Academic literature on the topic 'Tian'an Men (Beijing, China) – History'

IntroductionNon-valvular atrial fibrillation (NVAF) is a high-risk factor for ischaemic stroke. The 2016 European Society of Cardiology Atrial Fibrillation Management guidelines recommend oral anticoagulants (OACs) to prevent stroke in men with CHA2DS2-VASc scores ≥2 and women ≥3. However, in patients with a high risk of stroke and a high risk of bleeding (HAS-BLED (Hypertension, Abnormal renal/liver function, Stroke, Bleeding history or predisposition, Labile international normalized ratio, Elderly (> 65 years), Drugs/alcohol concomitantly) score≥3), OAC had a higher risk of bleeding. Left atrial appendage closure (LAAC) is non-inferior to OAC as a means of preventing stroke in several studies. As a minimally invasive intervention to prevent stroke, transthoracic LAAC (TS-LAAC) has a high successful closure rate, but there is a lack of literature reports directly comparing it with OAC. Our research compares TS-LAAC with novel oral anticoagulants (NOACs) and provides an appropriate programme for stroke prevention in a specific population.Methods and analysisThis is a non-randomised controlled trial study protocol, and we will conduct this study from April 2022 to April 2025. The study included 186 patients with confirmed NVAF, 93 of whom completed thoracoscopic LAAC, and the control group treated with NOACs. The primary outcome was the incidence of stroke and systemic embolism, as well as the composite endpoint events (stroke, systemic embolism, myocardial infarction, bleeding, cardiovascular death, etc). Secondary outcomes were ischaemic stroke, haemorrhagic stroke, any bleeding events, death from cardiovascular causes, death from all causes, residual root rate in the surgery group, device-related thrombosis in the surgery group, changes in blood pressure, cardiac chamber size changes, etc. Each subject completed at least 1 year of follow-up.Ethics and disseminationThe study has been approved by the Medical Ethics Committee of Beijing Tiantan Hospital, Capital Medical University, China (approval number: KY2022-013-02). The results from this study will be disseminated through manuscript publications and national/international conferences.Trial registration numberChiCTR2200058109.

Objective.To evaluate HIV risk perception and its associated factors among Chinese MSM.Methods.A cross-sectional study was conducted among MSM with an HIV negative or unknown status in Beijing, China, between 2011 and 2012. A questionnaire interview was conducted and a blood sample was collected for HIV and syphilis testing.Results.Of 887 MSM who reported they were HIV negative or did not know their HIV status before recruitment, only 7.3% reported a high risk of HIV infection, 28.0% medium risk, 52.2% low risk, and 12.5% no risk. In multivariate logistic regression models using those who reported a medium self-perceived risk as a reference group, self-reported high risk of HIV perception was associated with minority ethnicity (odds ratio [OR]: 2.91; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.03–8.19), self-reported history of sexually transmitted diseases (OR: 2.27; 95% CI: 1.25–4.10), and HIV testing times since the last HIV testing (OR: 0.47; 95% CI: 0.26–0.84); low self-perceived risk of HIV infection was related to full-time employment (OR: 1.58; 95% CI: 1.15–2.18) and illicit drug use (OR: 0.28; 95% CI: 0.10–0.75).Conclusions.The HIV/AIDS epidemic is rapidly rising among Beijing MSM, but more than half MSM did not perceive this risk.

This article uses Beijing police case records between 1913 and 1948 to uncover a new view of male-male sexual relationships and their legal regulation infin-de-siècleChina. It moves beyond previous studies' focus on sexological discourse and the world of Peking opera, revealing that sex between men was neither rare nor secret to most denizens of the city. Much older practices and vocabularies surrounding male-male sex endured, even flourished, for far longer than the media or elite discourse might lead one to expect. Testimonies in these archives also make clear how difficult it can be to separate sexual abuse from the need for survival and for erotic fulfillment. Studying how the former imperial capital's many disenfranchised men and the law enforcement prosecuting them defined these boundaries, as well as those of erotic legitimacy more broadly, offers insights for understanding sexual politics in today's China.

ObjectivesThe study aimed to determine the exact risk factors for diabetic retinopathy (DR) in the Chinese population using a cohort of 17 985 individuals from Beijing, China.DesignCross-sectional study.SettingA hospital.Participants17 985 individuals from Beijing, China.Primary and secondary outcome measuresThis was a cross-sectional study of permanent residents from the Changping area (Beijing, China) recruited from July 2010 to March 2011 and from March 2014 to February 2015 during a routine health examination at the Tongren Hospital of Beijing. Eye examinations were conducted by experienced ophthalmologists. Medical history, height, weight, body mass index (BMI) and blood pressure were recorded. Routine laboratory examinations were performed.ResultsThe prevalence of DR was 1.5% in the general study population and 8.1% among individuals with diabetes. Compared with the non-DR group, individuals in the DR group in the diabetes population had longer disease duration, higher systolic blood pressure (SBP), fasting plasma glucose (FPG) and uric acid (UA) (in men) and lower UA (in women) (all p<0.05). The multivariate analysis showed that disease duration (p<0.001), BMI (p=0.046), SBP (p=0.012), creatinine clearance rate (CCR) (p=0.014), UA (p=0.018) and FPG (p<0.001) were independently associated with DR in patients with diabetes.ConclusionThe prevalence of DR was 8.1% among patients with diabetes. Disease duration, BMI, SBP, CCR, UA and FPG were independently associated with DR.

Abstract This article mainly draws on Kam Louie’s wen/wu paradigm of Chinese masculinities and R. W. Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity to examine the representation of diasporic Chinese wen masculinities in the popular Chinese television drama A Native of Beijing in New York and Ha Jin’s novel A Free Life. The article argues that the two texts suggest there is no monolithic and static diasporic masculinity among contemporary immigrant Chinese wen men in the US; rather, immigrant Chinese wen men are constantly negotiating, forming and performing their diasporic masculinity according to their specific financial conditions, personal aspirations, as well as the economic situations in China.

Among all the inequalities of traditional Chinese society, education was one of the most obvious. In most cases, girls and women were not expected to receive education at the highest level and in late Qing China, most Chinese women did not have access to a university education. Cai Yuanpei (1868–1940), an educator of the late Qing era and of Republican China, was renowned for his progressivism towards women. His broad-mindedness can be perceived in the way he advocated and implemented for girls and women educational opportunities on a par with those available to boys and men. Although many of his well-known contemporaries shared similarly progressive ideas on women, none of them are regarded as the initiator of the admittance of women to China's national universities. Actually during the May Fourth Period Cai was Chancellor of an important academic institution in China and thus strategically placed at a decisive moment in modern Chinese history.

Background: Sexually-transmitted disease (STD) is a facilitating cofactor that contributes to human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) transmission. Previous studies indicated a high prevalence of STDs among men who have sex with men (MSM) in China. To date, limited data are available for correlates of STD infection among young migrant MSM in China. The current study intends to examine the association between demographic and behavioral factors and STD infection. Methods: Data were collected from a sample of 307 migrant MSM aged 18–29 years in Beijing in 2009. Multivariate logistic regression analysis was employed to examine the factors associated with a history of STDs. Results: Results showed that about 13% of MSM reported a history of STDs. The average number of lifetime sexual partners was 15.0. About 56.7% of MSM did not use a condom at the first sexual encounter. The percentage of MSM who used a condom consistently was 47.4%. Multivariate logistic regression results showed that STD history was positively associated with education, income, the number of lifetime male sexual partners, and negatively associated with the frequency of properly using a condom. Conclusion: STD history was associated with socioeconomic status and sexual risk behaviors. The results suggested that HIV prevention intervention programs need to educate MSM to reduce the number of sexual partners and to use a condom properly. Furthermore, HIV prevention intervention programs among MSM need to be tailored to meet the needs of different socioeconomic groups of MSM.

Background HIV prevalence has been rapidly increasing among men who have sex with men (MSM) attending university in China, but HIV testing rates remain suboptimal. The factors associated with past HIV testing in this population in Beijing, China, were investigated. Methods: This study used data from the baseline survey of an HIV intervention clinical trial among MSM who did not have a history of a positive HIV diagnosis. This analysis focused on the HIV testing experience in a subgroup of university student MSM participants. Log-binomial models were used to evaluate factors associated with past HIV testing. Results: Of 375 university student MSM, the median age was 22 years; 89.3% were Han ethnic. Approximately half (50.4%, n = 189) had ever taken an HIV test before the survey. In a multivariable log-binomial model, older age (adjusted prevalence ratio (APR), 1.04; 95% confidence interval (CI), 1.02–1.06), had first sexual intercourse at age &lt;18 years (APR, 1.35; 95% CI, 1.08–1.45) and knew someone living with HIV (APR, 1.33; 95% CI, 1.07–1.61) were associated with a higher likelihood of past testing. Self-reported barriers to taking a test included perceived low HIV risk, fear of a positive diagnosis, did not know where to get tested and fear of discrimination. Facilitators included anonymity in taking a test, confidentiality of testing results and availability of home-based and rapid testing. Conclusions: The HIV testing rate among university student MSM was low. Interventions should be implemented to address structural, institutional and individual barriers to HIV testing in this vulnerable population.

The article is devoted to the first translation of I. A. Krylov's plays in China, published in 2020. The translator is Li Chunyu, a lecturer at the Faculty of foreign languages of Xiamen University. This is the first book to introduce Chinese readers to Krylov as a playwright. As a fable writer he has long been well known in China, but his plays were translated for the first time by Li Chunyu, and he translated all 13 of Krylov's plays, including three unfinished ones. The article discusses some features of these translations, primarily the specifics of the title transformations, when the comic opera “The Coffee Lady” is translated as “The Soothsayer”, the comedy “Naughty Men” as “Chickens Fly and Dogs Jump”, the comedy “Pie” as “Chicken Cutlet”, and the most famous Krylov comedy “Lesson to Daughters” as “French Marquis” (the entire book is also called that). The article explains that the names of Krylov's plays were not changed accidentally, that the choice made by the translator is justified both by the peculiarities of the literary text perception by Chinese readers, and in terms of the history of Russian literature, when the title of Krylov's play “The French Marquis” (instead of “The lesson for daughters”), according to the translator, corresponds to the name of the famous comedy by N. V. Gogol “The Inspector General”. The article pays special attention to the analysis of the Golden Russia series of books, whose publication was launched in 2014 by the People's Publishing House (Zhenmin Chubanshe) of Sichuan province, edited by Wang Jianzhao, professor of the Institute of Foreign Literature at Beijing University of Foreign Languages, aimed at studying and publishing the best works of Russian culture for Chinese readers.

The objective of this study was to investigate the self-care behaviors among hypertensive patients in primary care. A cross-sectional survey, with 318 hypertensive patients, was conducted in a rural area in Beijing, China, in 2012. Participants were mainly recruited from a community health clinic and completed questionnaires assessing their self-care behaviors, including data on adherence to a prescribed medication regimen, low-salt diet intake, smoking habits, alcohol consumption, blood pressure monitoring, and physical exercise. The logistic regression model was used for the analysis of any association between self-care behaviors and age, gender, duration of hypertension, self-rated health, marital status, education level, diabetes status, or body mass index. Subjects that adhered to their medication schedule were more likely to have hypertension for a long duration (OR, 3.44; 95% CI 1.99–5.97). Older participants (OR, 1.80; 95% CI 1.08–2.99) were more likely to monitor their blood pressure. Subjects who did not partake in physical exercise were more likely to be men, although the difference between genders was not significant (OR, 0.60; 95% CI 0.36–1.01). Patients with shorter history of hypertension, younger and being males have lower self-care behaviors. Primary care providers and public health practitioner should pay more attention to patients recently diagnosed with hypertension as well as younger male patients.

The China Relief Expedition, an eight-nation military effort, was organized to rescue foreign nationals in the country during the Boxer Uprising (1899–1901). In Thirteen Months in China, Thakur Gadadhar Singh, a British Indian soldier of the 7th Rajput Regiment, recounts his experiences as he set sail along with his men for Beijing in the summer of 1900. Written shortly after his return to India in 1901, he details several aspects of China and its people he met over the course of thirteen months. Part travelogue, part history, Singh’s eyewitness account offers a first-hand view of the tumultuous events of the Boxer Uprising and its aftermath, as also of Chinese society, culture, politics, religion, and art and architecture, often in a comparative perspective. It is a rare historical source of an Indian subaltern’s outlook on the history of China, and its customs and practices.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.

This chapter explores the development of the department of physics at Yenching University, an American-funded missionary institution in Beijing, China during the Republican period. It shows how the department evolved from a primitive premedical teaching program to a major center of physics education and research. It also reveals the significant role of the Rockefeller Foundation in this development, partly as the sponsor of the Premedical School of Peking Union Medical College. Founded in 1917, the Premedical School shared with Yenching’s science departments its advanced facilities and in 1926 became part of the university. In 1927, the department created a Master of Science program in physics, the first of its kind in China, promoting original research among its faculty and students. Before the Japanese army shut down the university in December 1941, more than ninety Chinese young men and women had completed their study in this department with a research thesis. A considerable number of Yenching graduates went on to earn their doctorates in America or Europe and subsequently returned home, becoming leading physicists in China in the twentieth century. Among them, Kun Huang (黃昆‎, Class 1941) and Chia-Lin Hsieh (謝家麟‎, Class 1943) even won the State Preeminent Science and Technology Awards, the highest scientific honor in China, in 2001 and 2011 respectively.