Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Thucydides Language / Journal articles

Journal articles on the topic 'Thucydides Language'

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Thucydides Language.

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 29 January 2023

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Thucydides Language.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Mader, Gottfried. "Demagogic Style and Historical Method: Locating Cleon's Mytilenean Rhetoric (Thucydides 3.37–40)." Rhetorica 35, no. 1 (2017): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2017.35.1.1.

Full text

Abstract:

Truth-construction and -mediation are theorized both by Thucydides xyngrapheus and by the internal rhetores in his History, with tensions between these perspectives highlighting rhetorically significant moments of political communication. The historian posits the (negative) configuration “contest – pleasure – hearing – untruth – useless” as contrastive foil to his own model of “rigorous enquiry – pleasure disavowed – seeing – truth – useful.” Cleon the demagogue, in a process of rhetorical “contaminatio” or creative fusion, artfully (mis)appropriates and instrumentalizes this model in his critique of Athenian assembly culture, embedding the signature Thucydidean categories in a spirited anti-Thucydidean argument. His distinctive approach, conflating Thucydidean categories and noteworthy Periclean echoes, marks him as both anti-Pericles and anti-Thucydides, and signals a counter-model to the historian's own schema of truth-construction. As such, Cleon's tirade fits into the History's wider concern with the corruption of political discourse over the course of the war.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Low, Polly. "Looking for the language of Athenian imperialism." Journal of Hellenic Studies 125 (November 2005): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900007126.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractConventional portrayals of Athenian imperialism, heavily influenced by Thucydides, tend to assume that the Athenians thought of, and described, their imperialistic actions in frank, even brutal, terms. This article seeks to challenge that assumption by exploring two sets of fifth-century Athenian epigraphical material: documents which contain the phrase ‘the cities which the Athenians rule’, and inscriptions imposing regulations on allied states which are erected at the ally's expense. In both cases, it is argued that if these apparently overtly aggressive documents are considered in an epigraphic rather than a Thucydidean context, they reveal the existence of a more subtle, nuanced and diplomatic approach to imperial politics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Kalkavage, C. W., and W. Robert Connor. "Thucydides." American Journal of Philology 109, no. 2 (1988): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294588.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

NIKOLAIDIS, A. G. "THUCYDIDES 4.28.5." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 37, no. 1 (December 1, 1990): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1990.tb00219.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Quinn, Trevor. "Thucydides 3.36.2." Mnemosyne 50, no. 3 (1997): 323–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525972609636.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Panegyres, Konstantine. "Thucydides 4.121.1." Mnemosyne 72, no. 5 (September 3, 2019): 867–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342688.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Zoido, Juan Carlos Iglesias. "The Battle Exhortation in Ancient Rhetoric." Rhetorica 25, no. 2 (2007): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2007.25.2.141.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper examines how the battle exhortation was analysed in ancient rhetoric. The Thucydidean battle exhortation is the key: by combining different lines of argumentation drawn from the oratorical practices of the late fifth century BCE, Thucydides created a new kind of battle speech. The main feature of this speech is its flexibility in reasoning and its ability to fulfil new functions in historiographic works. Those two features explain why that kind of military speech proved so successful with later historians, and they also explain the views of imperial-age rhetoricians in analysing these speeches.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Marinatos, Nanno. "A Note on the Theiasmos of Nicias in Thucydides." Classica et Mediaevalia 70 (August 9, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.128156.

Full text

Abstract:

Thucydides criticises Nicias for being too partial to divination (7.50.4). It is suggested here through the examination of the linguistic nuances of θειασμός and the verb προσκείμενος, that Thucydides assessed him negatively primarily because he took the side of the army-seers. Yet, this criticism ought not to be blown out of proportion. Thucydides’ portrait differs significantly from Plutarch’s who describes Nicias as a diffident man easily gripped by fear and addicted to prophecies. Consequently, Thucydides’ criticism is a small parenthesis in his overall presentation of the Athenian general’s career whose decisions were based on skill, rational criteria and experience (5.16.1).

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Jordan, Borimir. "Religion in Thucydides." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 116 (1986): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/283914.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Neville Morley. "Thucydides Quote Unquote." Arion: A Journal of Humanities and the Classics 20, no. 3 (2013): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/arion.20.3.0009.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Greenwood, Emily. "Thucydideses: authorship, anachrony, and anachronism in Greek historiography." Classical Receptions Journal 12, no. 1 (January 1, 2020): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/crj/clz020.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This article revisits the theme of temporality in ancient Greek historiography through the lens of the Byzantine Histories of Laonikos Chalkokondyles, who fastened onto the device of the anachronic, proleptic future in Herodotus and Thucydides to license his apparently anachronistic device of writing in the language and persona of both, eighteen centuries after they wrote. In Laonikos’ account, his narrative is part of the future of ‘Greek’ history anticipated by Herodotus and Thucydides. Laonikos’ clever assimilation of Herodotus and Thucydides sheds new light on Thucydides’ own reduplication of himself to project an authorial and textual future. This strong, anachronic move has made Thucydides’ work assimilable by future readers and also opened up the work to the contingencies of reception, with its potential for anachronism.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Lebow, Richard Ned. "Thucydides the Constructivist." American Political Science Review 95, no. 3 (September 2001): 547–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401003112.

Full text

Abstract:

The most superficial level of Thucydides’ history examines the destructive consequences of domestic and foreign policies framed outside the language of justice. His deeper political-philosophical aim was to explore the relationship between nomos (convention) and phusis (nature) and its implications for civilization. Thucydides concludes that nomos constructs identities and channels and restrains the behavior of individuals and societies. Speech and reason (logos) in turn make nomos possible because all conventions depend on shared meanings. The feedback loop between logoi (words) and ergoi (deeds) created Greek civilization but also the international and civil strife (stasis) associated with the Peloponnesian War. International security and civil order depend upon recovering the meanings of words and the conventions they enable. Thucydides should properly be considered a constructivist.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Badian, E. "Athens, the Locrians and Naupactus." Classical Quarterly 40, no. 2 (December 1990): 364–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042944.

Full text

Abstract:

When Athens settled the Messenians at Naupactus, the Athenians (so Thucydides is said to tell us) had only just captured the city from the Locrians, who had been in possession of it. This, in fact, is all that Thucydides tells us of these important events, and it has (inter alia) caused grave difficulties for those who believe that Thucydides tells all the events he records in strict chronological order. The interpretation of this passage is taken for granted and has not (to my knowledge) been discussed. Crawley, Smith (Loeb edition), Romilly (Budé), Landsmann (Artemis) will suffice to represent translation into various Western languages. It also seems to be accepted by all historians, certainly as far back as Grote (iv. 420), where their language is sufficiently specific to enable us to judge how they understand the passage.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Lavelle, B. M. "Epikouroi in Thucydides." American Journal of Philology 110, no. 1 (1989): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294950.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Porter, Stanley E. "Thucydides 1.22.1 and Speeches in Acts: Is There a Thucydidean View?" Novum Testamentum 32, no. 2 (1990): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853690x00025.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Taylor, Martha C. "Implicating the demos: a reading of Thucydides on the rise of the Four Hundred." Journal of Hellenic Studies 122 (November 2002): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3246206.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractIn the midst of his account of the events, Thucydides says that it was difficult to switch Athens from democracy to the oligarchic rule of the Four Hundred (8.68.4). Most modern scholars have agreed, viewing the rise of the Four Hundred primarily as a coup effected by violence, terror and deceit. This interpretation does not conform to Thucydides' narrative (8.47-70), however, which shows that it was not very hard to end the Athenian democracy. Although terror, violence and propaganda have their place in Thucydides' account, modern treatments overemphasize them and so ignore or gloss over Thucydides' charge that the Athenian people did not resist oligarchy very strenuously and so bear a large share of responsibility for it. In Thucydides' narrative Peisander et al. are open about plans for oligarchy (if not for the extremely limited oligarchy that they eventually put in place at Kolonos) both on Samos and in Athens, and meet little resistance from democratic supporters. In addition, Thucydides' rhetoric repeatedly mutes what resistance there is, as if to underscore its weakness. Thucydides' Athenians for the most part quickly and easily abandon their democracy. There was a ‘terror’ campaign, but its scope, effect and need has been exaggerated. In particular, there is no reason to think that the location of the Kolonos meeting – where the Athenians voted the limited oligarchy of the Four Hundred into power – terrified them into doing so. Thucydides' comment on the difficulty of the task of the Four Hundred is ironic. There is a jarring contrast between Thucydides' judgement and his narrative which, when recognized, compels readers to re-examine their own assumptions and expectations. The attention modern commentators have given to Thucydides' words about intimidation and propaganda have left them deaf to the other interesting story Thucydides has to tell about the role the Athenian demos played in the move to oligarchy.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Taylor, Martha C. "Hesychia in Thucydides." Classical Philology 117, no. 4 (October 1, 2022): 626–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/721533.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Rhodes, P. "Thucydides and his audience: What thucydides explains and what he does not." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 48, no. 1-2 (January 2008): 83–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.48.2008.1-2.11.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Stadter, Philip A., and Simon Hornblower. "A Commentary on Thucydides." American Journal of Philology 114, no. 3 (1993): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295526.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Swain, S. "Thucydides 1.22.1 and 3.82.4." Mnemosyne 46, no. 1 (1993): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852593x00033.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Lang, Mabel L. "Participial Motivation in Thucydides." Mnemosyne 48, no. 4 (1995): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852595x00040.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Spence, I. G. "Thucydides, Woodhead, and Kleon*)." Mnemosyne 48, no. 4 (1995): 411–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852595x00248.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Dewald, Carolyn. "Brill's Companion to Thucydides." Mnemosyne 62, no. 1 (2009): 122–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852508x321310.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Flory, Stewart. "Pasa Idea in Thucydides." American Journal of Philology 109, no. 1 (1988): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/294755.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Lang, Mabel L. "Participial Motivation in Thucydides." Mnemosyne 48, no. 4 (1995): 48–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852595x00040-b.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Milisavljevic, Vladimir. "Human nature and stasis: On the influence of Thucydides on Hobbes’s science of politics." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 159-160 (2016): 689–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1660689m.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper assesses the influence of Thucydides on Hobbes?s conception of man and, more generally, on his model of ?Civil Science?. This influence can be traced back to the time when Hobbes worked on his translation of Thucydides?s history of the Peloponnesian War. Already at that time, Hobbes characterized Thucydides as the ?the most politic historiographer that ever writ?, i.e. the historian whose work contributed the most to the true knowledge of politics. The main argument of the paper is that Hobbes?s admiration for the author of the History of the Peloponnesian War can be best explained by Thucydides?s ability to portray the essential conflictuality of politics. This thesis is confirmed by a comparative analysis of some important themes in Thucydides?s historical narrative and several major theoretical statements of Hobbes?s anthropology and political theory. There is an unmistakable similarity, which has often been commented on, between Hobbes?s account of the three principal causes of conflict between individuals in the state of nature - Competition, Diffidence and Glory - and the three main human instincts to which the Athenians appeal, in a speech that Thucydides conveys, to justify their striving for power. However, Thucydides influenced Hobbes mostly by his descriptions of internal war. The final part of the article examines in this light two topics from Thucydides?s famous description of the stasis which took place in Corcyra - the impossibility of justice and the perversion of language in time of sedition in the polis.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Hornblower, Simon. "The fourth-century and Hellenistic reception of Thucydides." Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (November 1995): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631643.

Full text

Abstract:

How well known was Thucydides' history in the fourth century BC and the hellenistic period? Gomme, with an eye on Polybius, once wrote of the ‘nearly complete silence about Thucydides in what remains to us of ancient writers before the age of Cicero and Dionysius of Halicarnassus’. This is startling at first and has to my knowledge led to the misconception that Thucydides virtually disappeared after his own time. Gomme was however referring merely to specific mentions or discussions of Thucydides by name: he went on to speak of the ‘silent compliment paid him by Kratippos, Xenophon, Theopompos, and Philistos’. Even this is far from a complete list, and Gomme's possibly misleading paragraph can serve as my starting-point.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Sowerby, Robin. "Thomas Hobbes's Translation of Thucydides." Translation and Literature 7, no. 2 (September 1998): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.1998.7.2.147.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Sowerby, Robin. "Thomas Hobbes's Translation of Thucydides." Translation and Literature 7, Part_2 (January 1998): 147–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/tal.1998.7.part_2.147.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

PELLING, C. B. R. "THUCYDIDES‘ ARCHIDAMUS AND HERODOTUS’ ARTABANUS." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 37, Supplement_58 (January 1, 1991): 120–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1991.tb02208.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

SIFAKIS, G. M. "AGONISMATA IN THUCYDIDES AND ARISTOTLE." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 42, no. 1 (December 1, 1998): 21–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1998.tb00721.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Jones, Henry. "Retranslating Thucydides as a scientific historian." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 32, no. 1 (November 21, 2019): 59–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.19082.jon.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract The nineteenth century was a period of dramatic change in Europe for the idea of history. While from antiquity through to the eighteenth century, historiography had broadly been considered an artistic and rhetorical activity, this view gradually lost ground in the nineteenth century to an understanding of history as a science. This case study aims to explore how these shifts in attitudes towards the proper aims and methods of history writing might have shaped the interpretation and translation into English of Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War, a work first written in classical Greek in the fifth century BCE. The analysis is carried out by means of a corpus-based methodology which, I argue, can better enable researchers to engage with each (re)translator’s overall presentation of the source through the production and interrogation of concordances listing every instance of a given search item as it occurs within digitised versions of the target texts. This is demonstrated through an investigation of the use of the term ‘fact(s)’ which reveals a striking divergence in interpretation between the six translations, with Crawley’s (1874) History in particular appearing to lend a significantly more objective and empirical tone to Thucydides in English.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Rodgers, Barbara Saylor. "Great Expeditions: Livy on Thucydides." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 116 (1986): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/283923.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Christ, Matthew R. "The Authenticity of Thucydides 3.84." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 119 (1989): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284265.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Rubincam, Catherine. "The topography of Pylos and Sphakteria and Thucydides' measurements of distance." Journal of Hellenic Studies 121 (November 2001): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631829.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article has two purposes. First, it proposes a more satisfactory solution to an old problem: the apparently serious inaccuracy of Thucydides' measurements for the length of Sphakteria island and the width of the channels dividing it from the mainland. Second, it offers some more general observations on Thucydides' measures of distance and the light they can shed on an important aspect of his historiographic method.The solution proposed by R. Bauslaugh (‘The text of Thucydides IV 8.6 and the south channel at Pylos’, JHS 99 (1979) 1-6) to the problem of measurements is rejected. Bauslaugh had emended two of the three figures on the ground that they were so seriously inaccurate as to require assumption of manuscript corruption. It is here contended that his argument is misconceived, and the emendations unnecessary. The counter-argument is based on a close study of Thucydides' idiom and practice in giving measurements of distance, particularly his use of qualifying expressions with numbers of this kind.The second half of the article uses data compiled in an ongoing study of the use of numbers by Greek historians to make some comparisons between Thucydides' practice and that of several other historians in giving measurements of distance. It is suggested that careful attention to the nuances of Thucydides' practice, especially his use of different qualifying expressions with these numbers, may enable one to draw some interesting inferences about his sources of information and how he used them

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Gribble, David. "Narrator Interventions in Thucydides." Journal of Hellenic Studies 118 (November 1998): 41–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/632230.

Full text

Abstract:

The main narrative of Thucydides is characterised by a third person ‘objective’ style where signs of the narrator are concealed. But this predominant narrative mode is punctuated by passages (2. 65, 6. 15, etc.) where the narrator interrupts the main account, referring to himself in the first person and/or to time outside that of the main narrative. These rare intrusions of the voice of the narrator-historian—‘narrator interventions’—are the most quoted and discussed in the whole History. Reaction to them has been of two sorts. They have either been seen as later additions and used as the centrepiece of analyst interpretations of the History, or they have been treated as expressions of the ‘judgement’ of the historian, providing the key to the History's meaning. The result of these approaches is unsatisfactory. The interventions are either bracketed as foreign to the original plan of the historian, or given special status as the exclusive source of his meaning. The effect is to cut them loose from the reading of the rest of the work, as intrusions of another stage of composition or of another voice which no longer narrates, but gives judgement. Worse still, such interpretation compares the decontextualised ‘judgements’ it has isolated from the narrative and declares them inconsistent with each other. Such ‘extrinsic’ approaches to the interventions risk reducing Thucydides’ text to a patchwork of differing and competing voices and opinions.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

PRICE, JONATHAN J. "A PUZZLE IN THUCYDIDES 1.18." Mnemosyne 50, no. 6 (December 27, 1997): 665–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568-525x_050_06-02.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Sheets, George A. "Conceptualizing International Law in Thucydides." American Journal of Philology 115, no. 1 (1994): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295348.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Parmeggiani, Giovanni. "Thucydides on Aetiology and Methodology and Some Links with the Philosophy of Heraclitus." Mnemosyne 71, no. 2 (February 20, 2018): 229–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12342261.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractAn analysis of Thucydides’ most famous statements on the origins of the war between Athens and Sparta (1.23.4-6) and on the methodology of research of the facts (1.22.2. Cf. 1.20-21) shows a philosophical approach to history and historical research. A critically assessed comparison with some of Heraclitus of Ephesus’ statements also suggests that Thucydides’ own knowledge of early ancient philosophy helped him to shape his view on fundamental issues of historical research.Thucydides appears to have introduced himself in a similar way as one might expect a philosopher would have done. Besides the rhetoric of self-presentation and self-definition, Thucydides was indeed a philosopher: he conceived his own political science as a hidden sophia which showed the invisible forces that, by reciprocal interaction, shaped historical development.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

FIGUEIRA, THOMAS. "AUTONOMOI KATA TAS SPONDAS (THUCYDIDES 1.67.2)." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 37, no. 1 (December 1, 1990): 63–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1990.tb00218.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

FRANCIS, E. D. "BRACHYLOGIA LACONICA: SPARTAN SPEECHES IN THUCYDIDES." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 38, no. 1 (December 1, 1993): 198–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.1993.tb00713.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Harris, Edward M. "Pericles' Praise of Athenian Democracy Thucydides 2.37.1." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 94 (1992): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/311423.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Desmond. "Lessons of Fear: A Reading of Thucydides." Classical Philology 101, no. 4 (2006): 359. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4620774.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Desmond, William. "Lessons of Fear: A Reading of Thucydides." Classical Philology 101, no. 4 (October 2006): 359–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/519183.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Flory, Stewart. "Thucydides' Hypotheses about the Peloponnesian War." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 118 (1988): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284161.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Janssens, Em. "Thucydides: een kritische bewonderaar van Pericles." Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 78, no. 1 (2000): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rbph.2000.4430.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Nývlt, Pavel. "Was Alcibiades an informant of Thucydides?" Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 54, no. 4 (December 2014): 381–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2014.54.4.3.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Rosivach, Vincent J. "The Thetes in Thucydides 6.43.1." Hermes 140, no. 2 (2012): 131–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2012-0014.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Munson, Rosaria Vignolo. "Ananke in Herodotus." Journal of Hellenic Studies 121 (November 2001): 30–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631826.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis paper examines Herodotus' use of words of the ἀνάγκη family in order to determine which external or internal constraints the historian represents as affecting the causality of events. M. Ostwald's Ἀνάγκη in Thucydides (1988) provides a foundation for examining the more restricted application of these terms in Herodotus (85 occurrences vs. 161 in Thucydides). In Herodotus, divine necessity (absent in Thucydides) refers to the predictable results of human wrongdoings more often than to a force constraining human choices. This represents an especially ambiguous Herodotean category, however, and is expressed by a wider range of terms than those with ἀνάγκη-stems. The analysis of natural ἀνάγκη yields more clear-cut results. (1) In Herodotus (and not in Thucydides) ἀνάγκη often qualifies an aggressive compulsion applied by a personal agent. (2) Victims of this despotic ἀνάγκη are partially excused, but those who resist it earn Herodotus' praise. (3) Most importantly, Herodotus (unlike Thucydides) never in turn applies ἀνάγκη words to circumstances that motivate imperialistic actions, especially starting a war. (4) Whereas in Thucydides agents are ‘compelled’ to act also by fear and other internal impulses, the only psychological factor to which Herodotus applies ἀνάγκη words (and this time mostly in a positive sense) is moral obligation.Herodotus' concept of ἀνάγκη is moralistic, and consistent with his unwillingness to justify imperialism, his practice of assigning responsibility, and his high regard for nomos, on the one hand, and freedom on the other. The narrator's involvement in these principles is reflected in Herodotus' use of ἀνάγκη terms in self-referential statements of the type ‘I am compelled/not compelled to say x.’ These statements represent the narrator as the opposite of an imperial subject and analogous to the most admirable of his characters on the receiving end of compulsion. He is a free agent, who disregards political pressure and is exclusively compelled by the rules that apply to him as researcher and truthful recorder.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Marinatos, Nanno. "Nicias and Pericles: Parallel Lives in Thucydides’ Narrative." Wiener Studien 134 (2021): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1553/wst134s51.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!