economic growth is an important indicator of the success of development. The ability of resources is a determining factor driving economic growth. Belu Regency is a regency in East Nusa Tenggara Province, located on the Indonesia-Timor Leste border, has economic and political strategic value. Human resources, natural resources and the budget are the real sector of the economy in driving economic growth. The research objective was to analyze the effect of resources on the economic growth of Belu district. The study was conducted using secondary data and SmartPLS was the analysis tool. The results of the study, the relationship of natural resources directly with welfare is negative and will be positive when the indirect relationship through the budget. The direct and indirect relationship of human resources with welfare through the budget is positive, but the direct value relationship is smaller when compared to the indirect relationship. This shows that the budget that is formed from the wealth of natural resources and human resources is an important factor in creating public welfare as measured through economic growth. Budgets sourced from local and central government are increasing every year. The creation of the government and elements of society make the most of resources. The attention of the central government through balancing funds is very high. This is because Belu district located on the Indonesia-Timor Leste border is a macroeconomic picture of the border country
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Habaora, Fellyanus, Jefirstson Richset Riwukore, Hilda Manafe, Yohanes Susanto, and Tien Yustini. "Strategi Pencegahan dan Pemberantasan Korupsi di Pemerintah Kota Kupang, Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur, Indonesia." Aspirasi: Jurnal Masalah-masalah Sosial 11, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 229–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46807/aspirasi.v11i2.1556.
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Kupang is the most corrupt city based on a survey by Transparency International Indonesia. The problem is what are the causes of corruption in Kupang City? and what are the strategies the Kupang City Government could adopt to prevent and eradicate corruption in its regions? This research identifies corruption behavior based on terminology, behavioral factors, a mode that is often used to commit corruption, and what must be done to overcome it The method used in this research was an explanatory method using secondary data. Qualitative analysis was then conducted using SWOT analysis. Results showed that corruption is an action to enrich themselves, their families, groups, and corporations by violating rules, norms, and human rights through the exploitation of economic, political, socio-cultural, and environmental resources by maximizing the potential of their resources (position, network, and power). Factors that cause corruption are individual motivations and poor government organization systems and will increase the influence of corruption if it is supported by an environment in which individuals and poor systems are located. Based on this, the strategies that can be carried out by Kota Kupang Government are to immediately carry out an MoU with law enforcement institutions; to use electronic or online systems for all financial transactions within the government; to form a task force against extortion in the government; to enforce financial reporting for all officials within the government; to have a more efficient government budget for a dual and unnecessary function to open access for public monitoring through electronic database, and to have an integrity pact-based performance measurement. AbstrakPenelitian ini mengidentifikasi perilaku korupsi berdasarkan terminologi, faktor penyebab perilaku, modus yang sering dilakukan untuk melakukan korupsi, dan apa yang harus dilakukan untuk mengatasinya. Metode yang digunakan untuk melakukan penelitian ini adalah penelitian eksplanatif menggunakan data sekunder. Kemudian dianalisis secara kualitatif berdasarkan hasil analisis SWOT. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa korupsi adalah tindakan untuk memperkaya diri, keluarga, kelompok, dan korporasinya dengan cara melanggar aturan, melanggar norma, melanggar hak asasi manusia melalui eksploitasi sumberdaya ekonomi, politik, sosial budaya, dan lingkungan hidup dengan memaksimalkan potensi sumberdaya yang dimiliki (jabatan, jaringan, dan kekuasaan). Faktor penyebab korupsi adalah motivasi individu dan sistem organisasi pemerintah yang buruk, dan akan semakin meningkat pengaruh korupsi jika didukung oleh lingkungan dimana individu dan sistem yang buruk berada. Berdasarkan hal tersebut maka strategi yang dapat dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Kota Kupang adalah segera melakukan Memorandum of Understanding dengan lembaga penegakan hukum, segala transaksi keuangan di pemerintahan menggunakan transaksi elektronik atau online, pemerintah membentuk gugus tugas pemberantasan pungli di pemerintahan, memberlakukan pelaporan keuangan pada pejabat di lingkup pemerintahan, efisiensi anggaran pemerintahan yang ganda fungsi dan tidak bermanfaat, membuka akses pemantauan publik melalui base data elektronik, dan pengukuran kinerja berbasis pakta integritas.
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Hodge, Joel. "Church, State and Secularism in Asia: The Public Nature of the Church in Timor-Leste." International Journal of Practical Theology 16, no. 2 (May 2013): 323–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijpt-2012-0020.
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Abstract The Western discourse and norms around secularism, particularly Church-state relations, are foreign in many ways to the majority world, especially Asia. However, as the modern nation-state has taken root in Asia, different models of secularism have developed with interesting relationships to the particular cultural and religious context of each country. In the difficult course of forming a secular nation-state, Asian nations have had to address the dominant religious traditions and institutions of each nation, including Christian churches. This process has occasionally provoked conflict and has presented a particular dilemma to Christian churches in how to respond and relate to the developing nation-state. In order for theology to adequately address this situation (particular the context of modern secular discourses) and conceptualise the public shape and role of the church, a practical examination of the church’s relationship to and formation of culture and politics is required. To explore this process, this essay examines the case of Timor-Leste (or East Timor) and its relationship with the Roman Catholic Church, particularly in regards to the state-building process that has occurred after independence. The Church’s influence, which grew rapidly during the Indonesian occupation (1975–1999), has been contested since independence by some in the political sphere, such as in the 2005 dispute with the Government. By examining the 2005 dispute, the essay analyses the nature of the Catholic Church’s influence on Timorese cultural and political identity and her relationship with the new Timorese nation-state. The essay identifies the different models of secularism operative in Timor as they have relevance to the Asian context more generally.
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Posma Sariguna Johnson Kennedy, Suzanna Josephine L.Tobing, Rutman L. Toruan, Anton Nomleni, and Santi Lina. "Discussion Activities on Educational Problems at the Border of Nusa Tenggara Timur with Nusa Cendana University Students." ABDIKAN: Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Bidang Sains dan Teknologi 1, no. 3 (August 28, 2022): 333–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.55123/abdikan.v1i3.738.
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This activity aims to deepen educational problems in Nusa Tenggara Timur Province (NTT) border between Indonesia and Timor Leste. The implementation of this activity is to conduct discussions to increase understanding of strategic issues regarding educational problems with lecturers and postgraduate students at Nusa Cendana University, Kupang NTT. The method of writing this paper is to use a qualitative approach by reviewing various kinds of literature and discussions carried out. The growth of education services in NTT is increasing in line with educational investments made by the government, such as increasing the number of classrooms in high schools, vocational schools, and universities/polytechnics. However, the average education rating in NTT is still the fourth lowest in Indonesia. The district with the worst conditions on the border is Malacca. The areas that need attention as the next priority are the districts of Kupang and Belu, which the State of Timor Leste borders.
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Sari, Ira Permata. "Minimalisasi Ruang Intervensi Kekuatan Bisnis Retail Indomaret terhadap Pembangunan Desa Arjowilangun, Kabupaten Malang, Jawa Timur." Journal of Regional and Rural Development Planning 2, no. 3 (December 11, 2018): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.29244/jp2wd.2018.2.3.258-268.
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<p>Intervention of market forces, such as Indomaret retail business, becomes a mainstream and given space as a major force by the government in development in Indonesia. In practice, various government policies places intervention of market forces as driving actors for the political, economic, social, and cultural transformation. Using the case of Indomaret's rejection in Arjowilangun Village, Malang Regency in 2015 and using qualitative research study, this paper explains how villagers do not give space for market in the village development process. From this study, intervention of market forces that had been the mainstream of government policy in development is not placed by villagers as the only force able to carry out development in the village. This situation is due to the collision between market forces that come from outside with the economic power of the villagers that not only change the economy, society, and culture of the village, but also influence the political transformation of the village. Thus, when market forces tried to intervene village development, they have to face the major force of the village that have been built slowly since the village experienced economic slump in the 1970s. <br /><br /></p>
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Borgerhoff, Andre. "The Double Task: Nation- and State-Building in Timor-Leste." European Journal of East Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (2006): 101–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006106777998098.
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AbstractTimor-Leste has been facing the arduous task of building a viable nation-state since the country's 2002 restoration of independence. The dual challenge consists of interdependent efforts at nation-building and state-building. The author discusses both terms with regard to their relevance to public education and economic development. He raises the question of why nation-building and state-building experience rather contrary prioritisations in these functionally close policy fields. In the educational sector, government activities demonstrate Fretilin's orientation towards Portuguese-speaking countries. The introduction of Portuguese as an official language has accentuated existing lingual and generational cleavage lines. Economic policy in Timor-Leste, however, tends to be more pragmatic and less ideological. The article aims to make an innovative contribution to the interrelationship of nation-building and economic development by addressing important issues on the agenda such as the exploitation of oil, agriculture, tourism, the economic dependency on the former oppressor Indonesia, and foreign aid. The author argues that economic growth will eventually shape the future format of the East Timorese nation as either a new self-confident political player or a withdrawn peasant nation.
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Sumby, Evelyn Bellatrix. "PREVENTION OF ILLEGAL FUEL SMUGGLE IN THE BORDER OF EAST NUSA TENGGARA AND TIMOR LESTE." de Jure Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Hukum 2, no. 2 (June 2, 2021): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33387/dejure.v2i2.3132.
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Indonesia is one of the countries with abundant natural resources, this can be seen from the abundant human resources that are able to improve the management of existing natural resources. This is also emphasized in Article 33 paragraph 3 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia (UUD RI 1945). A different fact is faced by small communities in the border area between Nusa Tenggara Timur Indonesia and Timor Leste. The problem is that the small communities there are not unable to enjoy subsidy relief due to wrong targets but because of smuggling carried out to neighboring countries. In several criminal cases that occurred in the border area between East Nusa Tenggara and Timor Leste, one of them was the Indonesian National Armed Forces (Satgas Pamtas) RI-RDTL East Sector Border Security Task Force, Yonif Raider 408 / Sbh, thwarted the smuggling of thousands of liters of fuel oil. (BBM) in the RI-RDTL border area.There have been many efforts made by the government to improve the welfare of its citizens by utilizing existing natural resources, especially in the oil and gas sector, one of which is in terms of access to energy consumption through fuel oil (BBM) subsidies which are still being debated. Some are of the view that state assistance must be maintained, but on the other hand, they still think that fuel subsidies are still not on target. A different fact is faced by small communities in the border area between Nusa Tenggara Timur Indonesia and Timor Leste. In addition, at the opening of the International Convention on Indonesian Upstream Oil and Gas 2020, which was organized by SKK Migas, the Government also supported the improvement of the investment climate in Indonesia's upstream oil and natural gas (oil and gas) sector, amid a decline in national oil and gas production and sluggish movement of strategic industries due to the the Covid-19 pandemic.
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Pompe, S. "Human Rights in Indonesia: Between Universal and National, Between State and Society." Leiden Journal of International Law 7, no. 2 (1994): 85–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002995.
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There can be no doubt that the varied and complex Indonesian legal scene over the past year or so was dominated by the single issue of human rights. For the Indonesian government of course, East Timor amongst so many other matters ensures that human rights have dominated its long string of worrying beads for decades. Nevertheless, from about May 1993 onwards, a series of events conspired to confront broad sections of the Indonesian public with the issue of human rights in a way so real, tangible and urgent, that much of the news has been dominated by it to the present date. The resulting mobilisation of Indonesian public opinion forced the Indonesian government to come out in the open on human rights in a way it might have preferred to prevent.
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Saragih, Evi Irawanti. "NOVEL KISAH TRAGIS OEI HUI LAN REPRESENTATION OF LIMITATION OF THE EAST AND DEPENDENCE ON THE WESTERN WORLD." E-LINK JOURNAL 8, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.30736/ej.v8i2.468.
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ABSTRACTThis study uses novel Kisah Tragis Oei Hui Lan Putri Orang Terkaya di Indonesia as material object and theory of representation and orientalism initiated by Edward Said become object formal. The study tries to answer research problem namely how the form of limitations and dependence shown by the character of Chinese descent as a representation of Eastern Society of the West. The results shows that every character as representatives of Eastern society had shown dependence on the West. Oei Tiong Ham, Oei Hui Lan’s Father need the help of Dutch officials and government to run his business. Wellington Koo, Oei Hui Lan's husband depends a lot on the West in politic. It is because there are some opinions that west has tremendous power and advance in technology, military, science that still deeply rooted in Eastern societies today and difficult to avoid so creates dependence which is definition of limited condition.Key Words: East-West, Novel, Orientalism, RepresentationABSTRAKPenelitian ini menggunakan novel Kisah Tragis Oei Hui Lan Putri Orang Terkaya di Indonesia sebagai objek materil, serta teori representasi dan orientalisme yang digagas oleh Edward Said menjadi objek formal. Penelitian berusaha menjawab rumusan masalah yakni bagaimana bentuk keterbatasan serta ketergantungan yang ditunjukkan para tokoh keturunan Tionghoa sebagai representasi Masyarakat Timur pada dunia Barat dalam novel ini. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa para tokoh sebagai representasi masyarakat Timur telah menunjukkan ketergantungan pada dunia Barat. Oei Tiong Ham, Ayah dari Oei Hui Lan membutuhkan bantuan pejabat dan pemerintah Belanda untuk melancarkan bisnisnya. Wellington Koo, suami Oei Hui Lan banyak bergantung pada Barat dalam hal politik. Hal ini disebabkan oleh adanya pandangan bahwa Barat memiliki kekuatan yang luar biasa karena kemajuannya pada bidang teknologi, militer, ilmu pengetahuan yang masih mengakar kuat dalam pikiran masyarakat Timur bahkan hingga saat ini dan sulit dihindari sehingga menimbulkan ketergantungan yang tidak lain merupakan definisi dari keadaan terbatas. Kata Kunci: Novel, Orientalisme, Representasi, Timur – Barat
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Rahayu, Susi Dian, and Chairunnisa Chairunnisa. "Gender and Development (GAD): Keterpilihan Perempuan dalam Pilkada Serentak 2015, 2017 dan 2018 di Provinsi Jawa Timur." Jurnal Adhyasta Pemilu 1, no. 2 (December 6, 2021): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.55108/jap.v1i2.18.
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The changes of the local government management system after the New Order regime from centralistic to decentralized provide significant changes to the region in Indonesia. Since that time, the region can determine its own affairs and needs, including the regional head. Direct regional head election (local election) is a product of decentralization. Through direct elections, the people have the right to determine their regional heads. In addition, direct elections also opened up opportunities for female candidates to compete in the elections, not a few of them won the contest. In the aftermath of the 2018 Local election, East Java Province has ten female regional heads spread in 38 regency/city, and is the only Province in Indonesia which is currently headed by a female governor. This paper analyzes the electability of women in the localelections in 2015, 2017 and 2018 in East Java as an implementation of the Gender and Development (GAD) concept. In addition, the analysis used in assessing women’s electability in the local election in East Java Province uses four indicators, namely the basis of electability, the pattern of recruitment, regeneration of political party and also bonding with the community (grassroots).
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Arlan, Adri. "ASEAN, INDONESIA DAN RUSIA TIMUR JAUH: PELUANG DAN DIVERSIFIKASI [ASEAN, INDONESIA AND RUSSIA FAR EAST: OPPORTUNITIES AND DIVERSIFICATION]." Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) 11, no. 22 (June 12, 2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v11i22.2456.
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<p><span>Indonesia-Russia relations started at the end of World War II. Early relations were poor but became close during the Sukarno period. The post-Soviet era ushered a new height of Russia’s political, diplomatic, and economic presence in Southeast Asia. After the dissolution of the United Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR), Russia has focused on a grand re-engineering project, an important component of institutional stability. Part of the re-structuring included ambitious actions to re-brand a powerful image of her position in Southeast Asia, and in Asia and the Pacific, in general. Scholars have argued that there is a lack of knowledge in terms of Russia’s relations with countries of Southeast Asia (ASEAN). This can be explained by Russia’s unfamiliarity over the region’s diversity and by her insecurity with the dominance of the United States and China, among others. Nevertheless, the Putin Government has shifted its lens towards the Southeast Asian region by establishing stronger ties in areas of security and defense, energy development, and trade and people-to-people exchanges. This paper employs an ‘ethic’ perspective analysis of the actions taken by Russia in these areas and suggests possible future actions to enhance collaboration and cooperation with Southeast Asian countries such as Indonesia.</span></p><p><strong>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK:</strong> Hubungan Indonesia-Rusia telah dimulai sejak berakhirnya Perang Dunia ke II. Kerja sama yang terjadi antara kedua negara terjalin cukup erat di era Presiden Sukarno. Pasca runtuhnya Uni Soviet terjadi perubahan dinamika dalam hubungan politik, diplomatik dan ekonomi Rusia di Asia Tenggara. Saat ini Rusia fokus dalam menata ulang <em>grand strategy</em> penguatan kestabilan institusi baik dalam maupun luar negeri. Dalam hal penataan ulang kebijakan strategi luar negeri, Rusia berupaya untuk menciptakan <em>image</em> baru di Asia Tenggara dan Pasifik. Secara umum, para ahli berargumen bahwa masih minimnya wawasan dalam konteks hubungan Rusia dan Asosiasi Negara di Asia Tenggara (ASEAN). Hal ini dijelaskan dengan minimnya peran Rusia dalam hal kerja sama dan insekuritas akibat dominasi Amerika Serikat dan Republik Rakyat Tiongkok yang sudah mengakar kuat di kawasan. Namun demikian, administrasi Putin mencoba meningkatkan perhatiannya ke ASEAN dengan meningkatkan ikatan kerja sama dalam sektor pertahanan dan keamanan, energi, perdagangan dan <em>people to people</em> <em>contact</em>. Tulisan ini mengulas pendekatan ‘etis<a href="#_msocom_1">[</a>’ berupa pola kebijakan kerja sama yang diimplementasikan oleh Moskow serta rekomendasi diversifikasi kerja sama Rusia dengan negara di Asia Tenggara seperti Indonesia.</p>
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Syuryadi, Novfitri, Drajat Martianto, and Dadang Sukandar. "Pengembangan Metode Evaluasi Komitmen Ketahanan Pangan Dan Gizi Pemerintah Daerah Provinsi Di Indonesia." Amerta Nutrition 4, no. 2 (June 18, 2020): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/amnt.v4i2.2020.140-146.
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Background: Methods of evaluation of the regional government’s commitment in the development of food and nutrition security are not yet available. The index that measures the government’s commitment to national food and nutrition security is HANCI. Therefore, this study aimed to develop a method of evaluating the commitment of the regional government in the development of food and nutrition security.Objectives: This study aimed to develop a method of evaluating the commitment of regional government in the development of food and nutrition security. Methods: The design of this study was a cross-sectional study using secondary data that refers to HANCI measurements. This research stage consisted of identification of potential indicators, qualitative selection of candidate indicator, assessment of indicator used the scoring method, and applied the method to provinces in Indonesia. Results: The result showed shortlist of 42 commitment indicators of food and nutrition security and aggregate score of provinces. Only 2.9% of provinces had high commitment and 17.6% of provinces with low commitment level. Highest rank was achieved by East Java Province and the lowest rank was East Nusa Tenggara Province. Low political commitment could lead to low priority of food and nutrition interventions. The government was in need to make regulations/policies and prepare adequate budgets for specific and sensitive food and nutrition programs.Conclusions: Development of this evaluation method is relevant to show the commitment of the regional government. The government needs to improve efforts to address problems of food and nutrition.ABSTRAK Latar Belakang: Metode evaluasi komitmen pemerintah daerah provinsi dalam pembangunan ketahanan pangan dan gizi saat ini belum tersedia. Index yang mengukur komitmen pemerintah terhadap ketahanan pangan dan gizi secara nasional adalah HANCI. Oleh karena itu, studi ini bertujuan untuk mengembangkan metode evaluasi komitmen pemerintah daerah provinsi dalam pembangunan ketahanan pangan dan gizi.Tujuan: Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengembangkan metode evaluasi komitmen pemerintah daerah provinsi dalam pengembangan ketahanan pangan dan gizi.Metode: Desain penelitian ini adalah cross-sectional study dengan menggunakan data sekunder yang mengacu pada pengukuran HANCI. Tahap penelitian terdiri dari identifikasi indikator potensial, seleksi calon indikator secara kualitatif, perhitungan skor menggunakan metode scoring, dan aplikasi metode pada provinsi di Indonesia.Hasil: Hasil menunjukkan shortlist 42 indikator komitmen ketahanan pangan dan gizi dan skor agregat provinsi. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian diketahui bahwa hanya 2,9% provinsi yang memiliki komitmen tinggi dan 17,6% provinsi memiliki tingkat komitmen rendah. Provinsi Jawa Timur berada pada peringkat pertama sedangkan peringkat terakhir ditempati oleh Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur. Komitmen politik yang rendah dapat menyebabkan rendahnya prioritas intervensi pangan dan gizi. Pemerintah perlu membuat peraturan/kebijakan dan menyiapkan anggaran yang memadai untuk program pangan dan gizi secara spesifik maupun sensitif.Kesimpulan: Pengembangan metode telah relevan digunakan untuk melihat komitmen pemerintah daerah provinsi. Pemerintah perlu meningkatkan upaya berupa pembuatan peraturan dan kebijakan serta anggaran untuk penanganan masalah pangan dan gizi.
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Muchsin, Misri A. "KESULTANAN PEUREULAK DAN DISKURSUS TITIK NOL PERADABAN ISLAM NUSANTARA." Journal of Contemporary Islam and Muslim Societies 2, no. 2 (February 12, 2019): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.30821/jcims.v2i2.3154.
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<p><strong>Abstrak:</strong> Pada Maret 2017, pemerintah Indonesia menetapkan Barus sebagai titik nol peradaban Islam Indonesia, yang ditandai dengan pembangunan sebuah monumen sederhana yang diresmikan langsung oleh Presiden RI. Para sejarawan Muslim memberikan respons terhadap kebijakan tersebut, ada yang mendukung dan ada yang tidak. Penulis merasa penting untuk sekali lagi menekankan bahwa Peureulak di pantai timur Sumatra adalah kerajaan Islam tertua di Indonesia bahkan Asia Tenggara. Sesungguhnya ini sudah merupakan kesimpulan dari sejumlah kajian para sejarawan. Sebab itu, dari perspektif akademik, penetapan Barus sebagai titik nol peradaban Islam masih perlu dikaji dan ditinjau kembali. Sebab meskipun Barus menjadi lokasi pertama yang menerima Islam pertama sekali, tetapi masyarakat Muslim di sana tidak membentuk kekuatan politik, melainkan Peureulak lah yang sukses mencapai kekuatan politik Islam pertama di Nusantara.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> Peureulak Sultanate and the Discourse on ‘Zero Point of Nusantara’s Islamic Civilization’. In March 2017, Indonesian Government officially recognized Barus, a historical small city at the western coast of Sumatra, as the zero point of Indonesian Islamic Civilization. This recognition was marked by a relatively modest monument, inaugurated by the President of the Republic of Indonesia. Muslim historians responded differently: some agree and others disagree. The present author finds it very important to underline once again that Peureulak Sultanate at the eastern coast of Aceh was the first sizeable Islamic Kingdom of not just the Indonesia archipelago but also of the whole Southeast Asian archipelago. As a matter of fact, this has been the conclusion of several historical studies. Therefore, from scholarly point of view, the placement of this important monument at Barus needs to be studied and revisited. While Barus was indeed the first point of the arrival of Islam, the Muslim community there did not form any sizeable socio-political force. Peureulak, on the other hand, was successful in doing so.</p><p><strong>Kata Kunci:</strong> Peureulak, Aceh, Nusantara, politik</p>
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Posma Sariguna Johnson Kennedy. "Increasing Understanding of Food Security Program in Malaka District on the Nusa Tenggara Timur Border Between Indonesia and Timor Leste." ABDISOSHUM: Jurnal Pengabdian Masyarakat Bidang Sosial dan Humaniora 1, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 381–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.55123/abdisoshum.v1i3.1023.
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Food security is closely related to health, one aspect of well-being and the main focus of human development. Efforts to avoid food insecurity are experienced in areas with natural conditions and relatively little rainfall, such as the Nusa Tenggara Timur Province, especially in the Malaka Regency, the border area of Indonesia-Timor Leste. This community service activity aims to deepen understanding of Malaka Regency has food security by looking at the Malaka Agricultural Revolution Program (RPM), the policy to increase community economic productivity. We are writing this activity with a descriptive method using a simple qualitative approach. Data sources come from various literature and discussions with the government (Bupati) and the people of Malaka Regency. The RPM program positively impacts agronomic performance (rice, corn, and shallots) so that it can increase productivity, agricultural production, income and community welfare. However, there are still factors that hinder the implementation of the RPM Program, including internal factors (knowledge, skills and attitudes of farmers in dealing with changes brought about by the RPM program) and external factors (climate, availability of fertilizers, technology, etc).
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Aritonang, Arthur. "Bangkitnya Islam Radikal dan Nasionalisme: Studi tentang Gerakan Islam Wahabi." Jurnal EFATA: Jurnal Teologi dan Pelayanan 6, no. 2 (November 23, 2020): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.47543/efata.v6i2.29.
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This article describes the contemporary phenomenon in which Muslims in Indonesia since the reform era have been indicated by the ideology of Wahhabism from the Middle East. From the beginning, one of the goals of NU's presence as the largest moderate Islamic organization in Indonesia and the world was to anticipate the inclusion of Wahhabism, which at that time was already widespread in the Middle East. During the new order radical Islamic character organizations did not have a place in this country but after the fall of the new order regime and then entered the era of reform (democracy and freedom of expression) radical-colored Muslims see this as a great opportunity whose basis is as governed by the Law namely the right to establish community organizations or political parties. This opportunity is used to build organizations in the name of Islam and then spread the doctrine of Wahhabism in Indonesia by building mosques, entering several pesantren, and even some Universitas in Indonesia have been exposed to radicalism. The activity was entirely sponsored by Saudi Arabia but not by the Saudi Arabian government. Therefore, the ideology of Wahhabism is clearly contrary to Pancasila and the spirit of nationalism because it actually endangers the existence of fellow Muslims, Christianity and other religions in Indonesia.AbstrakArtikel ini menguraikan fenomena kontemporer dimana umat Islam di Indonesia sejak era reformasi telah terindikasi oleh faham wahabisme dari Timur Tengah. Sejak semula, salah satu tujuan dari kehadiran NU sebagai organisasi Islam moderat terbesar di Indonesia maupun dunia, yaitu mengantisipasi masuknya faham wahabisme yang ketika itu sudah menyebar luas di Timur Tengah. Semasa orde baru organisasi Islam berwatak radikal tidak mendapat tempat di negeri ini, namun setelah tumbangnya rezim orde baru dan kemudian memasuki era reformasi (demokrasi dan kebebasan bereskpresi) umat Islam yang berwatak radikal melihat ini sebagai peluang besar yang dasarnya ialah sebagaimana yang diatur oleh Undang-Undang, yaitu hak untuk mendirikan organisasi kemasyarakat atau pun partai politik. Peluang ini dimanfaatkan untuk membangun organisasi yang mengatasnamakan Islam, kemudian menyebarkan doktrin wahabisme di Indonesia dengan cara membangun masjid, masuk ke beberapa pesantren, bahkan beberapa Universitas di Indonesia sudah terpapar radikalisme. Kegiatan tersebut seluruhnya disponsori oleh Arab Saudi, tetapi bukan berasal dari pemerintah Arab Saudi. Oleh karenanya, faham wahabisme jelas bertentangan dengan Pancasila dan semangat nasionalisme, sebab ini justru membahayakan bagi eksistensi sesama Islam, kekristenan dan agama-agama lainnya di Indonesia.
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Narayan, Monishka, Ken Evans, Bijay Lamsal, Rozeeta Thapa, James Miller, Sarah Hobgen, Bronwyn Myers, et al. "Deployment of Open Data Kit for Information Management for Various Engineering Projects In Rural, Indonesia." International Research Journal of Electronics and Computer Engineering 3, no. 1 (March 29, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24178/irjece.2017.3.1.01.
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Abstract—Open data kit was used in an Engineering context as a data collection, storage and management tool for diverse data types from irrigation channels, weirs, saturated rice paddies and ephemeral stream catchments in the Eastern Indonesian province of Nusa Tenggara Timur. In the islands of West Timor and Flores, information was primarily used to report maintenance issues in the weir, primary, secondary, tertiary and quaternary channels. In Sumba, data was recorded for flow velocity and elevation in saturated zones and sedimentation in an ephemeral stream. Information regarding physical characteristics from groundwater wells was also collected to assess drinking water quality. Smart phone data input forms were developed progressively using Open data kit Build, according to the specific needs of each research project. It was found to be a very user-friendly and effective tool to use in the Engineering context. The features of Open data kit Build allowed us to modify the various forms in remote locations. Developing multiple choice input focused forms made data collection easier for farmers and local government workers. It virtually eliminated the need for hardcopy data, and allowed for versatility with respect to the nature of the multidisciplinary research.
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Zakharov, Anton. "Campaign Medals of Indonesia." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-2 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840009506-5.
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The orders, decorations and medals of Indonesia are bit a mystery for scholars and even collectors. Indonesia proclaimed its Independence on August 17, 1945. Since that date, the Indonesian government has elaborated a full-fledged awards system. The last important amendments took place in 2009 when the Law No. 20 “About the titles, medals and decorations” was signed by the then President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 20 Tahun 2009 tentang Gelar, Tanda Jasa, dan Tanda Kehormatan). Currently there are fourteen orders (bintang) and over thirty medals (satyalancana) in the Indonesian awards system. Several orders and medals became obsolete. In total, there are about fifty governmental medals in the history of Indonesia since Independence. But if one adds classes of several service medals, the count ever increases. My paper examines the campaign medals of the Republic of Indonesia. Those are The Seven Paths or Faithful Warrior Medal (Satyalancana Saptamarga), The First and Second Independence Wars Medals (Satyalancana-Satyalancana Peristiwa/ Satyalancana Perang Kemerdekaan kesatu dan kedua), The Campaign Medals I—VII (Satyalancana-Satyalancana Gerakan Operasi MiliterI—VII), The Pioneer of the Independence Movement Medal (Satyalancana Perintis Pergerakan Kemerdekaan), The Faithful Service or Satya Dharma Medal (Satyalancana Satya Dharma), The Courage or Wira Dharma Medal (Satyalancana Wira Dharma), The Defender Medal or Medal for Combatting Communism (Satyalancana Penegak), The Eighth Campaign Medal “The Defender of the Law” (Satyalancana Gerakan Operasi MiliterVIII “ Dharma Phala”), The Ninth Campaign Medal “The Giant of Duties” (Satyalancana Gerakan Operasi MiliterIX “Raksaka Dharma”), and The Lotus or Timor Military Campaign Medal (Satyalancana Seroja). There are two basic types of Indonesian campaign medals. The first type has the round form with a wavy edge. The second type is the pentagonal star with concave sides and with balls on the vertexes of all the angles. The latter type reflects the State ideology of the Five Principles (Pancasila) proclaimed by Sukarno in 1945. The first type of campaign medals seemingly reflects the connections between fire, virility, masculinity and military actions in the traditional Javanese culture; at least, the traditional Javanese dagger Kris often has a wavy blade.
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Heru Sudinta, Dwikora Harjo, Iwan Irwansyah, and Francky William Leonardo Lona. "Motor Vehicle Tax Collection Potential and Fees for Returning the Name of Motor Vehicles in Belu Regency, Nusa Tenggara Timur." East Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Research 1, no. 7 (August 31, 2022): 1449–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.55927/eajmr.v1i7.947.
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Regional Taxes in Indonesia consist of several types of tax objects, one of which is Motor Vehicle Tax (PKB) and Motor Vehicle Name Transfer Fee (BBNKB). There are still many obstacles that cause the realization of this type of tax revenue in certain years not to meet the targets set by the Government, including revenues in Belu Regency, East Nusa Tenggara. In 2017 PKB revenues reached 98.49% and BBNKB 98.03%, in 2018 PKB reached 101.10% and BBNKB 104.40%, in 2019 PKB only reached 76.56% and BBNKB 79.74%. On the other hand, the number of registered motorized vehicles has increased every year. This study was conducted to analyze the Potential for Collecting Motor Vehicle Taxes and Motor Vehicle Transfer Fees at the Atambua Samsat Joint Office, Belu Regency, East Nusa Tenggara Province from 2017 to 2019. Kenneth Davey's potential theory is used as a reference in this study, this theory says that to assessing the potential and performance of a type of levy requires the fulfillment of several dimensions, namely adequacy and elasticity, fairness, administrative capacity, political agreement, economic efficiency and suitability as a regional levy. The approach used in this research is a qualitative approach with a descriptive method. Collecting data in this study by conducting observations, documentation and interviews. The results of this study indicate that the Potential for Collecting PKB and BBNKB in 2019 did not reach the target due to several obstacles faced by the Atambua Samsat Joint Office, such as the lack of infrastructure, public awareness and knowledge about PKB and BBNKB which is still low.
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Mage, Mernon Yerlinda, Susana Prapunoto, and A. Ign Kristijanto. "DINAMIKA DUKUNGAN SUAMI PADA KECEMASAN IBU NIFAS DALAM RUMAH BULAT." Jurnal Psikologi Ulayat 7, no. 1 (May 6, 2020): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24854/jpu02019-279.
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Abstract – This study aims to explore the role of husbands’ support in assisting their wives to overcome anxiety during puerperium. The study took place at Rumah Bulat (a traditional house especially designed for mothers in their puerperial period and their babies) in Putun Villange, Central Southern Timor, East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia. A qualitative approach was employed, participated by two married couples who had undergone or were undergoing postpartum period in Rumah Bulat. Descriptive analysis using thematic coding procedure suggests four types of husband support to their wives during puerperal period: instrumental support, psychosocial support, emotional support, and spiritual support. Each support was conveyed by each participant in different forms and had an impact in reducing postpartum maternal anxiety. The study’s result provides reference to the government and local communities regarding how to provide support for women in the puerperal period, which is still understudied. Abstrak — Penelitian ini bertujuan mendeskripsikan bentuk dan dinamika dukungan suami terhadap kecemasan istri pada masa nifas. Studi ini dilakukan di Rumah Bulat (sebuah rumah adat yang khusus dibangun untuk perawatan ibu dan bayi pada masa nifas) di Desa Putun, Kabupaten Timor Tengah Selatan, Nusa Tenggara Timur, Indonesia. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan dua pasangan suami-istri yang sudah atau sedang menjalani nifas dalam Rumah Bulat sebagai partisipan. Hasil analisis deskriptif menggunakan teknik analisis tematik menunjukkan bahwa terdapat empat bentuk dukungan suami yang diberikan selama ibu nifas berada dalam pengasingan, yaitu dukungan instrumental, dukungan psikososial, dukungan emosional, dan dukungan spiritual. Setiap dukungan disampaikan masing-masing partisipan dengan cara yang berbeda-beda dan berdampak dalam menurunkan kecemasan ibu nifas. Hasil penelitian ini dapat menjadi acuan, baik bagi pemerintah maupun komunitas setempat, mengenai bagaimana memberikan dukungan bagi ibu nifas yang masih belum banyak diteliti.
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Akmaliah, Wahyudi. "Indonesian Muslim killings: revisiting the forgotten Talang Sari tragedy (1989) and its impact in post authoritarian regime." Indonesian Journal of Islam and Muslim Societies 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18326/ijims.v5i2.1-34.
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Although the Talang Sari tragedy as a part of the representation of Indonesian Muslim oppression during the authoritarian regime, it is relatively lesser known for Indonesian public. The avoidance of the most Indonesian Muslim who did not support it is one of those facts. Indeed, they did a less attention to talk and to articulate the case to the public. This paper intends to revisit the case of the Talang Sari as one of the unsolved human rights violation during the authoritarian regime. It is not only exploring the case and also examining the context of violence, but also tracing dynamic of the case during and post of authoritarian regime by the emergence of Islah agreement as cultural impu- nity to forget the past for many victims. The questions deals with in this paper are following: what kind of conditions that made the Talang Sari was happen- ing in East Lampung in 1989, South Sumatra during the Suharto presidency? How did the Suharto regime control the discourse of the tragedy in Indone- sian public that eventually encourage most Indonesian Muslim did not actively respond the killings? Although the reformasi era gives an opportunity break silences by asking justice to the current Indonesian government on hu- man rights violation, why those cases, especially the Talang Sari, are unsolved? This paper divided into three parts to answering the questions. Firstly, it is to understand the case of Talang Sari by discussing the context of the New Order’s policy on Indonesian Muslim and its political ideology. Secondly, it is to read deeply mass media in making discourse on the case as one of the triggers for most Indonesian Muslim did not respond it. Thirdly, it is to analyze the Islah agreement (reconciliation in Islamic term) as the primary factor that contrib- uted why cultural impunity has seemingly embedded to bring justice to the victims of violence generally in the post of Suharto regime. Meskipun Peristiwa Talang Sari sebagai bagian dari representasi penindasan masyarakat Muslim Indonesia selama rejim otoriter berkuasa, peristiwa itu jarang diketahui oleh publik Indonesia. Pengabaian kebanyakan Muslim Indo- nesia yang tidak mendukung upaya penyelesaian kasus tersebut adalah salah satu buktinya. Bahkan, mereka tidak membicarakan dan mengangkat kasus Talang Sari di ruang publik. Artikel ini bermaksud melihat kembali peristiwa Talang Sari sebagai salah satu kasus pelanggaran yang belum diselesaikan. Selain mengeksplorasi kasus, menjelaskan konteks kekerasan, artikel ini juga menelusuri dinamika kasus tersebut sebelum dan pasca rejim Orde Baru, khususnya seiring dengan kemunculan Islah sebagai Impunitas Kultural untuk melupakan masa lalu oleh sebagaian korban. Pertanyaannya yang diajukan dalam artikel ini adalah: kondisi-kondisi semacam apa yang membuat kasus Talang Sari terjadi di Lampung Timur pada tahun 1989, Sumatera Selatan saat presiden Suharto berkuasa? Bagaimana rejim Suharto mengontrol wacana peristiwa tersebut yang membuat kebanyakan masyarakat Islam Indonesia tidak menanggapi peristiwa tersebut? Meskipun pasca rejim Orde Baru memberikan kesempatan untuk menyelesaikan kasus tersebut dengan mendesak untuk mengajukan keadilan kepada pemerintah Indonesia, mengapa peristiwa Talang Sari tidak atau belum diselesaikan hingga sekarang?. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan tersebut, saya membagi penjelasan ini kepada tiga bagian. Pertama, memahami kasus Talang Sari dengan mendiskusikan konteks kebijakan rejim Orde Baru dalam menghadapi umat Islam dan ideologi politiknya. Kedua, membaca lebih dalam media cetak dalam membuat wacana peristiwa tersebut melalui liputan yang dibuat. Asumsi ini diajukan karena liputan media tersebut menjadi salah satu penyebab mengapa kebanyakan umat Islam tidak merespon peristiwa tersebut. Ketiga, menganalisis persetujuan Islah, rekonsiliasi dalam perspektif Islam sebagai faktor utama yang memberikan kontribusi terhadap impunitas kultural untuk membawa keadilan ke jalan yang lebih sulit kepada korban secara umum pasca rejim Suharto.
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Pello, Jimmy, and Apolonia Diana Sherly da Costa. "Law Protection for Tuak Tree (Borassus Sundaicus) in Kupang City of the West Timor Island, East Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia." Journal of Geography and Geology 11, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jgg.v11n2p55.
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Lontar tree is one of the biological resources that ecologically has a wide and varied distribution. From the description of Beccari (1913), palm leaves which are growing in Indonesia are Borassus Sundaicus. Lontar tree is a dry land resistant plant that has a wide spread, grows in several areas in Indonesia such as in the eastern part of Java Province (i.e. Madura), Bali, West Nusa Tenggara Province, and East Nusa Tenggara Province (Nusa Tenggara Timur or NTT). NTT is a natural distribution area of palm oil, namely on Timor Island, Flores, Sumba, Savu, Rote and other Islands including in the West Timor Island (Kupang City). For the people in Kupang City, lontar tree is more familiar with the term Tuak tree (Timor’s language) or Palm Tree. Tuak tree has benefits for the culture, social, health and economy of the community. However, with various benefits, of course there are problems, namely the existence of threats to the sustainability of its existence. The development in Kupang City has converted the land where Tuak trees are grown for the benefit of government offices, the private sector, residential settlements, the economy, and other public facilities. The threat to the preservation of Tuak trees is also seen in the mindset of local governments and communities who hold firmly a perspective that the Tuak tree is very difficult to be cultivated by the community because it has a natural resistance to its life. The result has been patterned in the community, that the Tuak tree can grow without being planted and mantained. From a legal standpoint, the regional legal norms seem to support the act of transferring the land of the existence of the Tuak tree, even though, the Indonesian national environmental law explicitly instructs legal regulations to take into account the interests of environmental sustainability. The purpose and contribution of this research is to analyze the readiness of regional legal arrangements regarding Green Open Space related to the protection of the carrying capacity of the Tuak tree in its conservation. The contribution of this study as a basis for the consideration of the Indonesian government and the community in planning the establishment of regional laws to support the protection of the Tuak tree in NTT, especially in Kupang City, as well as further research material in the area. This research method was designed as normative and empirical legal research. The normative direction questions the legal regulation aspect from a juridical technical point of view (Dutsch: Tecnischjuridisch begrippen) and also in the realm of legal theory the question of the concept of legal protection for the Tuak tree is questioned. In strengthening conceptual aspects, an empirical legal thinking is inputted to strengthen the conceptual analysis of legal norms. This study uses the Statue approach, Conceptual approach and Case approach. The sources of legal material are in the form of primary and secondary legal materials. The aspects that were studied are the provisions of conservation law related to tree management and protection in order to protect the green open space in Kupang City, where the legal provisions governing follow-up products from the Indonesian national and regional management, determination of Indonesian regional policies relating to management, cultivation, conservation of the Tuak trees and determination of programs related to the conservation of the Tuak trees, which are associated with protection planning policies, conversion of crop land, protection of local food, other follow-up products from palm wine stems and leaves. The results of the study show that the norms in the Kupang City’s Regulation Number. 7 Year 2000 concerning the Green Open Space contain more spatial concepts than the green concept of the existence of the Tuak tree as a biological resource. The word "green" refers to trees or plants that live and grow in Kupang City, but in its implementation, the Indonesian regional law dominates these regulations which are supported by an Indonesian policy that always changes due to a pressure on land requirements for development in Kupang City. The regional legal planning for the law protection of the Tuak tree in Kupang City has not received serious attention yet from the Indonesian regional legislative and executive councils. The legal plan for the protection of the Tuak tree is supposed to be carried out under conditions where the population of the Tuak tree has not been disturbed naturally through its management various development interests in Kupang City, in the West Timor Island, East Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia.
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Mujahid, Faqih, and Susilo Harjono. "Fenomena Rasionalisasi Anggaran Pilkada yang Telah Disepakati." Jurnal Adhyasta Pemilu 3, no. 1 (December 6, 2021): 83–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.55108/jap.v3i1.34.
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The budget is one aspect that determines the quality of the implementation of regional head elections (Pilkada). The budget problem that arose in the 2020 Pilkada Concurrent was the rationalization carried out by the DPRD on the Pilkada budget which was contained in the Regional Grant Agreement Text (NPHD) even though the NPHD was signed by the Regional Head and Pilkada Organizer (KPU and Bawaslu) as evidence of the budget allocation agreement for the activities of organizing and supervising the Pilkada. Examples of this rationalization practice occurred in 2 (two) regions, namely Ogan Komering Ulu Timur District, South Sumatra Province, and Tidore Islands City, North Maluku Province. There are 2 (two) factors that give rise to the rationalization problem. First, poor communication between the elements of Pilkada organizers (KPU and Bawaslu) together with the Government and the DPRD, which led to a deadlock and made the Central Government have to step in to resolve it. Second, the classic problems experienced by Indonesia in matters of legal governance that are out of sync (disharmony between regulations) have an impact on the quality of Pilkada budget management. Several things that affect the quality of Pilkada budget management include: First, the practice of assigning staff in charge of the Pilkada budget both at the KPU and Bawaslu has not fulfilled the principle of "the right man on the right place". Second, there is regulatory disharmony, namely the law regulating the authority of the DPRD in carrying out its budgeting functions with the technical regulations of the Minister of Home Affairs regarding Pilkada budgeting. By using a qualitative descriptive research method, the author will examine the rationalization problem from the aspects of communication between institutions and regional election budget management. The author uses political communication theory and election budget management to formulate alternative solutions to these problems and provide a meeting point for Pilkada budget problems in these 2 (two) regions.
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Aliyah, Robiatul, and Muhammad Yasser Irfan. "KRITIK TERHADAP BANGSA KOLONIAL MELALUI PENCERITAAN TOKOH UTAMA NOVEL STUDENT HIDJO KARYA MAS MARCO KARTODIKROMO DAN SALAH ASUHAN KARYA ABDOEL MOEIS." TELAGA BAHASA 9, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36843/tb.v9i1.255.
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The production of early Indonesian literature was characterized by the reading production of movement groups referred to by colonial as wild reading. The colonialists defined wild reading as reading implying political notions criticizing the government who ruled at that time to result provocatively against them. The study aims to see imagery of character to insinuate criticism towards the colonial in both novels. The theory was that studies of literary comparisons as analysis tools. The method used is a descriptive analysis. The research has shown that Student Hidjo and Salah Asuhan criticized colonists, a criticism of the cultural differences between the west and the east, a criticism of the treatment by the colonists, and a criticism of colonial behavior. The delivery of criticism in the Student Hidjo novel is explicitly or outright because the readers can easily understand it. While in Salah Asuhan's novel, the delivery of criticism of the colonial nation is conveyed impliedly. Balai Pustaka first published it to investigate the sensors that apply in the Balai Pustaka at the time. Keywords: Wild literature, colonial criticism, comparisons, sociology of literaturePerkembangan kesusastraan Indonesia pada periode awal ditandai dengan produksi bacaan kaum pergerakan yang sering disebut oleh bangsa kolonial sebagai bacaan liar. Bacaan liar diartikan oleh kaum kolonial sebagai bacaan yang memuat gagasan politik yang mengkritisi pemerintahan yang berkuasa saat itu sehingga hal itu dapat mengakibatkan tindakan provokasi untuk melawan mereka. Penelitian ini bertujuan melihat pencitraan tokoh dalam upaya menyampaikan kritik terhadap bangsa kolonial dalam kedua novel. Teori yang digunakan yaitu kajian sastra bandingan dan sosiologi sastra sebagai alat analisis. Metode yang digunakan adalah analisis deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dalam novel Student Hidjo dan Salah Asuhan terdapat kritik yang ditunjukkan kepada bangsa kolonial, seperti kritik untuk memperoleh pendidikan yang sederajat dengan para elite bangsawan, kritik mengenai perbedaan kebudayaan antara bangsa Barat dan Timur, kritik mengenai perlakuan yang dilakukan oleh bangsa kolonial, dan kritik perilaku yang dimiliki bangsa kolonial. Penyampaian kritik pada novel Student Hidjo disampaikan dengan tersurat atau secara terang-terangan karena dengan mudah dipahami oleh para pembacanya. Sementara dalam novel Salah Asuhan, penyampaian kritik terhadap bangsa kolonial disampaikan secara tersirat. Hal tersebut dikarenakan novel itu diterbitkan pertama kali oleh Balai Pustaka sehingga menyiasati sensor-sensor yang berlaku dalam Balai Pustaka pada saat itu.Kata kunci: bacaan liar, kritik kolonial, sastra bandingan, sosiologi sastra
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Fitrianatsany, Fitrianatsany, and Muhammad Alhada Fuadilah Habib. "PERMASALAHAN SOSIAL EKONOMI DI KALANGAN AGEING HOUSEHOLD DI DAERAH TERPENCIL." An-Nisbah: Jurnal Ekonomi Syariah 9, no. 2 (December 15, 2022): 284–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/an.v9i2.6666.
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Abstrak: Kemiskinan dan kesenjangan sosial sampai saat ini masih menjadi permasalahan di Indonesia, tidak terkecuali pada masyarakat berusia lanjut di daerah terpencil. Dalam penelitian ini penulis mengangkat isu mengenai masyarakat lanjut usia yang mengalami ketidakadilan di bidang sosial-ekonomi di daerah terpencil yaitu di Cilincing, Timur Tengah Selatan dan Gorontalo. Teori yang penulis gunakan adalah teori dari Rawls tentang teori kontrak atau sering disebut dengan The Original Position. Selanjutnya penulis juga menggunakan teori pembangunan menurut Meter dan Horn, mereka membagi lima variabel yang mempengaruhi implementasi dari pembangunan sosial yaitu (1) Standar dan sasaran kebijakan (2) Sumber daya (3) Komunikasi antar anggota dan penguatan aktivasi (4) Karakteristik agen pelaksana dan (5) Kondisi Sosial, ekonomi dan politik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan Teknik pengumpulan data studi literatur. Adapun penyebab permasalahan kemiskinan dan keenjangan sosial dikalangan masyarakat berusia lanjut meliputi keterpencilan dan keterbelakangan, keterbatasan kemampuan mengakses berbagai pelayanan sosial dasar karena ketunaan sosial, kecacatan, keterlantaran, keresahan sosial, serta konflik sosial. Permasalahan kesejahteraan sosial-ekonomi sampai saat ini masih diwarnai dengan permasalahan-permasalahan yang sifatnya konvensional dan perlu ditangani secara bersama antara pemerintah, masyarakat, organisasi sosial, dan lembaga swadaya masyarakat.
Kata Kunci: Kesenjangan Sosial, Kemiskinan, Ageing Household, Kesejahteraan
Abstract: Poverty and social inequality are still a problem in Indonesia, including the elderly in remote areas. In this study, the authors raise the issue of elderly people who experience injustice in the socio-economic field in remote areas, namely in Cilincing, South Middle East and Gorontalo. The theory that the writer uses is Rawls's theory of contract theory or often called The Original Position. Furthermore, the authors also use development theory according to Meter and Horn, they divide five variables that influence the implementation of social development, namely (1) Policy standards and objectives (2) Resources (3) Communication between members and strengthening activation (4) Characteristics of implementing agents and (5) Social, economic and political conditions. This research uses a qualitative approach with data collection techniques of literature studies. The causes of the problem of poverty and social inequality among the elderly include remoteness and underdevelopment, limited ability to access various basic social services due to social disability, disability, neglect, social unrest, and social conflict. Socio-economic welfare problems are still characterized by problems that are conventional in nature and need to be handled jointly by the government, the community, social organizations and non-governmental organizations.
Keywords: Social Inequality, Poverty, Aging Household, Welfare
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Arsyad, Nuruzzaman, and Peter Hwang. "Multinational expansion of ASEAN firms." Journal of Asia Business Studies 8, no. 2 (April 29, 2014): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jabs-11-2012-0049.
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Purpose – The purpose of this study is to investigate the type of resources that firms draw on to expand internationally within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) context. The authors seek to understand the impact of technological, political and knowledge resources on ASEAN firms’ multinationality, moderated by labor intensity, the type of ownership and the stage of economic development. Design/methodology/approach – The hypotheses are tested on a sample that comprises 4,056 manufacturing firms in five ASEAN countries: Indonesia, Lao PDR, Philippines, Vietnam and Timor-Leste. Findings – The authors found that technology resource is not positively associated with multinationality. However, this relationship is moderated by labor intensity and type of firm ownership. Political resources, such as lobbying activities and informal payment to government, are important for ASEAN firms for foreign expansion. However, excessive informal payment may prove to be counterproductive. The authors also found that local firms tend to exploit more political resources than foreign counterparts and firms operating in the lower stage of economic development tend to spend more on lobbying activities, but pay less informal contribution. Finally, for the manager industry experience, they found an inverted U-shaped relationship with respect to multinationality, but for manager education, the association was unexpectedly negative. Practical implications – From a practical perspective, the findings have three important implications for management of ASEAN multinationals. First, multinationals can systematically exploit and internalize political ties by carefully integrating political activities, through informal contribution and lobbying, into their strategic planning or corporate structure. The findings suggest that political networking will offset weak technological resources, particularly for local firms. Second, managers of multinationals operating in ASEAN should not rely excessively on political actors, as the extra costs associated with the above optimum political resources exceed its marginal benefit. Moreover, excessive reliance on political actors will expose the firm to the threat of opportunism. Even though political resources are important managers need to maintain the utilization of political resources at the optimal level. Third, besides technological and political resources, managers’ knowledge is also crucial for ASEAN firms’ internationalization. The authors provide evidence showing that the positive effect of managerial experience is limited only to a certain level, even though tmanagers’ education has positive linear relationship with multinationality. This implies that at the early stage of international activities, both manager’s experience and education will have positive impact on the firm. However, when international activities are getting more complicated, the manager’s education takes over the manager’s experience. Above its optimum point, the manager’s experience will limit the manager’s capability to create innovative solutions for international expansion, and therefore it is the manager’s education that is able to stimulate revolutionary solution. Originality/value – In this paper, the authors examine the resource impact on multinationality or the extent to which business activities span across national boundaries to shed light on the antecedents of foreign expansion in ASEAN. They discuss three types of resources (i.e. technological, political and knowledge resources) and seek to understand the impact of these resources on multinationality. Political resources are highlighted in addition to technological and knowledge resources in this paper because ASEAN firms are generally situated in a weak institutional environment in which the political resource is crucial for firms’ entry, operation and exit in international markets (Boddewyn and Brewer, 1994; Hillman and Keim, 1995; Rodriguez et al., 2005).
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Saputra, Ozi, and Surajiman Surajiman. "Penegakan Pelanggaran Hak Asasi Manusia (Ham) Berat Dalam Politik Hukum Di Indonesia: Studi Kasus Timor Timur." JOURNAL OF ISLAMIC AND LAW STUDIES 5, no. 1 (December 20, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/jils.v5i2.5789.
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Abstract: Inti dari Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) merupakan upaya menjaga keselamatan eksistensi manusia secara utuh melalui aksi keseimbangan antara kepentingan perseorangan dengan kepentingan umum. Salah satu kasus pelanggaran HAM berat di Indonesia adalah kasus di Timor-Timur, yang telah mendorong dunia internasional agar dibentuk peradilan internasional (international tribunal) bagi para pelakunya. Desakan untuk adanya peradilan internasional khususnya bagi pelanggaran HAM yang berat yang terjadi di Timor-Timur semakin menguat bahkan Komisi Tinggi PBB mengeluarkan ketentuan agar mengungkapkan kemungkinan terjadinya pelanggaran HAM berat di Timor-Timur. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah melihat penegakan pelanggaran HAM di Timor Timur dalam hukum politik Indonesia. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa dari kasus Timor Timur banyak para terdakwa yang menjadi konstitusi atau undang-undang sebagai tameng hukum. Disisi lain, proses pengadilan yang lambat bahkan tertunda merupakan hasil dari faktor-faktor perangkat dan sistem hukum yang tidak dibangun secara serius, sehingga membuktikan bahwa saat itu pemerinta bekerja bukan berdasarkan kesadara, namun karena menguat atau melemahnya tekanan publik.Abstract: The essence of Human Rights (HAM) is an effort to maintain the safety of human existence as a whole through a balance between individual interests and public interests. One of the cases of gross human rights violations in Indonesia is the case in East Timor, which has prompted the international community to establish an international tribunal for the perpetrators. The urge for an international tribunal, especially for the gross human rights violations that occurred in East Timor, is getting stronger and even the UN High Commission has issued a provision to disclose the possibility of serious human rights violations in East Timor. The purpose of this study is to examine the enforcement of human rights violations in East Timor in Indonesian political law. The results of this study indicate that in the East Timor case, many of the defendants became the constitution or laws as legal shields. On the other hand, the slow and even delayed judicial process was the result of factors and the legal system that was not developed seriously, thus proving that at that time the government worked not based on awareness, but because of the strengthening or weakening of public pressure
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Arif, Muhamad. "Intervensi Militer Indonesia di Timor Portugis 7 Desember 1975: Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri pada Level Sistem Internasional, Politik Domestik, dan Individu." Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional 15, no. 2 (December 8, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/global.v15i2.29.
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The focus of this study is on Indonesia's option to conduct military intervention as its foreign policy in Timor Portugis on 7 December 1975. The purpose of this study is to identify factors that influence the government of Indonesia to choose military intervention as in the case of Portuguese Timor. This study uses qualitative approach with data gathered from primary as well as secondary sources and, then, analyzed using descriptive-analytical method. This study concludes that the option to conduct military intervention to Timor Portugis on 7 December 1975 is due to three reasons, i.e.: (1) suportive policies of interested countries, (2) political interaction between foreign policy-making actors in Indonesia, and (3) the personality of President Suharto.//
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Silalahi, Budi Jaya, Faus Tinus Handi Feryandi, and Pandapotan Sidabutar. "Pemanfaatan Teknologi Citra Satelit dan Drone untuk Pengelolaan Pertanahan di Wilayah Perbatasan Indonesia." Jurnal Pertanahan 11, no. 1 (July 29, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.53686/jp.v11i1.12.
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ABSTRACT Indonesia is an archipelagic state, which has border with other states on the land, sea, as well as on the air. In the sea, Indonesia has direct borders with ten countries, namely: India, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, Philippines, Republic of Palau, Australia, East Timor, and Papua New Guinea. As for the land, Indonesia has direct borders with three countries, namely Malaysia, Papua New Guinea and Timor Leste. As we know, Indonesian people who live in boundary zone are generally in poor conditions with lack of public services, such as: social, transportation and education service and facilities. However, the changing of government paradigm in the last two decades has prompted greater attention to this area. Recently, various government programs are driven to the border region, notably in provinces that have land borders, that is West Kalimantan, East Kalimantan, East Nusa Tenggara, and Papua Provinces. This paper will present about the land management programs in general which carried out in the Indonesia’s border area, for example in Entikong, Sanggau Regency, West Kalimantan Province, and Motaain, Belu Regency, East Nusa Tenggara Province. The main focus in this paper is the using of remote sensing and drones or unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) data for supporting those programs. Furthermore, by promote the cooperation with other agencies and encourage community participation in the border zone, those programs can be succeeding in result. The conclusion of the study shows that the utilization of drones and imagery data is the key point of innovation in land management program in order to support the acceleration of sustainable development in the border region. Keywords: Border, Land Management, Drones (Unmanned Aerial Vehicle), Remote Sensing, Government Paradigms ABSTRAK Indonesia merupakan negara kepulauan yang berbatasan dengan negara lain baik di darat, laut, maupun di udara. Di laut, Indonesia berbatasan langsung dengan sepuluh negara yaitu: India, Malaysia, Singapura, Thailand, Vietnam, Filipina, Republik Palau, Australia, Timor Leste, dan Papua Nugini. Sedangkan untuk daratan, Indonesia berbatasan langsung dengan tiga negara yaitu Malaysia, Papua Nugini dan Timor Leste. Sebagaimana kita ketahui, masyarakat Indonesia yang tinggal di zona perbatasan umumnya berada dalam kondisi yang memprihatinkan dengan minimnya pelayanan publik, seperti: pelayanan dan fasilitas sosial, transportasi dan pendidikan. Namun, perubahan paradigma pemerintahan dalam dua dekade terakhir telah mendorong perhatian yang lebih besar pada bidang ini. Belakangan ini berbagai program pemerintah didorong ke wilayah perbatasan, terutama di provinsi yang memiliki perbatasan darat, yaitu Provinsi Kalimantan Barat, Kalimantan Timur, Nusa Tenggara Timur, dan Papua. Makalah ini akan memaparkan tentang kegiatan pertanahan secara umum yang dilakukan di wilayah perbatasan Indonesia, yakni di Entikong, Kabupaten Sanggau, Provinsi Kalimantan Barat, dan Motaain, Kabupaten Belu, Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur. Fokus utama dalam makalah ini adalah penggunaan data penginderaan jauh dan drone atau pesawat tak berawak (UAV). Lebih jauh, dengan meningkatkan kerjasama dengan instansi lain dan mendorong partisipasi masyarakat di zona perbatasan, kegiatan pertanahan tersebut dapat berhasil. Kesimpulan dari penelitian ini adalah pemanfaatan data drone dan citra merupakan kunci utama inovasi dalam aspek pertanahan guna mendukung percepatan pembangunan berkelanjutan di kawasan perbatasan. Kata kunci: Perbatasan, Pengelolaan Lahan, Drone (Pesawat Udara Tanpa Awak), Penginderaan Jauh, Paradigma
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Albram, Djafar. "IMPLIKASI LIBERALISASI PERDAGANGAN TERHADAP SEKTOR GARAM NASIONAL (Studi Kasus Kebijakan Garam Impor di Jawa Timur)." LITIGASI 17, no. 1 (September 26, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.23969/litigasi.v17i1.107.
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Salt commodity is a strategic commodity to be a political commodity that is able to rip the State and government sovereignty, a commodity that has always been a struggle for certain political economic power. Nation's dependence on imported salt product has arrived at an alarming rate, and therefore the salt production in the homeland must be done independently, not always depend imported products that Indonesia as a sovereign state can achieve its goals towards national food salt self-sufficiency which is launched by the government in 2014-2015 can be realized immediately in order to provide prosperity and well-being for all the people as mandated in the constitution in 1945. This research aimed at rising the problems currently busy talking concerning the proliferation of salt imported from Australia, India, China and Malaysia. Signaled background in economic business community about the government policy, in this case the Ministry of Trade of the Republic of Indonesia (KEMENPERINDAG RI) contained in the Ministry of Trade Regulation No.. 58/M-DAG/PER/9/2012 on the Salt Import dated 4 September 2012. In fact the legal discretion product has not met interest of subject national salting economic business, in terms of policies that made, it not show the pro-active alignments to businessman in this country which is said as a rich abundant of the maritime resources. The apparent contradictory actions in a brightly by opening import faucets of salt flooding the local market in the country.Keywords : Economic, Self-Sufficiency, Food, Salt, National.ABSTRAKKomoditas garam merupakan komoditas strategis, menjadi komoditas politik yang mampu mengoyak kedaulatan Negara dan pemerintah. Ketergantungan bangsa terhadap produk impor garam telah sampai pada tingkat yang mengkhawatirkan, oleh karenanya produksi garam di tanah air harus bisa dilakukan secara mandiri, tidak selalu tergantung produk impor agar Indonesia sebagai negara berdaulat dapat mencapai cita-citanya menuju swasembada pangan garam nasional yang dicanangkan pemerintah pada tahun 2014-2015 dapat segera terwujud dalam rangka memberikan kemakmuran dan kesejahteraan bagi segenap masyarakat sesuai amanat Undang-Undang Dasar tahun 1945. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengangkat permasalahan yang ramai dibicarakan saat ini tentang membanjirnya garam impor dari Australia, India, China dan Malaysia. Dilatar belakangi sinyalemen di masyarakat kalangan dunia usaha ekonomi tentang adanya kebijakan pemerintah dalam hal ini Kementerian Perdagangan Republik Indonesia (KEMENPERINDAG R.I) yang tertuang dalam Peraturan Kemendag Nomor. 58/M-DAG/PER/9/2012 tentang Ketentuan Impor Garam tertanggal 4 September 2012. Pada kenyataannya produk hukum kebijakannya belum memenuhi kepentingan pelaku usaha ekonomi pergaraman nasional, dalam arti kebijakan yang dibuat itu tidak menunjukkan keberpihakannya kepada pelaku usaha di negeri ini yang katanya kaya raya melimpah ruah sumber kelautannya. Tindakan kontradiktif tersebut terlihat jelas secara terang benderang yaitu dengan dibukanya kran impor garam yang membanjiri pasar lokal di tanah air.Kata kunci : Ekonomi, Swasembada, Pangan, Garam, Nasional.
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Hertanto, Hertanto, and Handi Mulyaningsih. "BUPATI PEREMPUAN PERTAMA DI LAMPUNG DAN KEGAGALAN CALON PETAHANA PADA PILKADA DI LAMPUNG TIMUR TAHUN 2015." Jurnal Ilmiah Mimbar Demokrasi 16, no. 2 (October 3, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jimd.v16i2.8757.
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In Indonesia, women were elected as governors, regents, mayors and deputy regional head is still small. The same phenomenon occurred in Lampung during the election period of 2005-2014, not a single female candidate was elected as regional head and deputy regional head. New on the elections in 2015 elected two women as East Lampung Regent (Chusnunia Chalim) and Vice Regent of Pesisir Barat (Erlina). The purpose of this study to determine the factors Chusnunia Chalim victory (and a couple Zaiful Bokhari) in local elections in East Lampung district in 2015. Theoretical framework used to explain the modalities of political contestation of the election, assuming that the candidate that wins must have the capital that includes political capital, social capital, and economic capital. This study used a descriptive approach qualitative research informants the winning team mate Chusnunia Chalim and Zaiful Bokhari, Commissioner of the East Lampung Regency, local community leaders, and some leaders of political parties bearers and supporters of the candidate. Discussion of the results showed that women's involvement in political elections and local governments began to seem real. Chusnunia because social capital is consolidated with the political capital of the bearers of political parties (PKB and PD) and the PDI-P supporters of political parties. This victory more dominant factor in social capital and strengthened by the political capital that appears at times the last round of the campaign. Social capital is obtained from the ethnic affiliation of voters with candidates and religious culture of the majority of the population of East Lampung. Meanwhile, the advantage of the element of political capital gained from the failure of incumbent candidates in the voting stage. So that prospective incumbent and its main bearers of political parties, PDI-P, shift support to Chusnunia.
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Wibowo, Wahyu, and Yusuf Setyadi. "Penegakan Hukum Hak Asasi Manusia Di Indonesia Dalam Kasus Pelanggaran Ham Berat: Studi Kasus Tanjung Priok, Timor Timur, Dan Abepura." JOURNAL OF ISLAMIC AND LAW STUDIES 5, no. 1 (December 20, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/jils.v5i2.5793.
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ABSTRAKKeniscayaan negara menyangkut Hak Asasi manusia (HAM) diaktualkan dengan melindung HAM setiap orang dari penyalahgunaan kekuasaan negara, menjamin keberadannya dalam ketentuan hukum, hak asasi manusia pada setiap individu. Di zaman orde baru, presiden serta bagian pemerintahan yang berkuasa selama 33 tahun (1965-1998) telah banyak tercatat melakukan pelbagai pelanggaran-pelanggaran HAM, terdapat 3 kasus yang telah diselesaikan dalam proses peradilan, yaitu; kasus Tanjung Priok 1984, Timor Timur 1999, dan Abepura 2000. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk membahas kronologi serta putusan peradilan dari peristiwa-peristiwa pelanggaran HAM berat yang telah diadili, khususnya paka 2 kasus tersebut. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian normatif, yaitu menggunakan penelitian deskripif dengan pendekatan yuridis normatif. Dalam kesimpulan penelitian ini, terdapat beberapa keputusan pengadilan yang menjadi kontroversi, diantaranya; pertamaKompensasi atau ganti rugi tidak diberikan kepada korban peristiwa tanjung priok. Kedua, Pengadilan HAM timor-timur hanya memutuskan satu orang yang menjalani hukuman penjeara, sedangkan yang lainnya dinyatakan bebas. Ketiga, Pelanggar HAM di abepura dibebaskan karena abepura diindikasikan bukan merupakan bagian pelanggaran HAM berat.Kata Kunci: Pelanggaran HAM Berat, Penegakan HAM ABSTRACTThe inevitability of the state regarding human rights (HAM) is actualized by protecting the human rights of everyone from abuse of state power, ensuring their existence in legal provisions, human rights for each individual. In the New Order era, the president and the government who ruled for 33 years (1965-1998) had many recorded human rights violations, there are 3 cases that have been resolved in the judicial process, namely; Tanjung Priok cases 1984, East Timor 1999, and Abepura 2000. This paper aims to discuss the chronology and judicial decisions of the incidents of gross human rights violations that have been tried, particularly in these 2 cases. The method used in this research is normative research, which uses descriptive research with a normative juridical approach. In the conclusion of this study, there are several court decisions that have become controversial, including; first Compensation or compensation is not given to victims of the Tanjung Priok incident. Second, the East Timor Human Rights Court only decided that one person was serving a prison sentence, while the others were declared acquitted. Third, human rights violators in abepura were released because abepura was indicated not to be part of a serious human rights violation.Keywords: Serious Human Rights Violations, Human Rights Enforcement
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Siahaan, Hendrikson, Yusuf Setyadi, and Rumainur Rumainur. "ANALISA YURIDIS KASUS PELANGGARAN HAM BERAT TIMOR-TIMUR DAN UPAYA PENYELESAIAN OLEH KOMISI NASIONAL HAK ASASI MANUSIA." JOURNAL OF ISLAMIC AND LAW STUDIES 5, no. 1 (December 20, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.18592/jils.v5i2.5795.
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Abstract: The protection and promotion of human rights is essentially a continuous effort that must be carried out as a guideline for a modern, democratic and civilized society. The problem is, when the above commitment is about to be implemented, it is greatly influenced by the situation, politics and culture as well as the law in which human rights are enforced. A normative approach to the protection and promotion of human rights will not be adequately realized if it is not supported by a political process that has an understanding and willingness to respect human dignity.Law enforcement through the criminal justice system in Indonesia here and there is still full of improvements. The ideal of law enforcement contained in the Criminal Procedure Code, which highly respects human dignity, can not be fully implemented by law enforcement officials. On the one hand, law enforcement officers are given the authority and power to take actions deemed necessary according to law, but power is considered necessary but that power and authority is often misused. As a result, the court should be called the last bastion of law enforcement in Indonesia, but in practice it is often only a porous bulwark. Abstrak: Proteksi dan promosi hak asasi manusia pada hakikatnya merupakan upaya terus menerus yang harus dilakukan sebagai sebuah tuntunan dari masyarakat modern, demokratis dan beradab. Problemanya, ketika komitmen diatas hendak diimplementasikan maka hal tersebut sangat dipengaruhi oleh situasi, politik dan budaya serta hukum dimana hak asasi manusia itu ditegakkan. Pendekatan normatis didalam proteksi dan promosi hak asasi manusia tidak akan terwujud secara memadai bila tidak didukung proses politik yang memiliki pemahaman dan kemauan menghormati martabat manusia.Penegakan hukum melalui sistem peradilan pidana di Indonesia disana sini masih penuh pembenahan. Idealitas penegakan hukum yang terkandung di dalam KUHAP yang sangat menjunjung tinggi harkat dan martabat manusia ternyata tidak dapat dilaksanakan sepnnuhnya oleh aparat penegak hukum. Di satu pihak aparat penegak hukum diberi wewenang dan kekuasaan untuk melakukan tindakan-tindakan yang yang dianggap perlu menurut hukum, namun kekuasaan dan wewenang itu sering disalah gunakan. Akibatnya, seharusnya pengadilan dinamakan benteng terakhir penegakan hukum di Indonesia, tetapi dalam prakteknya sering hanya sebagai benteng yang keropos
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Asrori, Saifudin, and Ahmad Syauqi. "KONTRIBUSI PENDIDIKAN ISLAM DALAM REPORDUKSI IDENTITAS SOSIAL MUSLIM INDONESIA." Mimbar Agama Budaya, November 17, 2020, 13–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/mimbar.v0i0.17947.
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Abstract. The Islamic education, Islamic boarding schools and madrasas, have made a very significant contribution to the implementation of education and social reform. Through the teaching process, in which the kyai as the main figure and the use of the ‘yellow book’, traditional Islamic ideas colored the early days of growing awareness as a nation and a State. When the New Order government carried out the development and modernization of society, there was a revival of a Muslim group called the “new middle class santri”, which took place in line with the modernization that occurred in the traditional Islamic educational institutions of the pesantren. Then in the era of democratization, the world of Islamic education experienced growth and development in various religious institutions and styles. Most of the pesantren are still committed to maintaining a moderate religious style, recognized as the foundation for the development of civil society and the formation of a ‘distinctive’, friendly, moderate, and tolerant social-political identity of Indonesian society. The Muslim character is different from other regions, especially the Middle East which is the axis of the Islamic world. However, a small proportion of pesantren are thought to promote the growth of religious chauvinism, teach a ‘narrow’ interpretation of Islam and provide a framework of thought and action in responding to socio-political change which often takes the form of a ‘jihad’. This article tries to explore the contribution of Islamic education to social change in the Indonesian Muslim community. Abstark. Dunia pendidikan Islam, pesantren dan madrasah, memberikan kontribusi sangat berarti dalam penyelenggaraan pendidikan dan reformasi kemasyarakatan. Melalui proses pengajaran, di mana kyai sebagai figur utama dan penggunaan ‘kitab kuning’, gagasan Islam tradisional mewarnai masa-masa awal tumbuhnya kesadaran sebagai bangsa dan Negara. Ketika pemerintah Orde Baru melakukan pembangunan dan modernisasi masyarakat, terjadi kebangkitan kelompok Muslim yang di sebut “kelas menengah santri baru”, berlangsung sejalan dengan modernisasi yang terjadi dalam lembaga pendidikan Islam tradisional pesantren. Kemudian pada era demokratisasi, dunia pendidikan Islam mengalami pertumbuhan dan perkembangan dalam beragam kelembagaan dan corak keagamaan. Sebagian besar pesantren masih tetap istiqomah dalam mempertahankan corak keagamaan yang moderat, diakui sebagai pondasi berkembangnya masyarakat sipil dan pembentukan identitas sosial-politik masyarakat Indonesia yang ‘khas’, ramah, moderat, dan toleran. Karakter Muslim yang berbeda dengan kawasan lainnya, khususnya Timur-Tengah yang merupakan poros dunia Islam. Namun ada sebagian kecil pesantren dianggap mendorong tumbuhnya chauvinisme keagamaan, mengajarkan penafsiran Islam yang ‘sempit’ dan memberikan kerangka pemikiran dan aksi dalam merespons perubahan sosial-politik yang seringkali berbentuk panggilan ‘jihad’. Artikel ini mencoba mengeksplorasi kontribusi pendidikan Islam dalam perubahan sosial masyarakat Muslim Indonesia.
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Amul, Gianna Gayle Herrera, Grace Ping Ping Tan, and Yvette van der Eijk. "A Systematic Review of Tobacco Industry Tactics in Southeast Asia: Lessons for Other Low- And MiddleIncome Regions." International Journal of Health Policy and Management, June 21, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/ijhpm.2020.97.
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Background: Transnational tobacco companies (TTCs) have a well-established presence in Southeast Asia and are now targeting other low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), especially Africa. While the tobacco industry’s tactics in Southeast Asia are well documented, no study has systematically reviewed these tactics to inform tobacco control policies and movements in Africa, where the tobacco epidemic is spreading. Methods: We conducted a systematic literature review of articles that describe tobacco industry tactics in Southeast Asia, which includes Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Myanmar, East Timor, Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam, Laos, and Brunei. After screening 512 articles, we gathered and analysed data from 134 articles which met our final inclusion criteria. Results: Tobacco transnationals gained dominance in Southeast Asian markets by positioning themselves as good corporate citizens with corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives, promoting the industry as a pillar of, and partner for, economic growth. Tobacco transnationals also formed strategic sectoral alliances and reinforced their political ties to delay the implementation of regulations and lobby for weaker tobacco control. Where governments resisted the transnationals’ attempts to enter a market, they used litigation and deceptive tactics including smuggling to pressure governments to open markets, and tarnished the reputation of public health organizations. The tobacco industry undermined tobacco advertising, promotion and sponsorship (TAPS) regulations through a broad range of direct and indirect marketing tactics. Conclusion: The experience of Southeast Asia with tobacco transnationals show that, beyond highlighting the public health benefits, underscoring the economic benefits of tobacco control might be a more compelling argument for governments in LMICs to prioritise tobacco control. Given the tobacco industry’s widespread use of litigation, LMICs need more legal support and resources to counter industry litigations. LMICs should also prioritize measures to protect health policy from the vested interests of the tobacco industry, and to close regulatory loopholes in tobacco marketing restrictions.
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Leishman, Kirsty. "Flesh." M/C Journal 2, no. 3 (May 1, 1999). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1748.
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When I think of 'flesh' at this moment in human history, it's difficult not to think of the images on television and in print news reports in recent weeks. The first pictures of Kosovo's Albanian population being purged from their homes and amassed on the borders of neighbouring countries have left an impression. While cameras have stood witness from afar, we have been confronted by images of people being shot at point-blank range. Rows of corpses have lined up after ill-executed bombing raids by NATO forces and the more systematic slaughter of pro-independence activists by wayward Indonesian military groups in East Timor. Perhaps less expected, the deaths of school students in Columbine, Colorado, and the patrons of a gay club in the Soho district of London have added force to daily reminders on the insistence of the flesh to being. The significance of flesh to being extends beyond a simple matter of physical survival. It is often our reaction to the flesh of the other upon which we stake our very sense of self. Subjectivity becomes a constant process of negotiating the borders of the self, where an individual may either identify with the other they encounter, or attempt to deny or repress the other's existence. The recent events around the world are illustrative of the attempt by some individuals to repress others, who (inadvertently) threaten their stable sense of self, by way of the very final solution of death. It is often a response to an irrational fear of the inescapable physical flesh of others in various manifestations, such as ethnicity, gender and sexuality, that provokes such violent actions. In view of the on-going perpetration of violence towards others, it is little wonder that fantasies of transcending the flesh abound in many narratives. The successes of William Gibson's Neuromancer in 1986, and now the currently-released film The Matrix are contemporary testaments to the ongoing popularity of this fantasy of human self-creation without the limits imposed by 'meat'. While it might be argued that the leap into cyberspace is a denial of the flesh, it might also be argued that emergent technologies are almost certainly embraced because they seem to offer the possibility of allowing us to be more human than we are currently. New technologies seem to offer new ways of being in the world that will refine human communication and diffuse prejudices, where you will be loved for your personality and not hated for the colour of your skin. In this issue of M/C we consider a variety of ways of thinking about the flesh amidst the effects of media and new technologies. The feature article by Sean Aylward Smith asks "Where Does the Body End?", and thus also, where does technology begin? Smith deliberates on the difficulty of working with and about technology, where common-sense suggests that one should be able to define the distinction between technology and the body before embarking on the study of "any given socio-technical imbroglio". Working through the philosophical writings of Felix Guattari, Bruno Latour and then Guattari again, this time in conjunction with Gilles Deleuze, Smith progressively confuses the apparently neat distinction between technology and the body to argue for a subjectivity, or rather "a mode of individuation" as a haecceity, where humans are "collective assemblages" of agencies and affects. Peter Chen undertakes his deliberation on flesh in terms of its existence on the Internet in the form of pornography. In "Community Without Flesh: First Thoughts on the New Broadcasting Services Amendment (Online Services) Bill 1999", Chen argues that in adapting existing regulatory paradigms to the Internet, the Australian government has overlooked the informal communities of the virtual world. He suggests that in attempting to meet a perceived social need for regulation with political and administrative expedience, the government has ignored the potentially cohesive role they might play in the development of self-regulating communities who require little government intervention to produce socially beneficial outcomes. Chen predicts the formation of a new type of community, "whose desire for a feast of flesh" will ensure they are vigilant in their evasion of the cast of the regulators' net. Alan Macdougall's article might offer some practical solutions for those members of the virtual communities of cyberspace discussed by Chen. In "'And the Word Was Made Flesh, and Dwelt amongst Us'": Towards Pseudonymous Life on the Internet", Macdougall engages in a critical discussion of pseudonymity on the Internet, where users construct untraceable identities for use online. While Chen identified the concerns private citizens have when governments implement modes of surveillance for online activities, Macdougall acknowledges the threat individuals also experience from commercial interests gathering demographic information. He iterates the emergent technologies that are being developed to counter such intrusions, and considers the ways in which this "new flesh" will dwell amongst us. Axel Bruns continues the discussion of the Internet, and concurs with Macdougall's assessment that while online activity may present itself as ephemeral, in fact it has a presence that produces very real effects. In a defense of the significance of online publishing and communication, Bruns asks "How Solid Is the Flesh?"; he wonders whether the solidity and therefore the esteem that is generally attributed to publications in the 'real world' is a convincing argument when many books and print journals languish unread on obscure library shelves. On the contrary, Bruns argues, the 'flesh' is not left behind when the leap is taken into cyberspace. The ongoing explosion in available storage space on the Internet has the effect that cyberspace is becoming increasingly anephemeral. In "How Funny?: Spectacular Ani in Animated Television Cartoons" Simon-Astley Scholfield shifts our focus to a small screen of another kind in his consideration of the popular animated American 'kidult' cartoon series Ren and Stimpy and South Park. He notes that amid the uproar about the excessive depictions of violence and viscera in these comedy cartoons, an analysis of their representations of anal flesh has been conspicuously avoided. Scholfield's article addresses this oversight in a comparison between the two programmes. He concludes that while South Park explores subversive themes, "they have been twisted into misogynist and homophobic contexts". In contrast, the narrative outcomes in Ren and Stimpy posit a challenge to the "dominant homophobic culture". The 1997 spate of dead celebrities provides the flesh in Rebecca Farley's article, "The Word Made Flesh: Media Coverage of Dead Celebrities". Noticing the absence of pictures of dead celebrities' bodies in the coverage of their deaths, Farley wonders if when alive, celebrities fill a particular function, what do they do in death? Choosing to focus specifically on the deaths of Gianni Versace, Michael Hutchence and Mother Teresa, Farley argues that the sexually transgressive personae of Versace and Hutchence in life are replaced with "a pro-social narrative" that returns them to the bosom of family in death, while Mother Teresa, whose body "caused no trouble when it was alive, and conveniently wasn't mangled to death", is allowed to be present and photographed in death. Tseen Khoo's article, "Fetishising Flesh: Asian-Australian and Asian-Canadian Representation, Porno-Culinary Genres, and the Racially Marked Body" takes full advantage of the Internet to introduce the topic of flesh. Via a tour of various Websites, Khoo introduces the Web-surfer to the issues involved in representing the Asian body in diaspora, and the politically fraught issues for racial minority populations in majority 'white' nations. Khoo considers examples from Japanese-Canadian literature, metaphors of ingestion, and racial minority identity politics in the United States. The final submission to this issue is a work of creative writing by Hamish Kaden. "The Interminable Son" is the story of a man reconciling the death of his well-known feminist mother. The un-named character resurrects the memory of his mother through a Buddhist ceremony for the dead, and by conducting library research into her life as a prominent campaigner for women's right to have safe abortions. Kaden imparts the emotions of his character, while providing insight into an important health issue that effects many lives. This issue of M/C conceives of flesh in many forms and relationships. The cover image, designed by Damian Frost, should not go without mention as it provides a fresh vision from which to embark onto the smorgasbord of 'flesh'. Enjoy! Kirsty Leishman 'Flesh' Issue Editor Citation reference for this article MLA style: Kirsty Leishman. "Editorial: 'Flesh'." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.3 (1999). [your date of access] <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9905/edit.php>. Chicago style: Kirsty Leishman, "Editorial: 'Flesh'," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 3 (1999), <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9905/edit.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Kirsty Leishman. (1999) Editorial: 'flesh'. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(3). <http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9905/edit.php> ([your date of access]).