Journal articles on the topic 'Thutmose;III, King of Egypt'
To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Thutmose;III, King of Egypt.
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 24 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Thutmose;III, King of Egypt.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Reunov, Yury S. "NECESSARY CRUELTY: ON THE ISSUE OF THE GENDER ICONOGRAPHY OF THUTMOSE III." Articult, no. 4 (2022): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2227-6165-2022-4-71-79.
Full textAbstract:
Thutmose III went down in history as a great warrior pharaoh who expanded borders of Egypt, conquered many peoples in the Middle East and upstream of the Nile, in Nubia. His victories were secured by a professionally trained army, as well as personal qualities of the king himself, such as courage, determination, cunning and the ability to inspire. No less important, as the Egyptians believed, was support of gods who gave the ruler victory over foreigners and power over conquered territories. Triumph over the enemies was imprinted on walls of temples, including one in Karnak. In the scenes, the pharaoh acts as a warrior ruthlessly cracking down on numerous opponents. This paper is devoted to study of gender role of the ruler defeating enemies, as well as artistic techniques of representing this role on reliefs.
2
Rühli, Frank, Salima Ikram, and Susanne Bickel. "New Ancient Egyptian Human Mummies from the Valley of the Kings, Luxor: Anthropological, Radiological, and Egyptological Investigations." BioMed Research International 2015 (2015): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2015/530362.
Full textAbstract:
The Valley of the Kings (arab.Wadi al Muluk; KV) situated on the West Bank near Luxor (Egypt) was the site for royal and elite burials during the New Kingdom (ca. 1500–1100 BC), with many tombs being reused in subsequent periods. In 2009, the scientific project “The University of Basel Kings’ Valley Project” was launched. The main purpose of this transdisciplinary project is the clearance and documentation of nonroyal tombs in the surrounding of the tomb of Pharaoh Thutmosis III (ca. 1479–1424 BC; KV 34). This paper reports on newly discovered ancient Egyptian human mummified remains originating from the field seasons 2010–2012. Besides macroscopic assessments, the remains were conventionally X-rayed by a portable X-ray unitin situinside KV 31. These image data serve as basis for individual sex and age determination and for the study of probable pathologies and embalming techniques. A total of five human individuals have been examined so far and set into an Egyptological context. This project highlights the importance of ongoing excavation and science efforts even in well-studied areas of Egypt such as the Kings’ Valley.
3
Abdel Ghany, Khaled. "Das frühste Amduat-Exemplar im Tal der Könige." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 145, no. 1 (June 1, 2018): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2018-0001.
Full textAbstract:
Summary After G. Daressy had indicated in the Catalogue général that two small mud-plaster fragments of Amduat (CG 24990 C) were found in the tomb of king Thutmosis I (KV 38), egyptologists assumed that the tomb KV 38 may have been originally decorated with a mud-plaster version of Amduat – however, there were neither archaeological evidences nor illustrations available. For this reason in 2015 I started an exploration in the tomb KV 38. In this search, I actually found further mud-plaster fragments of the Amduat book in the small side chamber (Ja). After examination and analysis of the discovered fragments with comparable scenes from the tomb of Thutmose III (KV 34) I think that the mud-plaster fragment scenes from the tomb of Thutmosis I (KV 38) are much earlier than the similar scenes from the tomb of Thutmosis III. Therefore, the discovered mud-plaster Amduat fragments from the tomb KV 38 represent the earliest ever Amduat specimen in the Valley of the Kings, made by the King Thutmosis I.
4
Serrano, José M. "The Ritual of “Encircling the Tomb” in the Funerary Monument of Djehuty (TT 11)." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 146, no. 2 (November 1, 2019): 209–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2019-0018.
Full textAbstract:
Summary In the Theban tomb of Djehuty (TT 11) we have the representation of a ritual apparently focused on surrounding the funerary monument. The objective of this paper is the reconstruction of the scene, and the text that accompanies it, thanks to the parallel of TT 20 (Montuherkhepeshef). This allows us to link this ritual to the Pap. Ramesseum E and other antecedents of the Old and Middle Kingdom. An interpretation within the historical, religious and cultural context of the age of Hatshepsut-Thutmose III, and a possible relationship with the Middle Egypt background of the owners of TT 11 and TT 20 is also proposed.
5
Huber, Peter J. "The Astronomical Basis of Egyptian Chronology of the Second Millennium BC." Journal of Egyptian History 4, no. 2 (2011): 172–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416611x618721.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Egyptian dates are widely used for fixing the chronologies of surrounding countries in the Ancient Near East. But the astronomical basis of Egyptian chronology is shakier than generally assumed. The moon dates of the Middle and New Kingdom are here re-examined with the help of experiences gained from Babylonian astronomical observations. The astronomical basis of the chronology of the New Kingdom is at best ambiguous. The conventional date of Thutmose III’s year 1 in 1479 BC agrees with the raw moon dates, but it has been argued by several Egyptologists that those dates should be amended by one day, and then the unique match is 1504 BC. The widely accepted identification of a moon date in year 52 of Ramesses II, which leads to an accession of Ramesses II in 1279 BC, is by no means certain. In my opinion that accession year remains nothing more than one of several possibilities. If one opts for a shortened Horemhab reign, dating Ramesses II to 1290 BC gives a better compromise chronology. But the most convincing astronomical chronology is a long one: Ramesses II in 1315 BC, Thutmose III in 1504 BC. It is favored by Amarna-Hittite synchronisms and a solar eclipse in the time of Muršili II. The main counter-argument is that this chronology is at least 10–15 years higher than what one calculates from the Assyrian King List and the Kassite synchronisms. For the Middle Kingdom on the other hand, among the disputed dates of Sesostris III and Amenemhet III one combination turns out to be reasonably secure: Sesostris III’s year 1 in 1873/72 BC and Amenemhet III’s 30 years later.
6
Chapon, Linda. "Algunas hipótesis sobre el programa decorativo de las paredes en arenisca del Templo de Millones de Años de Tutmosis III." Trabajos de Egiptología. Papers on Ancient Egypt, no. 10 (2019): 63–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.tde.2019.10.04.
Full textAbstract:
The archaeological excavations undertaken since 2008 in the Henket-ankh, the Temple of Millions of Years of Thutmose III located on the West Bank of Thebes, have resulted in the discovery of a large number of relief fragments, both in sandstone and limestone. While a part of the sanctuary would have been made of limestone, sandstone was used for most decorated walls of the temple. The material is very fragmented, and very little of the original structures of the temple remains. However, its study has allowed us to elaborate hypotheses about some of the scenes that would have been represented, as well as to suggest possible reconstructions. They included, among others, the massacre and list of enemies or battle, a calendar of festivities, processions, the Ished tree or the king outfitted with the Heb Sed robe. These iconographic elements responded to an intentional program in which each type of representation, ritual or other, had its place in specific areas of the temple. These would be combined with scenes of offerings to the gods, in particular to Amun, guarantor at the same time than recipient of the king’s deeds. This paper aims to present an integral vision of what has been determined in terms of these scenes. Given the state of the material, the limitations that we face when it comes to deciphering this figurative discourse are manifest; however, the reliefs discovered in the Henket-ankh evidence the complexity of the decorative and symbolic program, as well as the quality of relief and polychrome, which once existed in the Temple of Millions of Years of Thutmose III
7
Addinall, Peter. "Exodus III 19B and the Interpretation of Biblical Narrative." Vetus Testamentum 49, no. 3 (1999): 289–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853399774227994.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractGod tells Moses that the king of Egypt will not let the Hebrews go, not even by a mighty hand. It is, however, a basic theme of the Exodus narrative that the king of Egypt is in fact compelled to let the Hebrews go by the mighty hand of Yahweh. From ancient times to the present commentators and translators have in general either eliminated the contradiction by re-writing the text or adopting a forced interpretation of it. A different but by no means novel approach to the text removes the contradiction and at the same time poses a challenge to much generally accepted analysis of biblical narrative.
8
Mekawy Ouda, Ahmed M. "A Group of Unpublished Objects from a Foundation Deposit for King Thutmose III from the Temple of Amun, Djeserakhet, at Deir el-Bahari." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 106, no. 1-2 (June 2020): 145–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0307513320978244.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores 32 inscribed objects from foundation deposits of the Temple of Thutmose III, Djeserakhet, at Deir el-Bahari. They contain ointment jars, chisels, saws, axes, surveyor’s stakes, ‘Opening of the Mouth’ adzes, a grinder, and a model of a rocker. They are kept at the Egyptian Museum in Cairo and the museum database records that they were found at Sheikh Abd el-Qurna; however, the method of acquisition is unknown. This paper evaluates these pieces of information in light of the inscriptions on these objects and other objects from foundation deposits for the same king from the same site, Djeserakhet (which are scattered in different museums around the world), to reconstruct their archaeological context. This paper also notes the current museum inventory numbers of these objects to create a network of the entire group. It closely scrutinizes these objects, their inscriptions, the techniques used for engraving them, and the addressed deity.
9
SCALVA, GIUSE. "UN MEDICO ALLA CORTE DI CARLO EMANUELE III: VITALIANO DONATI E IL SUO VIAGGIO IN LEVANTE (1759-1762)1." Nuncius 15, no. 1 (2000): 365–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/182539100x00524.
Full textAbstract:
Abstracttitle SUMMARY /title Vitaliano Donati, physician and naturalist, born in Padua in 1717, around the mid-eighteenth century played a significant role among the leading Italian philosophers, performing in Italy and in the Balkans some important naturalistic research that set the basis for the geographical map, the new theory of Carl Linn. In 1751, King Charles Emmanuel of Savoy called him to the chair of Botany in Turin University. During the permanence of Vitaliano Donati in the Kingdom of Sardinia he continued his important activities in botany, mineralogy and geology and made relevant observations about climate, earthquakes, and mining-sites in Piedmont always having the aim of increasing the knowledge of local resources and their potential for exploitation. In 1759 the king entrusted Vitaliano Donati with the direction of a scientific and commercial mission in Egypt and in the East Indies. This voyage had a double purpose: to collect samples for a Museum and for the Botany Garden, and to observe in those countries the processes of mineral extraction, of agricultural cultivation and of livestock breeding. The travel started in Venice in June 1759, and among critical events and diplomatic plots, continued to the Middle East and Egypt, from where it continued until wriving at the Indian Ocean. But this adventure ended in February 1762 when Donati died on a Turkish boat not far away the Indian coast near Mangalore. This article, which trace the complete transcription of the correspondence concerning the voyage, also reports the text of the "instructive memory", issued by the king to Vitaliano Donati, and summarises the scientific and political scopes of this unfortunate enterprise.
10
Guo, Zhiyun. "How Well Did the “Eternal Treaty” Function? An Appraisal by the Correspondence Between Hattusili III and Ramesses II." DABIR 9, no. 1 (November 30, 2022): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00901005.
Full textAbstract:
This essay aims to verify that the “Eternal Treaty” was enforced after its conclusion by the Hittite King Hattusili III and the Egyptian Pharaoh Ramesses II. Through the classification, interpretation, and analysis of their letters, combined with historical facts, we can verify whether the treaty accomplished its purpose. The “Eternal Treaty” provided a diplomatic framework for Hatti and Egypt, and as a result, this article demonstrates that almost all of the diplomatic affairs between these two states were based on its clauses.
11
Coşkun, Altay. "Berenike Phernophoros and Other Virgin Queens in Early-Ptolemaic Egypt." Klio 104, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 191–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2021-0040.
Full textAbstract:
Summary The main function of Hellenistic queenship is increasingly understood as contributing to the definition of the basileus. The early Ptolemies produced the most peculiar version of the ‘sister queen’, known throughout the Near East as an ideological construct, but taken literally in Egypt from the time of Ptolemy II Philadelphos (285/282–246) and Arsinoe II Philadelphos (278/275–270), the ‘Sibling-Lovers’. The most famous example of a ‘virgin queen’ is Berenike, the daughter of Ptolemy III Euergetes and Berenike II, best known from the Kanopos Decree, which regulated her posthumous cult (238). Often understood as a merely honorary title for some or potentially all princesses in Alexandria, the basilissa title of unmarried girls has found little scholarly attention so far. Altogether, there are surprisingly few royal daughters for whom we have clear evidence: besides the aforesaid Berenike, her sister Arsinoe III (died 204) and previously Berenike (later known as Phernophoros, died 246), the daughter of the Philadelphoi. Claims that Arsinoe II or her sister Philotera had enjoyed the same status at the court of Ptolemy I Soter (323–282) cannot be substantiated, so that their basilissa titles should be explained by marriage with a king. The phenomenon of virgin queenship was thus of limited duration. It is best interpreted as a ramification of an emphatically endogamous royal dynasty: Ptolemy II and Ptolemy III pledged their most distinguished daughter to the future successor even before he had been chosen from among his brothers.
12
عبد السلام إبراهيم, عبد الواحد. "بسجل الدخول بالمتحف المصري بالقاهرة 43649 ملاحظات على لوحة پا-سر رقم (Observations on Paser Stela no. 43649 in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo)." Abgadiyat 7, no. 1 (2012): 15–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138609-00701007.
Full textAbstract:
The stela of Paser, which the Cairo Museum possesses (JdE 43649), is one of the most important religious documents ever found in Egypt. It was unearthed in Abydos, but the exact provenance is unknown. The stela is a limestone of very mediocre quality, and measures 54×35 cm. It was purchased in Balliana, the market town of the Abydos region. The inscriptions and representations are somewhat carelessly incised. It is the single document which provides the greatest information on the cult of King Nebhepetre Ahmose I at Abydos. A good photograph is reproduced of G. Legrain “Un miracle d‘Ahmes Ier a Abydos sous le regne de Ramses II.”, in ASAE 16, 1916. It describes a land dispute put before the barque oracle of the deified Nebpehtyre Ahmose I, in the Year fourteen of the King Ramses II of the Nineteenth Dynasty, some two-hundred-and-thirty- five years following the death of Nebpehtyre Ahmose I. The names and titles of the priests and priestesses serving the cult of King Nebpehtyre Ahmose I are found on a variety of objects from Abydos, spanning the period from the early Eighteenth Dynasty into the reign of King Ramses II of the Nineteenth Dynasty. The activity of an oracle cult of the deified King during the Ramesside Period implies that significant transformations to the nature and practice of Ahmose‘s worship had taken place over time at Abydos. Perhaps the oracles are the best illustrations of the interest which the deity was believed to take in human affairs. The oracles also show how the Egyptians almost forced their gods to abandon a passive attitude towards men and to reveal their will, advice or knowledge. This was through the intermediary of the statue of the god which was asked questions, though more than one case is related where the initiative was from the god himself. Strangely enough, the practice of approaching the god and consulting him appears relatively late in Egypt, the first known instances dating from the New Kingdom. It is not necessary to conclude from this, as has sometimes been done, that the practice was originally unknown to Egypt, and was introduced from abroad. On the contrary, consultation with the god is the natural outcome of man‘s reasoning, and the rather original technique which the Egyptians devised for this purpose suggests that oracles in Egypt were of native origin. The first reference to the divine being manifested is probably that made by King Tuthmosis III, who relates how, when he was still a boy, the god Amun, in the course of a procession of his statue round the temple, noticed him and halted. (Please note that this article is in Arabic)
13
James, Peter. "Rameses III King of Egypt: His Life and Afterlife; Afterglow of Empire: Egypt from the Fall of the New Kingdom to the Saite Renaissance." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 153, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 70–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00310328.2021.1877410.
Full text
14
Caminos, Ricardo A. "Amenophis III's vizier Amenhotep at Silsilah East." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73, no. 1 (August 1987): 207–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338707300120.
Full textAbstract:
Work of the Archaeological Survey of Egypt at Gebel es-Silsilah has confirmed Legrain's suggestion that the Amenhotep shown adoring the cartouches of Amenophis III in a shrine on the east bank was ‘the overseer of the City and vizier’ of that king. The same officer must be the ‘Imn-ḥtp also shown adoring Amenophis Ill's cartouches on Legrain's Stela B, where the man's name is legible but his titles are not. It is possible that he was also represented in two more shrines at Silsilah East. In all these monuments his figure and identity docket were hacked out in antiquity for unknown reasons.
15
Allam, Schafik. "Le Traité égypto-hittite de paix et d’alliance entre les rois Ramsès II et Khattouchili III (d’après l’inscription hiéroglyphique au temple de Karnak)*." Journal of Egyptian History 4, no. 1 (2011): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187416611x580697.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWith the conquests of Tuthmosis III in Syria, Egypt entered into the international scene of the Near Eastern world. Thereafter, the Hittites were extending their frontiers across northern Mesopotamia and Syria. This led to conflict with Egypt, since each was aspiring to control the routes of international commerce. Inevitably, the two super-powers clashed at Qadesh, and the relationship between them remained full of hostility and distrust. True peace came only upon the conclusion of a treaty between Ramesses II and Khattouchili III, through which an extreme alliance was finally agreed. The treaty was an implicit recognition by both partners of a territorial status quo. Its conclusion was probably enhanced by the rising of the Assyrians and the infiltration of the Sea Peoples. Furthermore, the Hittite king was worried about his right to rule; his seizure of the throne left him concerned about the succession to his own family line. In this situation an accommodation with Ramesses II left Khattouchili in a more secure position. The treaty in the form of a pact between two powers of equal status is the oldest known one in history. Although previously translated and commented upon, this is the first such treatment in French.
16
Ramzi, Ahmed Ibrahim. "Producing Image Map of Thebes Necropolis Cultural Heritage Site: The Mortuary Temple of King Ramses III at Habo Luxor, Egypt." International Journal of Advanced Remote Sensing and GIS 4, no. 1 (July 14, 2015): 1109–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.23953/cloud.ijarsg.101.
Full text
17
T., Sherkova,. "Symbolism of Images and Motives in the Image Texts of the Nagada Culture and Their Transformation in the Cultural and Historical Development of Ancient Egypt." Bulletin of Science and Practice, no. 1 (January 15, 2023): 340–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/86/50.
Full textAbstract:
Motives of hunting and battles were the most popular in the fine arts of predynastic and early dynastic time. This article analyzes the painted vessels of type C and D, related respectively to the early and middle phases of the Nagada I (amrat) and Nagada II (gerzean) cultures, as well as ceremonial slate palettes of the protodynastic period (Nagada III) with their complex compositions. These artifacts reflectedmytho-religious ideas and the ritual that played the most important role in the struggle of order against chaos. It served as the main mechanism for the preservation of the cosmos as a cosmogonic principle. The ritual consolidated society around a social leader (king), who was symbolized on some artifacts by images of animals: a bull, a lion, fantastic animals projecting magical power, mana onto him. Along with geometric ornamentation, including floral and figurines of the inhabitants of the Nile waters: hippos and crocodiles, type C vessels were painted with scenes of hunting, battles and the victory of leaders - leaders or regional kings over enemies. The visual arts of Nagada II-III were still dominated by the motifs of hunting and battles, but they were executed in a new stylistic manner. Symbolically, the motif of hunting and battles, culminating in the triumph of the leader / king, reveals the internal identity of the theme of hunting the inhabitants of the Nile, wild animals of the desert and defeating enemies in the dynamics of the development of ancient Egyptian culture.
18
Fischer-Bovet, Christelle. "EGYPTIAN WARRIORS: THEMACHIMOIOF HERODOTUS AND THE PTOLEMAIC ARMY." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (April 24, 2013): 209–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881200064x.
Full textAbstract:
The role and status of the Egyptians in the army of Hellenistic Egypt (323–30b.c.) has been a debated question that goes back to the position within Late Period Egyptian society (664–332b.c.) of the Egyptian warriors described by Herodotus asmachimoi. Until a few decades ago, Ptolemaic military institutions were perceived as truly Greco-Macedonian and the presence of Egyptians in the army during the first century of Ptolemaic rule was contested. The Egyptians were thought of as being unfit to be good soldiers. Egyptians would have been hired only as late as 217b.c.to fight against the Seleucid king Antiochus III in Raphia. The Ptolemaic victory (in fact rather a status quo) was made possible thanks to the addition of twenty thousand Egyptians to reinforce the Greek army. For a long time the subsequent role of Egyptians in the Ptolemaic army in the second and first centuriesb.c.did not attract much attention. One usually assumed that they were ‘second-rate soldiers’ calledmachimoi. In recent decades, the scholarship on Ptolemaic Egypt, notably Demotic studies, reasserted the role of Egyptians in the Ptolemaic army from the late fourth century onwards.
19
Papamarinopoulos, S. P. "ATLANTIS IN SPAIN III." Bulletin of the Geological Society of Greece 43, no. 1 (January 19, 2017): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/bgsg.11166.
Full textAbstract:
Plato three times in his text mentioned that the Atlantean events occurred 9000 years before Solon’s 6th century B.C. but once he also mentioned 8000 years for the same events. Taking into account the number of the Athenian Kings and the mean span of their successive generations which is more or less 30 years who governed Athens before the 12th century B.C., it is concluded that all of them together span a 350 year period which of course has nothing to do with the 10th millennium claimed by Plato. These Kings together with Theseus the first King of Athens correspond in the 2ed millennium B.C. The archaeological findings in the Acropolis mentioned by Plato, the collapse of the Achaean World, the loss of the writing system in Greece, the assault of the Atlantes have been proved to be of the 12th century B.C. The ancient sources and the archaeological findings in Egypt show a lunar calendrical system practised by the priests who transmitted the story of Atlantis to Solon in the 6th century B.C. Dividing therefore these thousands of years by 12.37 which is the number of the full moon in a year the platonic dates are landing in the end of the 13th to the beginning of the 12th century B.C. Considering the visibility from Atlantis of the celestial bears which are implied as general North indicators Plato himself invalidated the 10th millennium B.C., as the period of the Atlantean events, since no celestial bears can play such a role as celestial North’s constellation because the Earth’s axis of rotation does not pass through them. This conclusion forces a different interpretation in Plato’s thousands of years for the Atlantean events. The only logical explanation is that the thousands of years is moon months understood as years. Plato used the word island for Atlantis which is associated with events belonging in the late Bronze Age in which the word island had the meaning of either promontory or peninsula. The resolution of this major issue removed entirely the 2400 year misunderstanding between the word island and peninsula since Herodotus in the 5th century B.C. added the word peninsula for first time offering to the island today’s exclusive meaning. In other words Atlantis was as much an island as Peloponnesus was which an island was never. He also used with the common word Atlantis three different geological entities: a giant island, a horseshow basin and a system of concentric rings associated with geothermal springs and with black, white and red rocks.
20
СМИРНОВ, С. В. "A Female portraiture in the structure of the Seleukid Royal Iconography." Цивилизация и варварство, no. 11(11) (November 18, 2022): 146–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.11.11.005.
Full textAbstract:
В работе приводится обзор ключевых проблем царского женского портрета у Селевкидов. Несмотря на то, что женщины царских династий играли важную политическую роль в системе международных отношений эллинистических государств, их изображения немногочисленны. Исключение составляет династия Птолемеев, где женский портрет был устойчивой практикой, зародившейся еще в начале III в. до н.э. Напротив, у Селевкидов женские портреты появляются гораздо позже. Вопреки устоявшемуся в историографии мнению, самым ранним женским царским портретом у Селевкидов стоит считать изображение царицы Лаодики, жены царя Антиоха III, известное по оттиску печати из Селевкии на Тигре. Анализ иконографического материала показывает, что птолемеевский женский портрет представляет собой скорее особый случай, связанный с устойчивой догреческой иконографической традицией. В системе царской идеологии Селевкидов женский портрет как элемент парного портрета царя и царицы выступал инструментом легитимации власти нового правителя. В середине II в. до н.э., ввиду усиления политического влияния Египта, в державе Селевкидов появляется новый вариант царского женского портрета, выстроенного по египетским иконографическим канонам. The survey provides an overview of the main problems of the royal Seleukid female portraiture. Despite the fact that the women of the Hellenistic royal dynasties played an important political role in the system of international relations of the Hellenistic kingdoms, their images are rare. The exception is the Ptolemaic dynasty, where the female portrait was a long-live practice that originated at the beginning of the III century BC. On the other hand, Seleukid female portraits appear much later. Contrary to the well-established opinion in historiography, the earliest Seleukid female royal portrait should be considered the image of queen Laodice, the wife of king Antiochus III, known from the seal impression from Seleucia on the Tigris. The analysis of the iconography shows that the Ptolemaic female portrait is rather an extraordinary case associated with a stable pre-Greek iconographic tradition. In the system of the Seleukid royal ideology, a female portrait as an element of a jugate portrait of a king and a queen used as an instrument of legitimizing the power of the new ruler. In the middle of the II BC, while political influence of Egypt increases, a new version of the royal female portrait, based on Egyptian iconographic canons, appears in the Seleukid empire.
21
Lambert, W. G. "Ištar of Nineveh." Iraq 66 (2004): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900001595.
Full textAbstract:
Ištar of Nineveh at first glance presents a dilemma for the researcher. While she was a most important goddess, patron of a major town in north Mesopotamia, very little is known about her. As to her importance, in Hurrian religion Teššub and Ša'uška of Nineveh were heads of the pantheon. Here she is given her Hurrian name, Ša'uška. Thus the Mitanni king Tušratta in the Amarna letter no. 23, to Amenophis III, writes that Ša'uška of Nineveh, lady of all the lands (dMÙŠ šauruni-i-na nin kur-kur gáb-bi-i-ši-na-ma), wanted to travel to Egypt and to return. She is further called “lady of heaven” (nin ša-me-e) and “our lady” (nin-ne). Amarna letter no. 24, from the same Mitanni king to the same Pharaoh, refers to Ša'uška of Nineveh as “my goddess” (uruni-i-nu-a-a-we dša-uš-ka-a-wa de-en-ni-iw-wu-ú-a: VS XII 200 iii 98). One might conclude that “lady of heaven” alludes to her as Venus in the sky, but it might also mean the abode of the good gods without any astral allusion. It has been alleged that her wish to travel to Egypt was in the capacity of a goddess of healing, to cure the Pharaoh of his malady, but this is mere speculation. The letter gives no hint of this.This brief international affair illustrates the problems excellently. There is a mass of cuneiform material bearing on the Sumerian Inanna and her Babylono-Assyrian counterpart Ištar, especially hymns and prayers. From them one can extract her major attributes — sexuality and war — and her astral presence in the planet Venus. The occurrence of related gods in other ancient Near Eastern regions — Aštart and Anat in Syria, Aṯtar in Arabia — suggests that the origins of the cult go back perhaps to neolithic time or even earlier, and the certain relationship with the Greek Aphrodite and Roman Venus attests to the power of this cult, however one explains the connection. However, in each Mesopotamian well-established centre of this cult one can assume that local customs and traditions will have added something to the basic “theology” we extract from our general knowledge of the goddess. For Ištar of Nineveh the episode of Tušratta may or may not allude to her star Venus, but otherwise it is totally uninformative about her “theology”. And that is typical for most of the other dated and precisely located evidence.
22
Clayton, Peter A. "Rameses III King of Egypt: his life and afterlife. By Aidan Dodson. 295mm. Pp 189, 131 col and b/w figs. The American University Press, Cairo, 2019. isbn 9789774169403. £29.95 (hbk)." Antiquaries Journal 100 (July 13, 2020): 460. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581520000311.
Full text
23
Abdel Ghany, Khaled. "Die königlichen Amduat-Fragmente vor der Regierungszeit Thutmosis’ III." Zeitschrift für Ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 143, no. 1 (January 1, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaes-2016-0002.
Full textAbstract:
Summary:After thorough comparative examination of the Amduat limestone fragments from the tombs of king Thutmose I (KV38) and queen Hatshepsut (KV20), it is my conclusion that these limestone fragments of the oldest and earliest version of the Amduat Book together are forming an entity, that this is actually one single specimen. Therefore I assume that all fragments originate from only one tomb, namely from Thutmose I (KV 38), and neither from two different tombs nor from different reigns. It therefore seems problematic to state that any of these fragments might originate from tomb KV 20. Moreover, after having discovered the earliest ever mud-plaster fragments of the Amduat Book in the tomb of Thutmose I (KV 38) in the Valley of Kings, I could prove that the Amduat Book was already known during the reign of Thutmose I.
24
Rossini, Alessandro. "Triumphal Inscription of Ptolemy III at Adulis." 5 | 2 | 2021, no. 2 (December 10, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/axon/2532-6848/2021/02/005.
Full textAbstract:
The complex triumphal inscription of King Ptolemy III of Egypt (246-222/221 BC) ‘Great King descended from Heracles and Dionysus’ stands out among the great epigraphic documents of the Ptolemaic dynasty. It includes the official genealogy of the sovereign, a panorama of the territories inherited from Ptolemy II and, above all, the list of the conquests of the first phase of the Laodicean war (246-245 BC), which culminated in an anabasis up to Central Asia. We know this historical and meta-historical document only through the autopsy of the Alexandrian merchant Cosmas Indicopleustes, who saw it in Adulis (Kingdom of Axum), in the heart of ancient Aithiopia, in 547-549 AD. The inscription raises numerous questions, and must be examined keeping in view the concepts of memory and tradition. Added to this is the fascinating intellectual history of his reception, which played a role in the birth of the concept of ‘Hellenism’ itself.