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Journal articles on the topic 'Tibet (China) Foreign relations'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 30 January 2023

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1

Verisova, Anna D. "The Tibet Issue in China–United States Relations, 2009−2012." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences 22, no. 5 (December 15, 2022): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v221.

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The paper analyses the Sino-American contacts of 2009–2012 on the Tibet issue, which had occupied an important place in China–US relations since the 1980s. With Barack Obama moving into the White House, the US adopted a softer policy aimed at strengthening the relations with China. However, the Tibet issue remained a source of conflict and disagreement between Beijing and Washington. US leaders believed that China was pursuing a tough policy towards the peoples of Tibet and suggested some ways to settle the issue. Beijing, in its turn, saw this as an interference in China’s internal affairs. Having examined the works of Russian and foreign researchers, the author comes to the conclusion that for the United States the issue of human rights in Tibet was not of strategic importance, but, primarily, an opportunity to discredit China on the international arena, as any decision taken by the country would be deemed insufficient. Understanding this, Beijing reacted quite sharply to Washington’s comments, closing the door to further discussion. The paper’s chronological framework spans from the beginning of Barack Obama’s (2009) to the end of Hu Jintao’s (2012) term in office. The author turns to various sources in English and Chinese, which gives the article a significant element of novelty.

2

Thejalhoukho. "The Sikkim–Tibet Convention of 1890 and the Younghusband Mission of 1904." China Report 57, no. 4 (October 14, 2021): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455211047078.

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The controversy surrounding the Simla Conference of 1913–1914 and the legality of the McMahon line, which was produced by the Conference, has been at the centre of the boundary dispute between India and China. Amidst the diverging opinions amongst scholars and political commentators, the main issue rest on the unresolved question of Tibet’s political status. Was Lhasa authorised to sign treaties for Tibet? Was China the sovereign over Tibet? The answers to such questions are murky and complicated, made more so by the politics and conflicts in the post colonial period. This study attempts to highlight the complicated nature of political authority in Tibet through a study of British policy in Tibet towards the end of 19th and early 20th centuries. The signing of the 1890 Convention with China and the 1904 Convention with Tibet represents two extremes in British foreign policy which attest to the confounding situation presented before the British and the diverging opinions within the British official circles. The period between these two conventions provides a glimpse of the historical background in which the relations between British India, China and Tibet developed subsequently.

3

Mahmudur, Mahmudur. "India-Bhutan Relations: A Small State’s Quest for Freedom." Research in Economics and Management 7, no. 2 (June 18, 2022): p29. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/rem.v7n2p29.

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Bhutan is located on the eastern ridges of the Himalayas between the Assam-Bengal Plain of India to the south and the Plateau of Tibet of southwestern China to the north. In British India the colonial administration established a classical hegemonic relationship with the remote kingdom. In the Treaty of Punakha (1910) the sovereignty of the Bhutanese Royal government was recognized in exchange for submitting control of foreign relations to the British. In independent India, the Himalayan Kingdoms were sandwiched between India and China, facing an uncertain future about their political sovereignty. India concluded a new Treaty with Bhutan (the India-Bhutan Treaty of Peace and Friendship) in 1949, which was designed to remain in force “in perpetuity,” consolidating the essence of the British hegemonic policy of controlling smaller neighbors, with India being the new imperial power. Bhutan became a member state of the UN in 1971 after India finally agreed to sponsor its application, but the small state has limited authority to conduct foreign relations without prior consent from India, and it does not even enjoy formal diplomatic relationship with any of the five permanent members in the United Nations. Bhutan’s quest to wield control over its own affairs free of the influence of India remains unfulfilled.

4

Kohli, Manorama. "Bhutan's Strategic Environment: Changing Perceptions." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 2 (January 1986): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200203.

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For about a decade now one has been noticing some changes and shifts in the land-locked dragon kingdom of Bhutan's perceptions of its strategic neighbourhood—India and China. The two Asian giants situated in the south and north of Bhutan are so vital in geo-political terms that their attitudes towards this buffer state as also their relative capability distribution in the Himalayan region and in South Asia will always determine practically all foreign policy considerations of Bhutan. It need hardly be stressed that Bhutan is strategically important for both its big neighbours because of its location. This is the most compelling reason for both India and China to strive for special and friendly relationships with this Buddhist theocratic state. The tri-junction of the Chumbi Valley (Tibet), Sikkim (India) and Bhutan in the eastern Himalayas is of key importance for the security of the sprawling continental mass of India as well as that of China Being only about six miles from the Chumbi Valley, the passes in Bhutan. as also Nathu La are perceived by the Chinese as likely routes for invasion from the south. Evidently a very friendly, and if possible, a dependent Bhutan will give additional security to Tibet and hence to the Chinese mainland.1

5

Drifte, Reinhard. "Der Aufstieg Ostasiens in der Weltpolitik 1840–2000 (The Rise of East Asia in World Politics, 1840–2000). By Gottfried-Karl Kindermann. [Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2001. €44.99. 727 pp. ISBN 3-421-05174-7.]." China Quarterly 176 (December 2003): 1097–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741003280632.

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This monumental work is in many ways the essence of Professor Kindermann's 50 years' research on East Asia, theoretically based on the Munich school of neo-realism (of which he is the pre-eminent representative) and inspired by his many personal encounters with those Asian leaders who shaped the region's rise in world politics. It also introduces interesting research by other German scholars, which is often excluded from the English-language literature that dominates the Asian studies field. The focus of the analysis is on the foreign policy of the states in the West Pacific region (including Myanmar and Indochina), their interactions and their place in world politics. It is impossible to summarize the 34 chapters within this review. The books offer a superb chronological and contextual overview of a crucial period in East Asia that is highly readable and illustrated with relevant photos. The most space is devoted to China, documenting its rise from imperial victim to major economic power. The coverage of China's interaction with foreign powers and the domestic background is very detailed, especially concerning the Kuomintang before and after 1949, and the Taiwan issue. The account of the era after the Pacific War focuses mostly on the People's Republic of China. Several pages are devoted to the Quemoy crisis of 1954–55, which revealed the complexities of the US–PRC–Taiwan triangle. Kindermann demonstrates how this crisis was the first application of Washington's “calculated ambiguity” towards the PRC concerning Taiwan. A whole chapter is devoted to the second Taiwan crisis of 1958 and its aftermath in 1962. Kindermann's interviews in Taiwan show how the US actively prevented Chiang Kai-shek's plan of occupying two mainland Chinese cities to start the “liberation” of the PRC. There are four chapters on how the Communist Party established and maintained its rule over China, but the majority deal with China's foreign interactions. On Tibet, Kindermann argues that the 17-item agreement of 1951 between Tibetan leaders and the Communist government may have served as a tolerable solution to the Tibet issue and thus have prevented a lot of hardship for the Tibetan people, even though the Tibetan representatives had been coerced into signing it.

6

Fravel, M. Taylor. "Regime Insecurity and International Cooperation: Explaining China's Compromises in Territorial Disputes." International Security 30, no. 2 (October 2005): 46–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228805775124534.

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Since the 1995-96 Taiwan Strait crisis, scholars and policymakers have become increasingly concerned about China's territorial ambitions. Yet China has also used peaceful means to manage conficts, settling seventeen of its twenty-three territorial disputes, often with substantial compromises. This article develops a counterintuitive argument about the effects of domestic confict on foreign policy to explain China's behavior. Contrary to the diversionary war hypothesis, this argument posits that state leaders are more likely to compromise in territorial disputes when confronting internal threats to regime security, including rebellions and legitimacy crises. Regime insecurity best explains China's pattern of compromise and delay in its territorial disputes. China's leaders have compromised when faced with internal threats to regime security, including the revolt in Tibet, the instability following the Great Leap Forward, the legitimacy crisis after the Tiananmen upheaval, and separatist violence in Xinjiang.

7

Kumar, Pranav. "Sino-Bhutanese Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 243–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600306.

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Historically the interaction between Bhutan and China was through Tibet. The annexation of Tibet by China and the later uprising in Tibet instilled a sense of fear in Bhutan causing it to close its northern border in 1960. However, Bhutan adopted a more open policy in the 1970s gradually increasing the contacts between the two neighbours. Border talks which started in 1984 resulted in an agreement in 1998 on maintaining peace and tranquility along border areas. While China and Bhutan neither have diplomatic relations nor any legal trade, growing Chinese interests in South Asia encompass Bhutan as well. Bhutan, therefore, faces the dilemma of not hurting the interests and sentiments of its traditional friend India while at the same time needing to respond to Chinese overtures and to solve the border problem peacefully and urgently; in the Sino-Bhutanese relationship, the Indian element remains the most important variable. The dynamics of the Sino-Indian relationship and Indian and Chinese strategic interests and activities in the Himalayas will be crucial in shaping Bhutan’s policies towards China.

8

McGranahan, Carole, and Elliot Sperling. "Introduction: Tibet, India, and China." India Review 7, no. 3 (August 29, 2008): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480802261368.

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9

Zhai, Qiang. "Tibet and Chinese-British-American Relations in the Early 1950s." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.34.

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The leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) who seized power in Beijing in 1949 viewed Tibet as Chinese territory. In this respect, they were no different from previous rulers of China. The chairman of the CCP, Mao Zedong, carefully devised a plan to re-annex Tibet, which had been effectively independent of China since 1911. The CCP's recent victory in the Chinese civil war gave Mao high confidence that he could reclaim Tibet without provoking outside intervention. Such a move not only would bring international political benefits but would also carry a symbolic meaning at home and thereby legitimize the rule of the CCP. Although Mao sent troops to Tibet, he also planned to rely on negotiations and coercive diplomacy. This article highlights the complicated relationships that emerged on the international scene as a result of China's actions in the early 1950s.

10

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.

11

Baginda, Abdul Razak, and Mustafa Izzuddin. "China-Malaysia Relations and Foreign Policy." Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, no. 1 (April 30, 2016): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-1k.

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12

Cai, Congyan. "Chinese Foreign Relations Law." AJIL Unbound 111 (2017): 336–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2017.91.

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Curtis Bradley has observed that, apart from in the United States, foreign relations law generally has not been treated as a separate academic field, but that this situation is starting to change. This observation can also find evidence in China. In March 2016, I hosted a conference on “Chinese Foreign Relations Law: A New Agenda” at Xiamen University School of Law, where I am a faculty member. This is the first conference engaging with this field in China. Also in 2016, a Chinese professor of private international law published the first article discussing Chinese foreign relations law in a general way, the main argument of which is that foreign relations law should be a component of the “rule of law” in China.

13

Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, and Hodan Osman Abdi. "Sustaining China-Africa relations." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (September 18, 2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.

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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.

14

Yang, Yun-yuan. "Controversies over Tibet: China versus India,1947-49." China Quarterly 111 (September 1987): 407–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050979.

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To the present Beijing Government, Tibet constitutes an integral part of China, officially known as the Tibetan Autonomous Region. The 20th anniversary of its founding was celebrated on 1 September 1985. However, to the 14th Dalai Lama (the former spiritual and temporal leader of Tibet), who has been living in exile in India since 1959, and to thousands of Tibetans living as refugees in India and other parts of the world, the current status of Tibet is open to contention, and as such remains an unresolved issue.

15

Mehra, Parshotam. "The Elusive Triangle: Tibet in India-China Relations—A Brief Conspectus." China Report 26, no. 2 (May 1990): 145–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559002600203.

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16

Dong-Ryul Lee. "Effects of Chinese nationalism in foreign relations andKorea-China Relations." 중소연구 35, no. 4 (February 2012): 41–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.21196/aprc.35.4.201202.002.

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17

McMahon, Robert J. "U.S. Policy toward South Asia and Tibet during the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.131.

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Events in South Asia in the 1950s and early 1960s had a long-term impact on the Cold War and on relations among the countries involved—China, India, Pakistan, the United States, and the Soviet Union. This article provides an overview of U.S. relations with South Asian countries during the early Cold War. It highlights the connections between U.S. policy priorities and commitments in South Asia on the one hand and developments in Tibet on the other. The article considers how U.S. policy priorities and actions in South Asia shaped, and were shaped by, China's reassertion of control over Tibet in the early 1950s and by the frictions that emerged between India and China in 1959 as a result of Beijing's brutal crackdown in Tibet.

18

PYAKUREL, UDDHAB PRASAD. "The BRI, Nepal’s Expectations, and Limitations on Nepal–China Border Relations." Issues & Studies 55, no. 03 (September 2019): 1940006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s101325111940006x.

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Many Nepalese perceive China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a useful means for the India-locked country to connect to other countries. However, this paper analyzes the weakening connectivity within the border areas of Nepal and Tibet since falling under Chinese control, concluding that China is unready to increase cross-border movement and trade facilities with Nepal due to perceived security concerns.

19

Topgyal, Tsering. "Charting the Tibet Issue in the Sino–Indian Border Dispute." China Report 47, no. 2 (May 2011): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104700205.

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In official quarters in Beijing and New Delhi, the Tibet issue figures only as a bargaining chip to ‘regulate’ their bilateral relations, not as an issue that has an independent bearing on the intractability or resolution of the Sino–Indian border dispute. Scholars of the Sino–Indian border dispute either dismiss the relevance of the Tibet issue or treat it as only a prop in their framing of the dispute in terms of security, nationalism and great power rivalry. This article argues that the Tibet issue is more central to the border dispute than official and scholarly circles have recognised so far. The article demonstrates this through an examination of the historical roots of the border row, the centrality of Tibet and Tibetans in the boundary claims of both Beijing and New Delhi and the revelation of concurrent historical developments in the border dispute and the Sino–Tibetan conflict. On the place of Tibet in broader Sino–Indian relations, the article posits that while Tibet was a victim of India’s moralistic–idealist policies toward China in the 1950s, it has now become a victim of the new realism pervading India’s policy of engaging and emulating China in the post-Cold War era.

20

Ghoble, T. R. "Foreign Relations of the People's Republic of China." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 50, no. 1-2 (January 1994): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492849405000110.

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21

YUAN, Jingdong. "The China Factor in South Korea's Foreign Relations." East Asian Policy 08, no. 01 (January 2016): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930516000131.

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South Korea's foreign relations under President Park are characterised by a carefully crafted and balanced approach in both strengthening the traditional alliance with the United States and promoting a strategic partnership with China. The latter in particular is driven by the need to further expand economic ties and the hope that Beijing can help rein in Pyongyang's behaviours. North Korea's latest provocations threaten to unravel the premise of this approach.

22

Bo, Čen. "The foreign policy of China." Napredak 1, no. 2 (2020): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/napredak2001009b.

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This paper presents a brief outline of the foreign policy aims of the People's Republic of China. Brought into focus is the principle of multilateralism, the basic guiding principle of China, which is aware of the effects of globalization. The principle needs to be applied to the response to the COVID-19 epidemic. Stressed in the paper are the principles that China follows in its relations with the USA, the EU and Serbia, and the importance of the Belt and Road initiative and Cooperation 17+1. The paper states that the question of Kosovo and Metohija should be resolved within the framework of Resolution 1244 passed by the UN Security Council. Hongkong is an integral part of China and the questions regarding this matter are to be resolved by China. Hongkong is a territory with a large degree of autonomy and the recent legislation aims to protect the security of China and Hongkong and do not contradict the policy "One Country - Two Systems", but rather confirm it. The paper also presents new data on the economic development of China and progress made in its economic relations with the EU and the countries participating in the Cooperation 17+1 program.

23

Hwang, Jaeho. "Evaluation of Korea-China Relations and Korea's Foreign Policy toward China." KRINS QUARTERLY 2, no. 3 (November 30, 2017): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46322/krinsq.2.3.3.

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24

Zhang, Kevin H. "Foreign direct investment in China." Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 13, no. 2 (January 2006): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/11926422.2006.9673427.

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25

Koirala, Bhaskar. "Sino-Nepalese Relations." China Report 46, no. 3 (August 2010): 231–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600305.

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This article argues that the intensity of Sino-Nepal relations over the past decade has witnessed a lack of consistency, attributable to shifting political conditions in Nepal. From 2000 to 2010, Nepal has experienced different political systems such as constitutional monarchy, absolute monarchy and currently a republican framework. However, Nepal’s espousal of the ‘one China’ policy, particularly as it concerns Tibet, has been steady and enduring, as has the logic that Sino-Nepal relations are not strictly ‘bilateral’ in nature but also potentially serve as a channel for Nepal to connect to a wider canvas including Central Asia, Southeast Asia and East Asia. It is also argued that to a large extent, Sino-Nepal relations are poised to be significantly affected by an evolving China–Nepal–India triangular relationship on account of Nepal’s geographic position. Effective consolidation of this triangular relationship is vital to ensure political stability in Nepal and therefore security for both China and India.

26

Kocsi, János Gyula, and Ferenc Vukics. "Internal Security Challenges in China." Hadtudományi Szemle 14, no. 3 (December 14, 2021): 69–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.32563/hsz.2021.3.6.

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Our series of studies would like to draw attention to the fact that China, which has so far had considerable foreign policy experience, is also forging serious capital from dealing with its own internal conflicts. A diverse, high-spread country is testing the effectiveness of ‘soft power’ in its provinces. Without foreign policy adventures, these locations provided the Chinese Communist Party with adequate experience in resolving certain types of conflicts. Uyghur, Tibet, Inner Mongolia, Hong Kong, Macao embody archetypes of problems that pose a direct threat to the Chinese state. In addition to regional conflicts, we can also consider the problems of the Christian community of about one hundred million. Uyghur is an excellent example of how to achieve results along the fault lines of cultures and religions. The first part of the series of studies shows how Uyghurs with significant separatist traditions have been persuaded to make ‘modern life’ the same as accepting the Chinese order. Through the Uyghurs, China is learning how to refine its methods concerning Muslim countries in Central Asia.

27

Hoffmann, Steven A. "Rethinking the Linkage between Tibet and the China-India Border Conflict: A Realist Approach." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 165–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.165.

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This article assesses the dynamic political and military relationships among Tibet, China, and India in the late 1950s and early 1960s. By examining the three governments' calculations and security interests, the article shows that the relationships among the three are best understood from a realist perspective. The focus in the article is on the Sino-Indian dispute over the territory known as “Assam Himalaya,” located on the far eastern end of the Sino-Indian border, between southeastern Tibet and northeast India. The article covers a relatively lengthy period, from 1913 to 1962, but in doing so it shows that territorial claims and the desire for secure borders were the key concern of all the countries involved—Tibet, China, India under British imperial rule, post-1947 India, and the United States.

28

Cooper, Richard N., Feng Li, Jing Li, and Daniel H. Rosen. "Foreign Investment in China." Foreign Affairs 78, no. 6 (1999): 145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049558.

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29

Jian, Chen. "The Tibetan Rebellion of 1959 and China's Changing Relations with India and the Soviet Union." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 54–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.54.

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Tibet, which had enjoyed de facto independence from 1911 to 1950, was resubordinated to China in late 1950 and 1951 through a combination of political pressure and military force. On 10 March 1959 a mass revolt broke out in Lhasa, the capital of Tibet. Amid growing turmoil, the 14th Dalai Lama fled the capital. After Chinese troops moved into Lhasa on 20 March to crush the rebellion, the Tibetan leader took refuge in neighboring India. The Chinese People's Liberation Army quelled the unrest and disbanded the local government. This article looks back at those events in order to determine how the rebellion was perceived in China and what effect it had on relations with India.

30

Taranenko, Anna. "BILATERAL UKRAINE-CHINA RELATIONS AT THE CURRENT STAGE." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.68-74.

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Foreign policy is one of the most important directions of sovereign states’ activity. An especially important place in foreign policy shaping is bilateral relations between states. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Asian are traditionally important. In particular, the implementation of the Asian foreign policy vector and the establishment of effective relations with the People's Republic of China as one of the leaders of world economic development is a very important task for Ukrainian diplomacy at this time. The analysis of foreign and Ukrainian sources regarding this topic demonstrates the interest of researchers in bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations. One of the important trends in world socio-political development is globalization processes. In this article the author examines the state of bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations at the present stage characterized by dynamic globalization rate. In the results of the conducted study one can note that currently there are certain obstacles to the effective development of bilateral relations between Ukraine and China, however at the same time there is sufficient potential for further intensification of bilateral relations between the indicated countries. On the basis of the analysis, one can conclude that among the successes of Ukraine's foreign policy over the past few years, one can identify the establishment of a fairly fruitful relationship with the People's Republic of China: cooperation in the agricultural and trade sectors, transport sphere, cultural exchanges. At the same time, it is necessary to strengthen the effective use of the foreign policy resource for more effective cooperation with the People's Republic of China — one of the most powerful current leaders of world economic development. It is important to avoid controversial military and political issues. It is vital to establish effective international cooperation with this country, which would allow achieving mutually beneficial goals. This is related to further research prospects concerning further development of Ukraine's relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, in particular with the states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation).

31

YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.

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Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.

32

Li, Sun, Luo, Kang, and Jia. "Foreign Trade Structure, Opening Degree and Economic Growth in Western China." Economies 7, no. 2 (June 17, 2019): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/economies7020056.

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This paper presents an interactive study on the relationship between the foreign trade structure, opening degree and economic growth of the provinces in western China (except Tibet). It shows that the export of primary products and labor-intensive products has a positive impact on the external development of the western region, while the export of capital and technology-intensive products has a smaller inhibitory effect on it. At the same time, the system GMM model shows that the opening degree of the western region has a positive effect on economic growth. After including the foreign trade structure interaction item, this result has not changed, and on the basis of opening up to the outside world, the export of labor-intensive products and capital-intensive products plays a significant role in promoting economic development. Therefore, this paper holds that the western region should optimize its foreign trade structure, continue to promote the construction of foreign trade demonstration, and give priority to the development of local characteristic industries to promote economic growth.

33

Lau, Hon-Shiang. "The Political Status of Tibet During the Ming Dynasty: An Analysis of Some Historical Evidence." China Report 55, no. 2 (May 2019): 154–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519834701.

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This study analyses two authoritative texts and a map from the Ming and Qing eras to examine the political relationship between China and Tibet in the Ming period. It finds that in these documents Tibet was not classified as being a part of the realm governed by the Ming Empire. This casts doubt on the claim advanced by the People’s Republic of China that Tibet has been a part of China ‘since antiquity’. An important conclusion of this study is that, when taking recourse to historical texts to justify or refute territorial claims, the structure and content of the text as a whole, and not just isolated phrases or formulations, should be taken into account.

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Murton, Galen. "Roads to China and infrastructural relations in Nepal." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 5 (August 2020): 840–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654420911410g.

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Across the Himalaya region, infrastructure development constitutes an array of material practices that produce space for both Nepali and Chinese state making efforts in historically roadless places. In northern Nepal, the production of large-scale transportation infrastructure has reached unprecedented levels, and Chinese interventions under the Belt and Road Initiative continue to fuel Kathmandu’s development imaginary. Examining the anticipation, articulation and implementation of road networks between northern Nepal and Chinese Tibet, I analyse the incorporation of a small development project into larger international transportation systems to argue that infrastructure is a symbolic project of national development imaginaries, a process and practice of state making, and a vector for the spatial operations of geopolitical power. Putting infrastructure studies into closer conversation with political geography, I propose infrastructural relationality as a heuristic that illuminates how trans-national road construction advances regional development objectives, visible specifically through inter-related projects, practices and processes between China and Nepal.

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Nick Pay, Vahid, and Piotr Buszta. "China in the UK’s Foreign Policy." European Journal of East Asian Studies 21, no. 3 (October 27, 2022): 372–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-02103004.

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Abstract In the post-Brexit environment, at a time when the United Kingdom is looking to redefine its international positioning under the ‘Global Britain’ policy, one of the most urgent priorities for London proves to be to restructure its relations with key global players like China. The objective of this study is to examine factors influencing the development of London’s policy towards Beijing in the period 2015–2022 and to verify whether the growing salience of a progressive liberal posture in the UK’s foreign policy vis-à-vis China could account for the deterioration of bilateral relations that has been experienced. The research attempts to investigate whether the UK’s initial modus vivendi liberal economic engagement with China gave way to a renewed emphasis on progressive liberal internationalist convictions manifested by the UK’s firm stance on Chinese investments in British critical infrastructure and by an amplified criticism of China’s repressive domestic record and aggressive global posture.

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KASHINA, Evgenia V. "AUSTRALIA–CHINA RELATIONS: 1930-1937." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 2(55) (2022): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-2-2-55-291-306.

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The article is devoted to the development of relations between the Australian Union and China in the period from 1930 to 1937. The author analyzes changes in migration and economic policy towards China and explores the views of the Australian public on the Japanese expansion in China since 1931, as well as the position of the official authorities on this issue are revealed. The growth of international contradictions in the 30s of the XX century and the degree of independence in making Australian foreign policy from the former metropolis could affect Australian-Chinese relations.

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Nambiar, Vijay. "Book review: A S Bhasin, Nehru Tibet and China." China Report 58, no. 1 (February 2022): 114–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00094455221074298.

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Zhang, Shiyu. "Diversification propaganda work with foreign audiences." Век информации (сетевое издание) 4, no. 4(13) (September 30, 2020): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33941/age-info.com44(13)4.

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Over the past decade, bilateral relations between China and Russia have attracted the attention of the whole world. As neighbors and rapidly developing countries, China and Russia are becoming increasingly important in the international arena. The strategic partnership and interaction between China and Russia occupy a significant place in the politics of both countries. Cooperation is developing dynamically in various fields, primarily in politics. After 2012, a change of government took place in China and Russia, which brought new changes to international relations. Studying the involvement of the media in this process can clarify their impact on international relations, in particular, their role in the relationship between China and Russia.

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Zhang, Shiyu. "Diversification propaganda work with foreign audiences." Век информации (сетевое издание) 4, no. 4(13) (September 30, 2020): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.33941/age-info.com44(13)4.

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Over the past decade, bilateral relations between China and Russia have attracted the attention of the whole world. As neighbors and rapidly developing countries, China and Russia are becoming increasingly important in the international arena. The strategic partnership and interaction between China and Russia occupy a significant place in the politics of both countries. Cooperation is developing dynamically in various fields, primarily in politics. After 2012, a change of government took place in China and Russia, which brought new changes to international relations. Studying the involvement of the media in this process can clarify their impact on international relations, in particular, their role in the relationship between China and Russia.

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Amin, Julius A. "Sino-Cameroon Relations: A Foreign Policy of Pragmatism." African Studies Review 58, no. 3 (November 23, 2015): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2015.72.

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Abstract:Based on primary sources, including documents obtained from Cameroon’s Ministry of External Relations, oral interviews conducted in Cameroon, and local newspapers, and a variety of secondary sources, this article examines Cameroon’s foreign policy and economic relations with China. It argues that Cameroon’s engagement with China has resulted in short-term benefits for consumers but undermined long-term, sustainable economic development. The article concludes that unless China genuinely pursues its promised policies of “mutual respect” and “win–win gain,” voices of protest will only grow louder in Cameroon and other African nations.

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Portyakov, V. Ya. "Foreign Economic Relations of the People’s Republic of China." Herald of the Russian Academy of Sciences 90, no. 6 (November 2020): 670–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1134/s1019331620060076.

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Vladimir PORTYAKOV. "Foreign Economic Relations of the People's Republic of China." Far Eastern Affairs 47, no. 004 (December 31, 2019): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21557/fea.56992456.

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Yahuda, Michael B. "The People's Republic of China at 40: Foreign Relations." China Quarterly 119 (September 1989): 519–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574100002292x.

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In its 40th year the People's Republic of China has achieved a position in its foreign relations to which its leaders had long aspired. For the first time they can now claim to operate in a relatively peaceful international environment that is conducive to the attainment of their domestic goals of economic development.

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Crowe, David M. "The “Tibet question”: Tibetan, Chinese and Western perspectives." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 6 (November 2013): 1100–1135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.801946.

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The historical conflict between Tibet and China goes back almost a thousand years. Both sides use history to argue their point about the core issues in this dispute – Tibet's claim of independence and autonomy, and China's of suzerainty. This article looks at the historical roots of this conflict, particularly since 1949, when China began its gradual takeover of Tibet. Chinese policies toward Tibet, which have been driven by a desire to communize and sinicize Tibet, has been met by stiff resistance from the Tibetans, who see Han Chinese dominance as a force that will, over time, destroy Tibet's unique religion, language, culture, and history. This resistance has drawn the attention of the West, who see Chinese policies in Tibet as a symbol of the failings of Beijing's rulers to embrace a strong commitment to human rights at the same time that China is becoming a global economic power. The 14th Dalai Lama, a key figure in this conflict, and his government-in-exile have served as bridges to Western efforts to try to force Beijing to embrace more open, humane policies toward Tibetans throughout China. His retirement as political head of the exile government in 2011, coupled with China's growing economic and strategic power globally, raises serious questions about the willingness of the USA, and other democratic powers to risk their relationships with Beijing to continue to promote true human rights and autonomy throughout the Tibetan Plateau.

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QINGSONG, TIAN, and IRINA ZELENEVA. "JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CHINA (2001-2006)." Sociopolitical Sciences 12, no. 3 (June 28, 2022): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2022-12-3-105-112.

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The article considers the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy towards China at the beginning of the millennium. Its study was the purpose of this article. Its achievement presupposed the solution of the corresponding tasks: consideration of Japan’s multilateral diplomacy in other countries, characterization of the economic policy of the Koizumi cabinet in China. On the basis of the analysis carried out, appropriate conclusions were drawn. Since becoming Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi has made significant changes to his China policy. On the one hand, Koizumi believes that China’s economic growth and internal stability play a positive role for the Japanese economy. On the other hand, he sees China as a rising power that threatens Japan’s external environment and at the same time shakes its dominance in Asia. During Koizumi’s rule, Sino-Japanese relations generally showed a deteriorating trend: he actively deepened economic exchanges with China, but at the same time took a tough stance towards China in the field of foreign policy and security. Koizumi’s repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine seriously damaged Sino-Japanese relations, leading to the suspension of high-level visits between China and Japan. And Sino-Japanese relations have deteriorated to their lowest point since 1972.

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Jha, Prem Shankar. "China–India Relations under Modi." China Report 53, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 158–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517696630.

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The sweeping changes in the foreign policy of Narendra Modi’s government in India reflect several departures from previous year. Most prominent shift was from non alignment that was designed to steer India clear of involvements that could harm the country by diverting its resources from development and social consolidation into militarisation and war. Another shift is from the policy of equidistance which was not a refusal to get involved but an assertion that India would choose when, where and how to get involved, reflecting the rise of India’s soft power. These shifts have ramifications on bilateral relations of India and China and carry substantial impact on future trends of engagements between the two.

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Sheng, Michael M. "Mao, Tibet, and the Korean War." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 3 (July 2006): 15–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.3.15.

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In October 1950 the Chinese leader Mao Zedong embarked on a two-front war. He sent troops to Korea and invaded Tibet at a time when the People's Republic of China was burdened with many domestic problems. The logic behind Mao's risky policy has baffled historians ever since. By drawing on newly available Chinese and Western documents and memoirs, this article explains what happened in October 1950 and why Mao acted as he did. The release of key documents such as telegrams between Mao and his subordinates enables scholars to understand Chinese policymaking vis-à-vis Tibet much more fully than in the past. The article shows that Mao skillfully used the conflicts for his own purposes and consolidated his hold over the Chinese Communist Party.

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Soyibova, Dilovar. "GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF FOREIGN ECONOMIC ACTIVITYOF CHINA." GEOGRAPHY: NATURE AND SOCIETY 1, no. 4 (April 30, 2020): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-0834-2020-4-8.

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This article describes the geographical features of the foreign economic activityof the People’s Republic of China. Among the important areas of foreign economic relations are the importance of foreign trade and investment in country’s economy

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Yan, Hu. "Chinese Sources on the 1903–04 British Military Expedition to Tibet." Inner Asia 14, no. 1 (2012): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-990123781.

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AbstractChinese sources, especially first-hand materials such as archive collections, field-work reports and Amban Youtai?s diary, have been little considered or consulted in the international debate on issues of modern Tibetan history. Although these Chinese sources would make their studies more balanced, Western scholars who do not understand Chinese characters tend to rely English sources only, with very few of them using Tibetan sources as well. However, just as it has become more and more common in academic circles in China for Chinese scholars to use English or other foreign-language sources in their studies of Tibetan history, so also should Western scholars realise how important the Chinese sources are for studies of Tibetan history, for Tibet has been related to China so closely and for such a long time.

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Boot, W. J. "Maxims of Foreign Policy." Itinerario 24, no. 2 (July 2000): 62–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300013024.

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In the pre-modern period, Japanese identity was articulated in contrast with China. It was, however, articulated in reference to criteria that were commonly accepted in the whole East-Asian cultural sphere; criteria, therefore, that were Chinese in origin.One of the fields in which Japan's conception of a Japanese identity was enacted was that of foreign relations, i.e. of Japan's relations with China, the various kingdoms in Korea, and from the second half of the sixteenth century onwards, with the Portuguese, Spaniards, Dutchmen, and the Kingdom of the Ryūkū.