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Berthier, Jauffrey. "Gouverner par les lois : Hobbes et le droit anglais." Bordeaux 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010BOR30087.
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Leivas, Cláudio R. C. "Representação e vontade em Hobbes." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/6841.
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Segala, Vania Dantas. "Razão e obrigação em Thomas Hobbes." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281487.
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Orientador: Yara Adario FrateschiDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O presente trabalho pretende analisar os conceitos de razão e reta razão em Hobbes com o objetivo de compreender melhor o estatuto das leis de natureza nessa Teoria. Pois ainda que Hobbes afirme que a razão é frágil perante as paixões, que é capaz de erro e engano, que não é uma faculdade infalível, ele também nos diz que o uso diligente e rigoroso da razão possibilita a ciência bem como a dedução das regras de comportamento que conduzem à paz e à preservação de si. Como as leis de natureza são deduzidas a partir da razão, consideramos que uma investigação dessa faculdade, aliada à consideração da natureza humana, nos permite compreender melhor a questão da obrigação em Hobbes. Para tanto, pretendemos resgatar o uso que Hobbes faz dos termos razão e reta razão e comparar com os conceitos de razão e reta razão na tradição. Também nos propomos a tratar brevemente da questão da obrigação em Hobbes e como ela foi é compreendida pelos comentadores.
Abstract: The present work intends to analyze the reason and right reason in Thomas Hobbes. In this manner we aim to understand the operation of natural laws on this theory. Hobbes recognizes the fragility of reason confronted to passions, he tells us reason is prone to mistakes and deceive and it is not an infallible faculty. But in the other hand he supports that the very use of reason allows the existence of science, and through reason we can obtain that conduct rules necessary to lead us to self-preservation and peace. Since natural laws are deduced from reason, inquiring into this faculty allow us a better comprehension of the obligation in Hobbes. To achieve this, we intend to analyze the Hobbes's use of terms reason and right reason and proceed with a confrontation on traditional conceiving of reason and right reason. We also propose to deal briefly about obligation in Hobbes and how this subject is understood by Taylor e Warrender.
Mestrado
Filosofia
Filosofia
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Lessay, Franck. "Le concept de souveraineté absolue dans le Leviathan de Hobbes : essai sur les limites de la légitimité rationnelle." Aix-Marseille 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987AIX10080.
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L'importance centrale du concept de souverainete absolue dans la pensee politique de thomas hobbes (1588-1679) a souvent fait considerer ce dernier comme un theoricien de l'absolutisme classique. Pourtant, a examiner la nature rationnelle et les implications pratiques du contrat social sur lequel il fonde sa doctrine de la souverainete, du gouvernement et des lois, notamment dans le leviathan, il y a lieu de se demander si cette oeuvre ne propose pas, avant tout, une theorie du pouvoir legitime parce que conforme a la raison. Des lors, l'absolutisme que semble exprimer le mythe de leviathan pourrait etre une anticipation paradoxale de l'etat democratique moderne de forme liberale, oriente vers la promotion de la securite et du bienetre de tous.
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Queiroz, Mariana Amaral. "A soberania no De Cive de Thomas Hobbes." [s.n.], 2001. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279322.
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Orientador: Roberto Romano da SilvaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A filosofia política de Thomas Hobbes é nosso ponto de partida para uma análise do conceito de soberania. Da forma como se encontra descrita nas obras políticas do autor, como o poder supremo e absoluto, a soberania tomou-se o cerne da concepção moderna de Estado. Por outro lado, a teoria da soberania de Hobbes continua, nos dias de hoje, a suscitar considerações de grande relevância política, e. g., reflexões sobre democracia, sobre legitimidade, e outros ternas. Buscamos neste trabalho, em primeiro lugar, assinalar alguns aspectos originais da teoria política de Hobbes e descrever, brevemente, o seu lugar na história do pensamento político. Em seguida, tendo por referência o De Cive, procuramos reconstituir os argumentos que o levaram a postular a necessidade de um poder absoluto como condição formal para a existência da própria comunidade política. Para tanto, retomamos os fundamentos de sua civil science, observando, também, como nela é engendrado o conceito de soberania. Os princípios da teoria política de Hobbes, de acordo com ele próprio, devem ser extraídos da natureza do homem. Pretendemos mostrar nesta dissertação, que esses fundamentos são, para o autor, a razão e o interesse próprio, e que o entendimento do significado desses fundamentos é essencial para a compreensão do conceito de Commonwealth. Outra questão que pretendemos abordar em profundidade concerne à noção de pacto, urna vez que a idéia de soberania está intimamente ligada em Hobbes à uma concepção peculiar dessa noção teórica. Em virtude disso, foi possível tecer algumas considerações sobre as presumidas tendências autoritárias do autor, e sobre a sua concepção secular da política. Tais questões são inevitáveis quando se examina em profundidade os fundamentos sobre os quais Hobbes edifica a sua teoria soberania
Abstract: Thomas Hobbes's Philosophy of Politics is our prior concern here since we intend to analyze the concept of sovereignty. Described in his political system as the absolute and supreme power within civil society, that concept became the core of the Modern State Theory. From another standpoint, Hobbes's view on sovereignty also contributes nowadays to discuss great issues on Politics such as democracy and legitimacy of power. Our aim here is, first, to present some considerations about Hobbes's remarkable political enterprise, showing some of its oddities to the politics of his own day and briefly describing its place in the History of Political Thought. Second, based on the theory presented in De Cive, we try to exhibit the arguments that lead the author to state an absolute power as a formal condition to any political community. Two things must be considered in order to accomplish our account of the theory: its basis, and how it begets the abstract idea of a sovereign power. According to Hobbes, the tenets of his political theory are to befound in man 's nature. As we try to show here, they are defined as reason and self-interest. lt is a fundamental task to comprehend the meaning of those principies, since we wish to understand what kind of Commonwealth Hobbes establishes in his political science. Another point to be stressed is Hobbes's notion of covenant. For his idea of Sovereignty strongly depends on this theoretic device. Furthermore, we draw from his particular conception of sovereignty some conc/usions about Hobbes's vigorously authoritarian position, and issues concern the secularism of his political theory, among several other topics
Mestrado
Mestre em Filosofia
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Terrel, Jean. "Matérialisme et science politique : la création politique chez Hobbes." Lyon 3, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991LYO31006.
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Les hommes creent-ils les valeurs, les significations et les institutions qui gouvernent leur existence? selon hobbes, les hommes creent leurs republiques et ils peuvent en faire des edifices destines, sauf violence externe, a durer a jamais, grace a la nouvelle science politique dont il est le fondateur. Pour apprecier la portee de cette affirmation, cette etude tente de repondre a quatre questions : - quelle place hobbes tient-il dans la revolution democratique qui commence au douzieme siecle en europe occidentale ? - sur quels postulats philosophiques l'idee que les hommes creent leviathan repose-t-elle ? - quelle est la signification de l'analyse faite par hobbes de la creation politique ? - quelle est la relation entre cette analyse et la tradition chretienne ?Do men create the values, the significance and the institutions that govern their existence ? according to hoobes, men create their republics and, barring external violence, they can make everlasting structures of them, thanks to the new political science that he had devised. In order to appraise the full significance of this statement, i have endeavoured to answer the four following questions : - what place does hobbes occupy in the democratic revolution which started in twelfth century western europe ? - on what philosophical postulates is the ideas that men create leviathan based ? - what is the significance of hobbes's analysis of this political creation ? - what relationship is there between this analysis and the christian tradition ?
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Crignon, Philippe. "Hobbes et la représentation : une ontologie politique." Paris 8, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA082718.
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La philosophie politique de Hobbes prend toute son importance avec la catégorie de la représentation qui apparaît dans le Léviathan en 1651. Plutôt qu’une forme de délégation de pouvoir, il faut y voir une condition ontologique pour qu’un peuple soit, pour que la pluralité des hommes puisse posséder son unité et échapper à la contradiction d’une nature qui s’autodétruirait. Hobbes reconfigure les conditions de possibilité de toute communauté en substituant la représentation au schème de l’incarnation qui prévalait jusqu’alors. Une telle refondation implique un travail de rupture avec un héritage à la fois théologique et juridique, et a notamment pour conséquences de disqualifier l’idée de corps politique et d’imposer une redéfinition du concept de personneHobbes’s political philosophy reshapes the ontological condition of a human community with the concept of representation. Far from being an other word for delegation, representation deals with the way men unite in one people and avoid the contradiction of the state of nature, where nature nature destroys itself. Hobbes substitutes representation for incarnation, as a model to bring men unto being together. This new foundations for politics split with a theological tradition as well as corporation law. They discredit the idea of a body politic, and opens on a new definition of the person
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Avila, Santos Oscar. "Homo Homini Lupus : sobre el estado de naturaleza y educación en Thomas Hobbes." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2013. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/115705.
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Tesis para optar al grado de Licenciado en FilosofíaLa teoría política del autor inglés es un capítulo de la filosofía que sigue abriendo debates y profundizaciones. Los conceptos de contrato social, Estado de naturaleza y formación del Estado Civil, se han estandarizado en el ámbito de la filosofía política como pilares para su reflexión tanto clásica como posterior. Para volver a analizar estos conceptos, con miras a una mejor comprensión y profundización, se indagará en las raíces del contractualismo hobbesiano, especialmente con su par griego Protágoras, quien dentro de un contexto sofista, dio el inicio a este modo de pensar político que vio en el filósofo inglés su más importante desarrollo. Bastante se ha hablado de Thomas Hobbes sobre lo anteriormente dicho, pero poco se ha rescatado acerca de sus consideraciones sobre el proceso educativo, y la importancia que tiene sobre sus ciudadanos. Pilar fundamental y eje en su proyecto social, es imposible no revisar y criticar estas aristas de su pensamiento.Las conclusiones que esperan ser fruto de esta tesis esperan ser las más acertadas, a modo de una nueva contribución al pensamiento de la filosofía moderna, enlazada a nuestros días, para una mejor comprensión de los hechos educativos actuales.
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Venezia, Luciano. "Autorité politique et obligation politique dans le Léviathan de Hobbes." Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0155.
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L’objectif principal de la thèse consiste à déterminer si l’obligation d’obéir dans un Etat hobbesien est fondée sur un calcul prudentiel ou si elle procède d’une autre forme de rationalité pratique. En cherchant à donner une réponse à cette question, nous serons en mesure d’identifier les limites de l’interprétation contractualiste de la théorie hobbesienne de la loi et de l’obligation politique. L’interprétation contractualiste a été développée dans les années 1980 par des interprètes issus de la tradition analytique, et elle reste, encore aujourd’hui, l’interprétation dominante dans le champ des études hobbesiennes. Cette lecture soutient que, pour Hobbes, la principale vocation de la loi est de punir les actes de désobéissance et de fournir, ce faisant, des raisons d’obéir d’ordre essentiellement prudentiel. Dans cette perspective, le trait saillant de l’approche de Hobbes consisterait dans l’idée suivant laquelle si les agents sont enclins à obéir à la loi, c’est parce qu’il est plus coûteux d’agir autrement. Dans ce travail, nous aurons recours au concept d’autorité élaboré par Joseph Raz et proposerons sur cette base une lecture alternative de la théorie politique de Hobbes. Selon notre interprétation, les ordres de l’Etat ne se réduisent pas à leur association avec une sanction en cas de non-respect ; ils constituent plus fondamentalement des commandements autorisés qui fournissent aux agents des raisons spécifiques d’agir ou de ne pas agir qui sont susceptibles de prévaloir dans la délibération pratique moins en tant qu’incitation à agir que par leur statut. Notre thèse est que tout raisonnement qui considère les menaces de sanction comme principal fondement de l’obéissance politique échoue à expliquer la rationalité de cette dernière. Si de telles menaces peuvent être des causes de la désobéissance, elles ne peuvent constituer, en revanche, de véritables raisons d’obéir à la loiThe dissertation’s main objective is to determine whether the obligation to obey the law in a Hobbesian commonwealth is grounded in prudential, i. E. , self-interested reasons, or in reasons of a different kind. Answering this question allows us to identify the limits of the contractarian reading of Hobbes’s account of law and political obligation. The contractarian interpretation was developed by analytical philosophers in the 1980s and is still the dominant interpretation of Hobbes’s work. In a nutshell, the contractarian reading argues that the characteristic feature of law is that it sanctions non-compliance with penalties and thus provides strong prudential considerations to act according to the law. Therefore, Hobbes’s distinctive claim would be that agents would have reason to obey the law because acting otherwise is more costly than complying with state commands. Instead of rational-choice theory, I use Joseph Raz’s analysis of authority to develop an alternative reading of Hobbes’s political theory. On my interpretation, state orders are not merely threats of punishment for non-compliance; instead, they are authoritative commands that provide agents with genuine reasons to justify action or restraint that pre-empt other reasons by kind instead of weight. In turn, my reading introduces the following thesis: the reasoning that takes threats of punishment for non-compliance as grounding political obedience does not really explain the rationale for political obedience. Threats may be causes of actions, but they are not genuine reasons to comply with the law
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Angoulvent, Anne-Laure. "Nature et Etat dans le Leviathan de Thomas Hobbes." Paris 2, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA020150.
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L'objet de cette these est l'inscription du leviathan dans une theorie philosophique. Psychologique et esthetique du baroque par des principes politiques et juridiques. Ainsi le passage de l'etat de nature a l'etat civil traduit la necessaire reconnaissance de l'ordre social par la representation. Mais l'obtention du salut eternel par le respect des regles civiles fait de la republique chretienne le triste compromis entre une illusion naturaliste fondatrice et une illusion civile redemptrice. Des lors le leviathan apparait comme une utopie. Expression d'un temps mythique qui se veut le reflet d'un temps chretien en quete de lui-memeThe objet of this thesis is to place the leviathan in the context of a philo sophical, psychological and esthetic theory of baroque, using political and juri dical principals. The passage from the state of nature to the civil state translates the recognition of a necessary social into representation. But the achievement of eternal salvation through the observance of civil legislation makes the christian republic a sorry compromose betwwen a founding naturalist illusion and a redeeming civil iollusion. From this point, the leviathan appears to be an utopia, expression of a mythical time which would be the reflection of a christian time in search of it self.
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Barreto, Lisboa Wladimir. "Mouvement, nécessité et système selon Thomas Hobbes." Paris 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA010589.
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L 'œuvre de Thomas Hobbes (l588-1679) est au carrefour de différentes traditions de recherche. Son originalité repose principalement sur la caractérisation des corps en général à partir de sa théorie du mouvement. Ce principe commun d'explication est à la fondation de sa prima philosophia. Pour y arriver, il faut commencer par le seul point de départ justifiable du point de vue philosophique à savoir l'analyse des phantasmes. Le hiatus existant entre ce qui nous apparaît et la constitution dernière du monde s'avère ainsi insurmontable, Les définitions génétiques auront pour tâche de nous présenter rationnellement les différentes manifestations des choses selon leurs causes nécessaires. La connaissance de la façon dont les accidents se produisent et se détruisent dans la nature ne peut être absolument accomplie qu'une fois saisis les différents mouvements responsables des différents types d'effets. Il apparaît ici le déterminisme universel et l'impossibilité des futurs contingents, question classique qui est au cœur du système hobbesien. Dans la mesure où l'être humain fini n'est pas capable de parcourir la série complète des causes qui ont concouru à la production d'un effet dans la matière, la science dans le domaine de la physique ne pourra être qu'hypothétique. C'est dans la géométrie, mais surtout dans l'éthique et la politique, que l'être humain aura la possibilité de bâtir une connaissance universelle et nécessaire de son objet dans la mesure où celui-ci est un artefect. On peut connaître absolument, et non de façon hypothétique, les propriètés géométriques des objets que nous avons construits, aussi bien que les causes de la guerre et de la paix.
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Madrid, Zan Alejandro. "Hobbes et les fondements du libéralisme." Paris 4, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1987PA040435.
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L'œuvre politique hobbesienne s'exprime par la tension entre deux termes: l'un, l'exigence d'une souveraineté absolue: l'autre, l'individualisme extrême qui domine sa conception de l'homme et de la société, sous lequel nous pouvons trouver les fondements de ce que de nos jours nous appelons libéralisme. Le centre de sa théorie de l'obligation politique est la notion de contrat social. Avant même Locke et la déclaration des droits de 1789, Hobbes conçoit la république comme le résultat d'un pacte entre les individus qui consentent à limiter leur droit de nature: la société n’est que cette restriction. Le fondement de la théorie hobbesienne de l'obligation politique sont les individus. L'état hobbesien n'a pas d'autre sens que d'éviter la violence que produit un individualisme sans restriction. La fonction de l'État se réduit à la préservation et défense des sujets particuliersIn Hobbes political works two terms are opposed: the demand for and absolute sovereign and extreme individualism which dominates his conception of man and society, under which we find the foundation of what we call until our days liberalism. Just like later the liberalism, Hobbes makes the individuals the subject of politics. The heart of his theory of political obligation is the notion of the social contract. Even before Locke and the declaration of human rights in 1789, Hobbes regards the state as a result of a contract between the individuals who consent to limit their natural rights: society is but that restriction. The hobbesian state restricts the political right of civilians -the political expressions of the people - while warrants for the protection of the private, the individual
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Dubos, Nicolas. "Le problème de l'histoire : histoire profane et histoire sacrée dans l'oeuvre de Thomas Hobbes." Bordeaux 3, 2010. https://extranet.u-bordeaux-montaigne.fr/memoires/diffusion.php?nnt=2010BOR30091.
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Alors que l’intérêt de Hobbes pour l’histoire, sacrée et profane, a fait l’objet de nombreuses analyses, aucune étude générale sur l’idée d’histoire n’avait encore été menée. C’est une telle étude que se propose cette thèse en partant de ce qui, chez Hobbes, se présente comme un « problème de l’histoire » : comment une pensée du droit naturel, qui, en son point de départ emblématique (l’état de nature), exclut la connaissance du fait, manifeste-t-elle, en réalité, un souci profond de l’histoire et de l’historicité de l’homme ? Comment situer, ensuite, l’oeuvre de Hobbes dans la constitution moderne de l’idée d’histoire ? La réponse est construite en quatre parties. Dans la première, l’auteur rassemble les données du « problème de l’histoire » : l’exclusion, en particulier, de la connaissance historique de la démarche jusnaturaliste, et la rupture qu’elle implique par rapport à la première carrière de Hobbes, consacrée à l’histoire. Dans une deuxième partie, il montre qu’en écartant les registres de l’histoire, civile et sacrée, Hobbes se donnait justement les moyens de penser la condition historique de l’humanité : la « guerre de tous contre tous » est le risque qu’enveloppe le procès ambivalent de la civilisation. Dans la troisième partie, il se concentre sur Léviathan, pour mesurer les effets de ce souci de l’historicité de l’homme, de l’anthropologie et la politique à l’histoire sacrée : quelles sont les catégories de l’expérience historique ? Comment la philosophie et l’historiographie les traduisent-elles ? Enfin, la quatrième partie est consacrée à la nouvelle historiographie des années 1660, Béhémoth et, dans une moindre mesure, Historia EcclesiasticaWhile Hobbes’s interest in history, both sacred and profane, has often been analyzed, no general study on the idea of history in his work has yet been carried out. It is what this dissertation aims at. It starts off with what appears as a “problem of history”: how could a natural law theory which excludes the knowledge of facts in its emblematic starting point (the state of nature), reveal a profound concern for history and man’s historicity? Moreover, how could we place Hobbes’s work in the constitution of the modern idea of history ? The answer is developed in four parts. First, the author gathers general data on the “problem of history”. He focuses on the methodological breaking of the natural law invention which seems to exclude civil history from the great political treatises. Secondly, he shows that, by moving historical registers aside, Hobbes wished to represent, in a philosophical fiction, the historical condition of humanity : the « war of all against all » represents the risk that bears the process of civilization, between light and darkness. The third part is dedicated to Leviathan. The author shows the theoretical consequences of Hobbes’s concern for man’s historicity, from anthropology and politics to sacred history. What are the new categories of historical experience? How can philosophy and historiography translate them? Finally, the last part deals with the new historiography of the 1660s – Behemoth and, to a lesser extent, Historia Ecclesiastica
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Marcos, Jean-Pierre. "Représentation et unité dans la philosophie politique de Hobbes : prolégomènes à une logique politique du Tiers." Paris 1, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991PA010508.
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Nous avons présenté la théorie hobbienne de l'unification politique en exhibant sa condition de possibilité : la représentation. Ce faisant, nous avons montré que la modalité hobbienne du contrat au profit d'un tiers procédait d'une nécessité anthropologico-juridique : l'arbitrage des différends interindividuels. Il s'est agi en dernier lieu d'établir que la lecture hobbienne de l'ancien testament visait à définir un lieu, une place theologico-politique précise, celle de moise, détenteur des pouvoirs politiques et sacerdotaux. De plus, une analytique de la promulgation de la loi, nous a permis, de machiavel a rousseau, de comprendre que le législateur devait se référer a une instance inhumaine (divine) pour fonder l'obligatoire des lois qu'il propose. La mise au jour d'un procès hétéronomique de l'être un du social a donc été notre dernier motWe have presented Hobbes' theory of political unification by describing one possible condition : as the people are represented in this way, we have shown that Hobbes' method of contract in favour of a third party results from an anthropological and legal requirement : arbitration of disputes between individuals. Finally we had to establish that Hobbes' reading of the old testament attempted to define a site and precise theological and political position : that of Moses, who had political and prophetic powers. In addition, analysis of the promulgation of the law had permitted us, from Machiavel to Rousseau, to understand that the law-maker had to refer to a divine source ot found the compulsory of the nature of the laws which he proposed
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Lang, André. "Le fondement et les principes de la philosophie politique hobbienne." Paris 4, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA040247.
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Le but de cette these est double : il vise d'une part a montrer que le realisme hobbien, tel qu'il apparait dans les donnees de l'anthropologie ne fait pas obstacle a l'idee d'une fondation artificielle du politique et d'autre part a faire ressortir le cheminement d'une logique ultra-individualiste dans le cadre meme d'une theorisation du pouvoir absolu. L'individualisme et l'utilitarisme qui ont partie liee chez hobbes expliuent que ce dernier soit a la fois le penseur radical du pouvoir absolu et le promoteur de l'etat liberal, le theoricien de la souverainete et l'adversaire d'un loyalisme qui irait a l'encontre des interets fondamentaux de l'individuWe would like to demonstrate that hobbesian realism, as illustrated in anthropological data, doesn't contradict the idea of the founding of politics by means of a juridical technique. Mereover, we wish to draw attention to the progress of an ultra-individualistic logic within the very theorization of absolutism. If hobbes is to be considered a radical proponent of absolute political power and a promotor of the free state, it is because his point of departure is utilitarist : methodic research of that which appears expedient, avoidance of that which seems disadvantageous. This utilitarist rationality explains hobbe's affirmation of the legitimacy of political power requering absolute obedience without reserve or condition whilst it being concomitant that this obedience does not imply strict allegiance
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Rebasti, Francesca. "Il problema della coscienza nella teologia politica di Thomas Hobbes." Paris, EHESS, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016EHES0018.
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Pourquoi Hobbes écrivit le Léviathan ? Afin de répondre à cette question cruciale, l'étude suggère que Hobbes entreprit son œuvre politique majeure pour réaliser une réforme radicale des consciences et de la conscience comme catégorie théologico-politique décisive au succès de son programme philosophique. Au cours de celle qu'on a rebaptisée « the age of conscience », le for interne était invoqué comme la garantie dernière du salut individuel et de l'ordre collectif. Chaque devoir, qu'il fût religieux ou politique, se basait sur la conscience ; toutefois, la règle du vivre traversait une crise profonde. Source de « all seditions concerning religion and ecclesiastical government », la conscience s'était révélé un dispositif de contrôle des masses et une maladie létale pour le corps politique et, donc, un obstacle majeur à la constitution de l'État bien-fondé hobbesien. L'étude montre comment Hobbes, après avoir soumis la catégorie-clé de la théologie morale chrétienne à une critique radicale, lui donna un fondement scientifique, qui fit de la cum-scientia le pivot immuable de l'unité de l'état, tout en mettant la sphère publique à l'abri des convictions privées sur le juste et l'injuste. Combinant des méthodologies différentes, comme l'analyse lexicographique et l'histoire conceptuelle, l'étude examine d'abord le caractère problématique de la conscience hobbésienne par rapport aux conceptions contemporaines. Ensuite, elle illustre l'argument étymologique du Léviathan comme point culminant de la réflexion de Hobbes sur la conscience, pour enfin en analyser les implications éthiques et politiques dans le milieu de la casuistique et de la réforme cartésienne du probabilismeWhy did Hobbes write the Leviathan ? In pursuit of an answer to this crucial question, this study suggests that Hobbes began his major political work in order to radically reform both consciences and the very notion of conscience, as it was decisive to the success of his politico-theological programme. During what was called “the age of conscience”, the internal forum was invoked as the last guarantee of individual salvation and collective order. Religious and political duties were based on conscience; yet, the authentic “rule of conduct” was going through a profound crisis. By triggering “all seditions concerning religion and ecclesiastical government”, conscience turned out to be a device for the subjection of the masses and a deadly disease for the political body, and therefore a major obstacle to the constitution of Hobbes’s well-grounded state. The study shows how Hobbes, after criticizing the key category of Christian moral theology, gave it a scientific foundation, which made the cum-scientia the pivot of political unity, while securing the public sphere from private convictions on right and wrong. Through the combination of different methods, like lexicographic analysis and intellectual history, the study examines at first the problematic character of the hobbesian conscience against the backdrop of contemporary conceptions. Then, it illustrates the etymological argument of the seventh chapter of Leviathan, by depicting it as the turning point of Hobbes’s reflection on the idea of conscience. Finally, the ethical and political implications of the etymology are analyzed in the context of both casuistry and the cartesian reform of probabilism
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Mtimet, Mohamed Adel. "Les Fondements physiques de la philosophie politique moderne (Hobbes et Spinoza)." Paris 8, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA083170.
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L'objectif de cette thèse consiste à démontrer que pour rendre compte de l'infléchissement qu'a connu la philosophie politique au 17ème siècle, il convient d'en rechercher les origines dans la grande transformation de la science physique de cette époque. C’est qu'au delà du rôle joué par la nouvelle métaphysique et la nouvelle conception de l'homme dans cet infléchissement, il y avait surtout le rôle de la physique mécanique qui a permis l'introduction d'une nouvelle méthode et d'une nouvelle représentation de l'univers. Il ne s'agit pas ici d'une tentative pour dévaloriser les autres facteurs qui ont manifestement concouru à la formation de cette nouvelle philosophie (facteurs socio-économiques et politiques en particulier), mais de prouver que c'est essentiellement autour de la physique que s'articule la formation des nouveaux concepts et thèses de cette philosophieThe objective of this thesis consists in demonstrating that to report the reorientation which knew the political philosophy in 17 tn centry ; it is advisable to look for the origins in the big transformation of the natural science of this time. It is because beyond the role played by the new metaphysics and the new conception of man in this reorientation there was especialy the role of the mechanical physics wich has permitted the introduction of a new representation of the universe. It is not here about an attempt to depreciate the other factors wich manifestly contributed to the trainaing of this new philosophy, but to prove that it is essentially around the physics that articulates the formation of this new philosophy
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Foisneau, Luc. "Hobbes et la toute-puissance de Dieu : Les conditions théologiques de la philosophie morale et politique de Hobbes." Paris 1, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA010536.
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Les textes que Hobbes a consacrés à la théologie constituent une part importante, bien que trop souvent ignorée, de son oeuvre. Ces textes, qui se caractèrisent par la place prépondérante qu'ils accordent à l'attribut divin de l'omnipotence, n'appartiennent pas au courant principal de la théologie chrétienne de la toute-puissance, d'inspiration ockhamiste, mais à un courant mineur de cette théologie, souvent jugé hétérodoxe. De fait, lorsqu'il établit un lien entre toute-puissance et nécessité, Hobbes est plus proche d'Abelard que d'Ockham. L'objet de notre thèse est de montrer en quoi la réflexion sur la toute-puissance divine orienté de façon décisive la pensée morale et politique de HobbesAlthough they have been ignored for a long time, the texts devoted by Hobbes to theology are an important part of his work. Those texts, that give a predominant part to the divine attribute of omnipotency, don't belong however to the main ockhamist stream of the theology of almightiness. Indeed, when he links almightiness and neccessity, Hobbes is nearer to abelard than to Ockham. Hobbes'reflection on the almightiness of God conditions directly his moral and political philosophy
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Milanese, Arnaud. "Ipséité et réalité dans la pensée de Thomas Hobbes." Paris 4, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA040202.
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En-deçà de la fondation de la science, la pensée de Thomas Hobbes prend d’abord ses racines dans une problématisation de la réalité. Si l’on feignait, dit-il, l’anéantissement de toutes choses, à l’exception d’un homme, il lui resterait ce qu’il a perçu des choses, les phantasmes, qui n’apparaîtraient pas moins comme extérieurs. De cette expérience de pensée résultent que le soi et le monde procèdent d’une confusion première, et que leur distinction est le fruit de l’expérience. En effet, c’est seulement à partir de ce questionnement que l’extériorité se manifeste comme corporelle, nécessaire et animée de mouvements, parce que l’espace n’est rien d’autre que l’apparence d’extériorité, et l’intériorité comme temporalisation de l’expérience, parce que l’image de l’espace intérieur vise le devenir obscur des phantasmes perçus. Ce n’est pourtant pas retrouver une séparation de l’esprit et du monde : le soi ne se constitue que par l’expérience, de telle sorte que c’est le désir, constituant le soi comme corps, qui anime la temporalisation. Cette place du désir dans l’organisation du soi établit une continuité entre le soi et le réel qui fonde une pensée de la nature, c’est-à-dire d’une réalité homogène et subie, quoique l’ordre naturel n’est le plus souvent, comme le finalisme l’illustre, que la transposition, dans les choses, de l’ordre du désir. Enfin, ce rapport de distance temporelle, par l’inhérence même du corps sentant, permet à Hobbes de penser la possibilité pour l’homme de transformer le réel : cette distance a pour expression affective la curiosité, engagée dans chaque forme d’artifice. Ainsi, Hobbes pense bien la réalité à partir de l’ipséité qui la perçoit, et l’ipséité à partir de la réalité qui l’engendre. C’est à partir de cette corrélation que Hobbes pense les conditions de la culture humaineBefore the foundation of science, the hobbesian thought first is based on a problematisation of reality. If every thing is pretended to be destroyed except one man, it would remain him all of what he perceived before, namely, phantasms, which would appear outside anyway, he says. From this experience of thought it comes that the self and the world proceed from an original confusion, and that their distinction is a fruit of experience. It is only after setting this question that the outsideness appears as corporal, necessary and animated by movement, and the insideness – as temporalisation of experience. Nevertheless, Hobbes doesn’t find a division between the mind and the world : the self is made up under the influence, so that desire animates the temporalisation and makes up the self as a body. This link of temporal distance, due to the very inherence of the «sentient » (that is to say, the feeling body), allows Hobbes to think the possibility for man to transform the real. So, Hobbes thinks indeed the reality from the ipseity which perceives it, and the ipseity – from the reality which produced it. And it is from this correlation that Hobbes thinks the conditions of human culture
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Marquer, Éric. "Commerce, civilité et théorie de l'institution dans l'oeuvre de Thomas Hobbes." Paris 4, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA040173.
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L'étude des traités de commerce publiés en Angleterre pendant la période précédant la publication du Léviathan fait apparaître que les marchands utilisent les mêmes concepts que Hobbes, notamment les concepts de matière et de forme du corps politique, et le concept de corps politique artificiel. Pour justifier leur activité et leur pouvoir, les marchands mettent en avant des arguments politiques, en se fondant notamment sur la tradition juridique de la common law, et s'efforcent de développer un discours sur la civilité et l'héroi͏̈sme. Ces thèmes représentent un enjeu majeur, non seulement pour un discours philosophique examinant les conditions d'une science de la nature humaine, mais également pour les acteurs de la vie sociale et économique élaborant de nouveaux modèles de comportement. La critique hobbésienne de la sociabilité naturelle détermine ainsi une confrontation avec les traités de commerce. Mais un autre élément doit également être pris en considération : au moment où Hobbes élabore cette critique décisive, le modèle de la sociabilité naturelle et de la civilité fondée sur les bonnes manières est lui-même en crise, comme le montre l'analyse des traités de cour contemporains du Léviathan. C'est par cette dernière confrontation que s'achèvera notre étude de l'anthropologie philosophique de Hobbes, afin d'apporter un nouvel éclairage sur le contexte d'élaboration de l'œuvre, mais également pour rendre compte de la manière dont Hobbes envisage la distinction entre économie et politiqueAs it appears in the numerous treatises of commerce published before the circulation of the Leviathan, merchants were using the same concepts as Hobbes, especially the concepts of matter and form of the political body and the concept of an artificial political body. In order to legitimate their activity and justify their power, merchants are using political arguments taken from the legal tradition of the common law, and they build a theory on civility and heroism. These topics are a major stake not only to a philosophical discourse about the possibility of a science of human nature, but as well to people who, belonging to the civil and commercial society, invent new models of behaviour. Hobbes' criticism of natural sociability is leading to a confrontation with these treatises of commerce. But there is another aspect to it. As Hobbes is building this decisive criticism, the model of a natural sociability and of civility founded on good manners is itself experiencing a crisis, as shown in courtier literature contemporary to the Leviathan. We will conclude our study of Hobbes philosophical anthropology with this confrontation, in order to bring the context of Hobbes works' to a new light, but as well to give an account of the way Hobbes is building a distinction between economics and politics
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Gorescu, Gabriela. "Hobbes’s Deceiving God: the Correspondence Between Thomas Hobbes and Rene Descartes." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc804825/.
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In presenting their correspondence, I highlight the means in which Hobbes is able to divorce nature and politics in his philosophy. This is done by bringing to light Hobbes’s agreement with Descartes’s deceiving God argument. First, I demonstrate Hobbes’s hidden agreement with it by analyzing his objection to Descartes’s first Meditation. Second, I show that Hobbes and Descartes both retreat into consciousness in order to deal with the possibility of deception on the behalf of God. Third, I trace Hobbes’s rational justification for entertaining that very possibility. Fourth, I bring forward Hobbes’s certain principle, that God is incomprehensible. Fifth, I demonstrate Hobbes’s rationalization for rendering nature incomprehensible in turn. From this key insight, the differences between the two philosophers stand out more. Whereas Descartes rids himself of the possibility of a deceiving God, Hobbes does not. Sixth, I show that Descartes needs to rid himself of that possibility in order to have a basis for science, Hobbes’s science is such that he does not need to rid himself of that possibility. My investigation ends by considering both Hobbes’s and Descartes’s stance on nature, in relation to politics. I find that Hobbes’s principle is much more practical that Descartes’s principle. Hobbes’s principle is shown to be much more instructive and sustainable for human life. In conclusion, this analysis of the origins, principles, and orientation of the two philosopher’s thought brings forward the overarching question, whether the recovery of value and meaning is to be brought about in nature, or in civilization.
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BRAGA, Lélio Favacho. "A eloquência no pensamento político de Thomas Hobbes." Universidade Federal do Pará, 2010. http://repositorio.ufpa.br/jspui/handle/2011/4975.
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A presente pesquisa propõe-se a analisar os pressupostos teóricos que servem de apoio para Hobbes fundamentar a sua ciência civil, a qual aparentemente denotaria certa contradição quanto ao fato de ele lançar mão da eloquência enquanto arte da retórica implicitamente nos Elementos da Lei e no Do cidadão ao alinhar parte da bíblia sagrada à obediência civil. Ao mesmo tempo em que claramente o autor nas obras citadas acima condena o referido aspecto da eloquência, paradoxalmente, nas suas duas obras políticas posteriores, Leviatã e Behemoth, Hobbes lança mão explicitamente desta, chegando à conclusão de que ela é necessária como força coadjuvante da razão para conformar as paixões humanas na obediência civil.
This study aims to examine the theoretical assumptions which underpin their support for Hobbes civil science, which apparently denotes some conflict as to whether he make use of eloquence as an art of rhetoric implicitly in the Elements of Law and Do citizen to align part of the holy bible to civil obedience. While clearly the author in the works cited above condemns such aspect of eloquence, paradoxically, in its two political works later, Leviathan and Behemoth, Hobbes explicitly makes use of this and concluded that it is needed as a force supporting the reason to conform the human passions in civil obedience.
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Kersch, T. J. "Is there an Hobbesian tradition in international thought." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29985.
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Hobbes' argument in Leviathan can be viewed as a response to the question of why rational human beings should choose to organize themselves into a state. In Hobbes' words, the argument, in large part, attempts to establish the 'causes' of a 'commonwealth'.
However, the fact of the matter is that human beings do not organize themselves into a. state; rather, they organize themselves into a plurality of states. The question then becomes one of determining — again in Hobbes' words — the 'causes' of a plurality of 'commonwealths'. In other words, why do rational human beings choose to organize themselves into separate states? It is not clear to me that Hobbes' answered this question; nor is it clear to me that Hobbes' arguments can be extended in order to provide a satisfactory answer to this question.
Since international theory is concerned with the plurality of states, it seems reasonable to suppose that an 'Hobbesian' tradition in international thought would have provided at least some insight into the question of the 'causes' of such a plurality. In other words, an 'Hobbesian' tradition in international thought must have at least considered why it is that several Leviathans would emerge from the state of nature. However, having examined the current conception of the 'Hobbesian' tradition, I found that it was simply the 'realist' tradition under a different label; a tradition to which Hobbes' name had been appropriated. Furthermore, I found that the appropriation of Hobbes' name was justified on the basis of his chapter 13 analogy which compared— albeit in a limited way — his theoretical inference of the state of nature with his observations of relations among sovereigns. I argue that the analogy, being neither a definition nor an inference, has no theoretical relationship with Hobbes' main argument; in which case it cannot form the basis of a genuine Hobbesian tradition.
Having established that the current Hobbesian tradition is not a genuine one, I propose that a genuine tradition should a least render an account of the emergence of several Levaithans from the state of nature and conclude that this cannot be done without compromising Hobbes' account of the state.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Morris, Kathryn 1970. "Geometrical physics : mathematics in the natural philosophy of Thomas Hobbes." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37789.
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My thesis examines Thomas Hobbes's attempt to develop a mathematical account of nature. I argue that Hobbes's conception of how we should think quantitatively about the world was deeply indebted to the ideas of his ancient and medieval predecessors. These ideas were often amenable to Hobbes's vision of a demonstrative, geometrically-based science. However, he was forced to adapt the ancient and medieval models to the demands of his own thoroughgoing materialism. This hybrid resulted in a distinctive, if only partially successful, approach to the problems of the new mechanical philosophy.
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Kotroyannos, Dimitris. "La raison d'état chez Hobbès et Spinoza." Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988STR30004.
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L'objet de la raison d'etat est chez Hobbès et Spinoza de garantir, par la raison rationnelle, la diversité naturelle c'est-à-dire l'individualité dont la raison est le signe. On peut alors distinguer deux niveaux expressifs de la politique : celui ou l'on peut jouer et combiner artificiellement ou réellement certains affects contre d'autres dans le but de construire une situation stable et d'éviter les catastrophes destructrices pour tous; celui qui rend par la conduite de la raison infaillible du souverain l'action intersubjective de l'homme plus efficace et productive car le souverain protège l'individu. Sur ces deux niveaux Spinoza est proche de Hobbès pour concevoir la constitution anhistorique de l'état mais en même temps renverse son contenu puisqu'il se base sur des fondements épistemologiques différents. Ainsi l'action politique de l'individu chez Hobbès, se détermine dans la finitude et l'obéissance tandis que cette action chez Spinoza se réalise dans et pour la libertéThe matter of the state's reason by Hobbes and Spinoza is to warrant through the rational reason, the natural variety, that means the individuality of which the reason is the sign. Two expressive levels of the politics can be distinguished : the one where some passions may be played and combined artificially or really against others in the purpose to built a steady position and to avoid the catastrophes which may be destroying for everybody. The other which senders the intersubjective action of man more efficient and productive by the leading of the infallible reason of the sovereign because the sovereign protects the individual. On both levels Spinoza is near Hobbès to conceivethe anhistorical building of the state but in the some time he reverses its contents when he is grounded of epistemologiques bases. Thus the political action of the fellow is delimite by Hobbès by the "ending" and the submissiveness while it's resolved by Spinoza in and for freedom
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Thivet, Delphine. "La guerre entre le concept et l'histoire dans l'oeuvre de Thomas Hobbes." Paris 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA010523.
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Cette étude a pour objet le concept de guerre dans l'œuvre de Thomas Hobbes : d'une part, la guerre considérée sous l'aspect philosophique, d'autre part, la guerre considérée comme événement historique et réalité permanente des sociétés européennes au XVIIe siècle. La guerre pose avant tout un problème de durée: il s'agit de comprendre ce qui engendre et entretient la volonté belliqueuse au sein d'un espace donné. L'hypothèse adoptée est que la guerre en tant qu'événement historique constitue un élément décisif de l'avènement de la pensée politique du philosophe, tout particulièrement dans sa volonté d'affermir les fondements de l'État mais également dans sa reconnaissance ultime du droit naturel de l'individu à préserver sa vie. L'étude des pamphlets et imprimés publiés pendant la guerre civile en Angleterre permet d'éclairer le contexte d'élaboration de l'œuvre de Hobbes et de mettre en relief la dimension à la fois polémique et pacifique de sa philosophie politique
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Silva, Hélio Alexandre da [UNESP]. "As paixões humanas em Thomas Hobbes: entre a ciência e a moral, o medo e a esperança." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93143.
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O objetivo desse trabalho é entender a presença da ciência hobbesiana de matriz mecânicofisica na constituição das paixões humanas no interior da filosofia de Thomas Hobbes, em outras palavras, trata-se de compreender em que medida a filosofia natural pode auxiliar na melhor compreensão da filosofia política. A partir disso, procurar entender o posicionamento de alguns intérpretes que são críticos dessa abordagem. E finalmente, dessa consideração da relação entre ciência e moral, mostrar o papel que duas paixões em especial, a saber, o medo e a esperança, possuem no processo que afasta a guerra de todos e constrói a paz política.
This work aims at understanding the presence of a mechanically and physically-based hobbesian science the constitution of human passions within the philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. In other words, we look for understanding how the natural philosophy can enable a better comprehension of political philosophy. As a consequence, we intend to understand the positions taken by some interpreters who are critical of such approach. Finally, from the considerations regarding the relationship between moral and science, we try to show the roles which two passions in particular, i.e., fear and hope, play in the process of natural war abandonment and of political peace construction.
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Alfonso, Vargas Jorge A. "Religión y política en el Leviatán : la teología política de Thomas Hobbes : un análisis crítico." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2011. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/108749.
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La filosofía política de Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) tiene como fundamento último una teología política que deduce del cristianismo el fundamento del poder absoluto del soberano. A esta altura del estado del arte, esto no resulta nada nuevo, y la importante literatura al respecto, que mencionaremos más adelante, así lo demuestra, lo que no deja de sorprender en un pensador que fue considerado por mucho tiempo como un ateo. Sin embargo, nos parece que el uso que hace Hobbes de las Escrituras es muchas veces incorrecto, inadecuado, reductor y acomodaticio, dejando fuera aspectos esenciales del cristianismo y, destacando sólo aquellos que les sirven para sus propósitos. De forma tal, que, por un lado, su teología política es discutible, y, por otro, su interpretación de las Escrituras acrecienta, en vez de disminuir, su fama de ateo. En consecuencia, pensamos, que es necesario realizar un análisis crítico del lugar que ocupa la religión, y el cristianismo, en su sistema de ideas para apreciar lo bien o mal fundada que resulta su filosofía política cuando a los argumentos filosóficos se agregan los teológicos. Éste será nuestro aporte al tema, la crítica a los fundamentos de su teología política. Creemos que Hobbes hace un uso abusivo de las Escrituras para darle un fundamento religioso a su política, de esta forma, pretende darle una mayor fuerza persuasiva a sus escritos, y un fundamento superior a su filosofía política. Ésta es nuestra tesis. Nuestra estudio, en consecuencia, tiene como propósito analizar la relación entre religión y política en la filosofía de Thomas Hobbes con el fin de evaluar el lugar que la religión ocupa en su filosofía política, al punto de que se pueda hablar de la existencia de una teología política en su filosofía. Entendemos por teología política, una política cuyos fundamentos son religiosos o teológicos.
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Oliveira, Mariana Kuhn de. "Moralidade e república em Hobbes." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/168597.
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Thomas Hobbes está preocupado com as consequências do desacordo moral que, segundo ele, impedem as sociedades de viverem em paz, a qual é condição necessária para a garantia uma vida confortável a todos. Para apresentar uma solução a esse problema, o autor começa estudando a condição natural dos humanos, que, sem um poder soberano, vivem em condição de guerra. Depois de alcançar essa conclusão, Hobbes nos mostra como é possível constituir corretamente uma república. Apesar de apresentar o argumento do estado de natureza como sendo o ponto de partida para a instituição da soberania, ele está focado principalmente no seu significado para a estabilidade da república. Hobbes afirma, assim, estar consciente de que as pessoas sempre desejam viver juntas e de que elas têm vivido assim desde sempre. Seu principal interesse está, na verdade, em demonstrar como as pessoas podem viver juntas em paz ao longo do tempo. Hobbes mostra aos seus leitores que a paz só é possível quando os cidadãos conhecem as leis de natureza e estão corretamente motivados a segui-las. Essa tese tem dois objetivos principais: (i) discutir como Hobbes desenvolve sua teoria moral, e como ele conecta essa teoria à lei civil, e (ii) debater sua teoria sobre a natureza humana e a possibilidade de ensinar os cidadãos sobre a necessidade de obedecer ao soberano. Os principais tópicos discutidos e as contribuições que essa tese pode proporcionar estão relacionados à questão da normatividade das leis de natureza e ao impacto que ela pode ter no restante da teoria política de Hobbes, com particular destaque à relação, em uma república, entre moralidade e educação, pois a segunda motiva os cidadãos a seguirem a primeira.Thomas Hobbes is concerned with the consequences of moral disagreement as, according to him, they prevent societies from living in peace, which is a necessary condition to guarantee a comfortable life to everyone. In order to present a solution to this problem, Hobbes starts studying the natural condition of humans, who, in the absence of a sovereign power, live in a state of war. After reaching this conclusion, Hobbes shows us how it is possible to correctly institute a commonwealth. Despite presenting the argument concerning the state of nature as a starting point to the institution of the sovereignty, he is focused mainly on the state of nature’s meaning to the stability of the commonwealth. Hobbes hence asserts that he is aware that people always desire to live together and have always lived like that. His main interest is actually to demonstrate how people can live together in peace over time. Hobbes shows his readers that peace is only possible when citizens know the laws of nature and are correctly motivated to follow them. This paper has two main aims (i) to discuss how Hobbes advances his moral theory and how he connects it to the civil law, and (ii) to reflect his theory about human nature and the possibility of teaching citizens about the need of obeying the sovereign. The main topics discussed and the contributions this paper may make concern the normativity of the laws of nature and the impact it may have on the rest of Hobbes’s political theory, with particular emphasis on the relation, in a commonwealth, between morality and education, as the latter motivates citizens to follow the former.
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Higgins, Nicholas J. "New Wine in Old Wineskins: Hobbes’s Use and Abuse of Religious Rhetoric." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc700045/.
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Thomas Hobbes’s knowledge of religious doctrine, typology, and use religious rhetoric in his writings is often glossed over in an over-eager attempt to establish his preeminence as a founder of modern political theory and the social contract tradition. Such action, however is an injustice to Hobbes himself, who recognized that in order to establish a new, and arguably radical, political position founded upon reason and nominalist materialism he had to reform people’s understanding of religious revelation, and Christianity specifically. Rather than merely move to a new epistemological foundation, Hobbes was aware that the only way to ensure religion does become a phoenix was to examine and undermine the foundations of religious thought in its own terms. This reformation of religious language, critique of Christianity, and attempt to eliminate man’s belief in their obligation to God was done in order to promote a civil society in which religion was servant of the state. Through reforming religious language, Hobbes was able to demote religion as a worldview; removing man’s fear of the afterlife or obligation to obey God over a civil sovereign. Religious doctrine no longer was in competition with the civil state, but is transformed into a tool of the state, one which philosophically founds the modern arguments for religious toleration.
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Águila, Marchena Levy del. "Sobre el concepto de libertad en el Leviatán de Thomas Hobbes." Master's thesis, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2003. http://tesis.pucp.edu.pe/repositorio/handle/123456789/4711.
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La clásica argumentación hobbesiana a favor de la necesidad de establecer un
Estado soberano, dotado de plenas atribuciones para disponer de la suerte, los
recursos e incluso la vida de sus ciudadanos, caracterizados como súbditos,
tiene, aunque resulte paradójico, un núcleo originariamente liberal. En efecto, el
punto de partida del razonamiento filosófico-político hobbesiano es la libertad
de los individuos, concebidos capaces de decidir en términos propios, al
margen de cualquier predeterminación exterior del sentido de su querer y su
acción. Este punto de partida, sin embargo, termina completamente
ensombrecido por la ulterior legitimación de la autoridad socialmente irrestricta
de la instancia soberana de gobierno bajo el ordenamiento dado en el Estado
civil.Tesis
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Villanova, Marcelo Gross. "Lei natural e lei civil na filosofia política de Thomas Hobbes." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/165433.
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Hobbes opera um arranjo argumentativo de forma a estruturar um novo esqueleto conceitual dos termos principais do seu original projeto politico-filosófico. O presente trabalho pretende dar conta de percorrer o labirinto argumentativo, que envolve a inclusao e a exclusao dos ambitos de validade entre lei natural e lei positiva. A trajetória intelectual hobbesiana é permeada por definições contrastantes entre termos e atua na direção de fazer com que uma possvel contenda sobre a extensao ou preeminencia entre os termos se dissipe, afrouxando a contraposição entre eles. Imagina-se ter um ganho de compreensao desse n6 com que amarra a lei natural e a lei civil, atendo-se a s suas articulaC6es. A exposição visa apontar alguns elementos-chaves da tessitura fina da relação entre lei natural e lei positiva, como, por exemplo, razão natural, razão soberana, ação e intenção, direito de resistência,"silencio da lei". Utiliza-se de partes da peça Antígona de Sófocles para ilustrar alguns dos seus pontos, somando a ela interpretações modernas que podem ser sugestivas do movimento teórico hobbesiano. Identifica-se, ao final, na literatura crtica, várias afirmações dos interpretes quanto a s reconciliações conceituais com que Hobbes opera e sugere-se que esse pode tambem ser o caso na relação entre lei natural e lei civil. Alem disso, propõe-se que esses elementos-chaves podem ser as pistas para percorrer esse labirinto argumentativo.Hobbes makes a theoretical arrangement in order to structure a new skeleton of conception from main terms of his political and philosophical original project. The present text intends to search his theoretical labyrinth, which involves the spheres of inclusion and the exclusion between law of nature and civil law. The Hobbes~ way of argue is building with contrast definitions, but he pleads they are no antagonism. The author seeks understand how the links between right of nature and civil right are articulated. For this, he exposes key elements as natural right, reason of commonwealth, action and intention, right of self-defence, "silence of law". He lays hold of Antigone by Sofocles and modern interpretations hereof illustrate points of this presentation. In the end, it is showed opinions of specialists, who mention conceptual reconciliations in his system. It is suggested that conceptual reconciliation meet the case to describe the relationship between law of nature and civil law and also, the key elements are the traces to roam about his theoretical labyrinth.
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Silva, Luiz Carlos Santos da 1975. "O homem por trás do Leviatã : ciência e política na filosofia do Poder de Thomas Hobbes." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281295.
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Orientador: Yara Adario FrateschiTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: No presente trabalho procuro apresentar como o método resolutivo-compositivo ou geométrico estabelece uma relação fundamental entre filosofia natural e política nas bases do pensamento hobbesiano mais sistemático. Nesse registro, busco mostrar como Hobbes entende que as definições geométricas não seriam apenas descritivas ou especulativas, mas também prescritivas e práticas. Por isso, as definições da geometria euclidiana não apenas descreveriam a forma de uma figura estática, mas também prescreveriam um possível modo de geração ou de construção desses objetos. Da perspectiva hobbesiana os axiomas fundamentais da geometria euclidiana podem ser demonstrados, por isso estes postulados devem ser entendidos como princípios de construção ou de autoridade, mais do que de conhecimento. Desse prisma, a geometria euclidiana poderia ser entendida como uma ciência capaz de orientar tanto o entendimento quanto as ações humanas. Com base nisso, procuro mostrar como a filosofia natural e política de Hobbes se funda sobre uma aplicação desse método a uma mesma matéria: os homens e suas paixões. É nesse registro que, no decorrer de todo o presente trabalho, procuro elucidar como as paixões humanas (matéria tanto da filosofia natural quanto da política) são vistas por Hobbes sob a ótica do mesmo método geométrico, mas ora como efeito (do movimento externo que afeta os sentidos humanos) e ora como causa (do movimento voluntário dos homens no mundo). Sob esta perspectiva, procuro evidenciar de que modo o caráter convencional do método hobbesiano se aplica aos termos do contrato social constitutivo de um Estado civil soberano, presente nas bases de uma filosofia que entende as ciências e o próprio conhecimento como sinônimos de poder
Abstract: In this thesis I try to present as the resolutive-compositive or geometric method establishes a fundamental relationship between natural philosophy and policy on the fundamental principle of hobbesian thought. In this sense, I try to show how Hobbes believes that the geometric definitions would not only descriptive or speculative, but also prescriptive and practices. Therefore, the geometry definitions describe not only the form of a static picture but also prescribe a possible way of generation or building these objects. For the Hobbesian perspective the fundamental axioms of Euclidean geometry can be demonstrated, so these postulates must be understood as principles of construction or authority rather than knowledge. From this angle, Euclidean geometry could be understood as a science capable of guiding both the understanding and human actions. These actions regarded both as a knowledge and authority. Based on this, I seek to show how natural philosophy and policy is based on an application of this method to the same matter: men and their passions. In this way, throughout this work I try to elucidate how human passions (matter of natural philosophy and politics) are seen by Hobbes from the perspective of the same geometric method, but sometimes as the effect (of the external movement affects the human senses) and sometimes as cause (the voluntary human movement in the world). From this perspective, I try to show how the conventional character of the Hobbesian method applies to the terms of the constitutive social contract of a sovereign civil State that are present on the basis of a philosophy that understands the science and knowledge itself as power synonymous
Doutorado
Filosofia
Doutor em Filosofia
34
Garcés, Arce Giancarlo Wilfredo. "La seguridad como fin del Estado: Una interpretación de la filosofía política de Thomas Hobbes." Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12672/10106.
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Responde a la siguiente interrogante: ¿Cuáles son los fines que debiera conseguir el Estado desde la perspectiva de Thomas Hobbes? Como se hará patente, tal cuestión resulta profundamente problemática cuando se tienen en consideración los dos escritos políticos hobbesianos anteriores a Leviatán: Elementos de Derecho Natural y Político y De Cive. Sucede que en ambos Hobbes emplea (junto con el concepto de seguridad pública) una serie de categorías de origen greco-latino, tales como las de bien común, felicidad, libertad, ciudad y ciudadano, para establecer los alcances y límites del aparato estatal. No obstante, se defenderá la tesis de que en los tres escritos mencionados es posible identificar (aunque con distintos matices debido a las diferentes estrategias discursivas adoptadas por el autor de Leviatán) una centralidad de la seguridad pública como único objetivo legítimo del Estado, motivo por el cual también resulta posible sostener que Hobbes tiene entre sus pretensiones fundamentales llevar a cabo un desplazamiento de otras metas o fines políticos en tanto que estos resultan ser, desde su perspectiva, meras utopías o amenazas para la paz. Sobre la base de lo anterior, también se explorarán la refutación hecha por Hobbes de las ideas de parlamentaristas, republicanos, niveladores y cavadores; el carácter expansivo adoptado por su aparato estatal en lo que concierne únicamente a la seguridad pública; su abordaje de la guerra y el colonialismo como medios para garantizar la seguridad externa; y la posible conexión que se puede establecer entre las formas de legitimarse tanto del Estado hobbesiano como de los Estados neoliberales contemporáneos.Tesis
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Jaede, Maximilian. "The concept of enmity in the political philosophy of Hobbes." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6679.
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To the author's knowledge, this is the first systematic study of the concept of enmity in the political philosophy of Thomas Hobbes. Examining this important category does not only elucidate the concept itself, but also provides an opportunity to reconnect fragments of Hobbes's thought that are increasingly being treated as disparate subjects. It is suggested that the notion of enmity can shed further light on related aspects of his political philosophy, including human competitiveness, the roles of fear and trust, the evil of violent death, the status of rebels, and his theory of international relations. In addition, the subject invites a rethinking of Hobbes's place in the history of political thought. It is argued that he was among the first to make enmity a central subject of political philosophy. This seems to be related to Hobbes's break with the traditional notion of natural sociability, as a consequence of which he describes the natural condition of mankind as a war of all against all. Although Hobbes depicts human beings as natural enemies, he holds that enmity does not exclude the possibility of reconciliation; individuals can supposedly overcome their hostility through subjection to a sovereign. These views give rise to a dynamic distinction between public and private enmity, according to which outright hostility can be transformed into private rivalry if human beings renounce their natural right of war. Conversely, subjects become public enemies if they rebel against the sovereign. Hobbes's views on natural enmity and reconciliation also have important implications for his theory of international relations. This thesis particularly highlights the possibility that states can be decomposed and reassembled after a foreign invasion, which precludes wars of annihilation.
36
Kaufmann, Mariana Levit. "A recepção das idéias de Thomas Hobbes na sociedade Inglesa Seiscentista." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2007. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/13352.
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Previous issue date: 2007-03-02Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
This dissertation analyzes some aspects of the philosophy of Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) that led to his involvement in a series of polemics in the seventeenth-century England. For the development of the subject, in a first step, we intend to discuss certain important aspects of his conception of religion in order to understand the reasons why the philosopher was called an atheist , spreader of heresies and enemy of the christian values. In a second step, we will discuss aspects that structure his natural philosophy, his vision of what is knowledge and what is world . Following up, we will make a comparison between two of the methods adopted by the philosophers involved in the polemics. On one side, the approach based on the deductive method, a priori, with a mathematical and logical character which was defended by the author of De Corpore while, on the other side, the methodology structured on the effects obtained through the experimentations of nature, a posteriori, which was adopted by many of the members of the Royal Society. We hope to clarify some of the main reasons why the polemics did take place, that might help us to better understand the discussions that involved the author of Leviathan e some of the members of the Royal Society, specially Robert Boyle (1627-1691) and John Wallis (1616-1703). We therefore intend to obtain the explicit reasons why Hobbes was considered a threat to other thinkers and ecclesiastics of his time. In this way, we will analyze fundamental hobbesian ideas like his conception of God, his critics to the immortality of the soul as well as his structure of a totally necessary world. We will observe in which way such ideas became dangerous to society and how his critics saw them. At last, was the image built over the atheist Hobbes, in fact, related to his belief in God?
Esta dissertação analisa alguns aspectos da filosofia de Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) que propiciaram seu envolvimento em uma série de polêmicas na Inglaterra seiscentista. Para tanto, num primeiro momento, objetivamos discutir certos aspectos importantes de sua concepção de religião a fim de compreender por quais motivos o filósofo foi chamado de ateu , de propagador de heresias e de inimigo dos valores cristãos. Num segundo momento, abordaremos aspectos que estruturaram sua filosofia natural, sua visão de mundo e de conhecimento. Em seguida, faremos uma comparação entre dois dos métodos que foram adotados pelos filósofos envolvidos nessas polêmicas. Por um lado, a abordagem baseada no método dedutivo, a priori, de caráter matemático e lógico que era defendida pelo autor do De Corpore, enquanto de outro lado aquela que se estruturava sobre os efeitos obtidos por meio de experimentações da natureza, a posteriori, que foi adotada por vários dos membros da Royal Society. Esperamos esclarecer alguns dos principais motivos pelos quais as polêmicas de fato ocorreram e assim, talvez, poderemos compreender melhor as discussões que envolveram o autor do Leviatã e alguns dos membros da Royal Society, especialmente Robert Boyle (1627-1691) e John Wallis (1616-1703). Temos a finalidade, portanto, de explicitar os motivos pelos quais Hobbes era considerado uma ameaça para outros pensadores e eclesiásticos de seu tempo. Desta forma, analisaremos idéias hobbesianas fundamentais como sua concepção de Deus, suas críticas à imortalidade da alma bem como a sua estruturação de um mundo absolutamente necessário. Observaremos de que maneira idéias como essas se tornaram perigosas para a sociedade e como seus críticos as viam. Enfim, será que a imagem que se construiu sobre o ateu Hobbes tinha de fato relação com sua crença em Deus?
37
Borot, Luc. "Ecriture de l'histoire et théorie politique chez Thomas Hobbes et James Harrington." Paris 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA030048.
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Le dix-septième siècle en Angleterre est une ère de mutations en théorie politique et dans les représentations de l'histoire. Les visions de l'histoire sont empreintes d'intentions politiques et religieuses, surtout dans la période révolutionnaire 16401660. En dépit de leurs choix partisans opposes, Hobbes et Harrington reflètent ces tendances dans leurs œuvres par des méthodes différentes. Hobbes dérive sa méthode des sciences exactes naissantes (Galilée), et ne recourt à l'histoire que pour démontrer la validité de sa science du politique à la fin de sa production. Harrington fonde sa théorie de l'action politique républicaine sur une philosophie de l'histoire. Ils tentent tous deux d'établir une méthode rationnelle, Hobbes par une méthode déductive et une théorie de l'homme, Harrington par la compréhension de l'histoire par des textes qui empruntent tantôt la méthode géométrique de Hobbes, tantôt la tradition de l'utopie. Les traductions des courts traités de Harrington Les aphorismes politiques et le Système de la politique sont données en appendiceThe 17th century in England is an age of mutations in political theory and in the representations of history. Visions of history are pregnant with political and religious intentions, especially in the revolutionary period 1640-1660. In spite of their opposite partisan choices, Hobbes and Harrington reflect these tendencies in their works through their different methods. Hobbes follows a method derived from the nascent exact sciences (Galileo) and resorts to history at the end of his production, to demonstrate the validity of his science of politics. Harrington founds his theory of republican political action upon a philosophy of history. Both try to establish a rational method, Hobbes through deduction and a theory of man, Harrington through understanding of history, and in works that either borrow Hobbes’ geometrical method, or take up the utopian tradition. The translations of Harrington’s shorter treatises The Aphorisms Political and A System of Politics are provided
38
Silva, Hélio Alexandre da 1981. "Hobbes, Rousseau e a teoria crítica : características e consequências de uma apropriação." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281063.
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Orientador: Yara Adario FrateschiTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O trabalho que aqui se apresenta se coloca no campo da relação entre filosofia moderna e filosofia contemporânea. O objetivo mais amplo é tentar recuperar, do ponto de vista da história da filosofia, algumas complexidades e tensões presentes na filosofia moderna que invariavelmente são marginalizadas quando apropriadas pela filosofia contemporânea. Dito de um modo mais específico, este trabalho parte de breves considerações sobre o pensamento de Axel Honneth e Jürgen Habermas acerca da apropriação que ambos fazem da filosofia moderna, especialmente do pensamento de Thomas Hobbes e de Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Tais considerações visam situar a obra dos dois autores modernos no interior dos projetos teóricos de Honneth e Habermas, especialmente no que se refere à esfera pública e aos conflitos sociais. A partir dessas considerações é que emerge o objetivo central, qual seja: defender a hipótese (tendo como pano de fundo a apropriação de Honneth e Habermas) de que Hobbes e Rousseau possuem uma relação sui generis com a modernidade e com o Iluminismo, respectivamente. Essa relação de Hobbes e Rousseau com seus contextos históricos e com o pensamento filosófico que surge desses contextos é o que me permite caracterizar o pensamento de Hobbes como um modernismo relutante e o pensamento de Rousseau como um iluminismo relutante. Em ambos os casos, me utilizo do espírito da expressão "modernismo relutante" cunhada por Seyla Benhabib para se referir à obra de Hannah Arendt. Desse modo, tendo como ponto de partida duas vertentes da Teoria Crítica da sociedade, penso ser possível retroceder até a modernidade para tentar investigar tanto seu potencial teórico passível de ser atualizado, quanto às dificuldades, complexidades e tensões que essas atualizações podem gerar, notadamente no campo da estruturação política e da organização social
Abstract: This work is in the field of the relationship between modern and contemporary philosophy. The broader goal is trying to recover, from the standpoint of the history of philosophy, some complexities and tensions existing in modern philosophy that are invariably marginalized when appropriated by contemporary philosophy. More specifically: This thesis begins with brief considerations on Jürgen Habermas' and Axel Honneth's appropriations of modern philosophy, specifically the thought of Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Such considerations aim to situate the work of these two modern authors within the theoretical projects of Habermas and Honneth, especially with regard to the public sphere and social conflicts. From these considerations, it emerges the main objective of this work, which is to defend the hypothesis (having as a background Habermas' and Honneth's appropriations), of Hobbes and Rousseau having a sui generis relationship with modernity and the Enlightenment, respectively. The relationships of Hobbes and Rousseau with their historical contexts and their relationships with the philosophical thought which emerges from these contexts is what allows me to characterize the thought of Hobbes as a reluctant modernism and the thought of Rousseau as a reluctant Enlightenment. In both cases I use the spirit of the term "reluctant modernism" forged by Seyla Benhabib to refer to the work of Hannah Arendt. Thus, taking as its starting point two theories of current Critical Theory of society, I think it is possible to go back until modernity in order to investigate both its theoretical potential susceptible to be updated, as well as the difficulties, complexities and tensions that these updates can generate, specifically in the fields of political structuration and social organization
Doutorado
Filosofia
Doutor em Filosofia
39
Dellemotte, Jean. "Individu et coexistence sociale chez Thomas Hobbes et Adam Smith : une enquête sur le mythe fondateur de la science économique." Paris 1, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA010053.
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L'histoire de notre discipline fait état d'une période charnière, les 17e et 18e siècles, au cours de laquelle l'économie se serait progressivement émancipée de la philosophie politique et morale en résolvant les problèmes de la coexistence pacifique et de la régulation sociale. On attribue généralement à Adam Smith un rôle capital au sein de ce mythe fondateur. Notre principal objectif est de questionner le bien fondé de ce mythe de l'émancipation sur lequel l'économie contemporaine s'appuie pour revendiquer son autonomie, ainsi que le statut de "père fondateur" attribué à Smith. Dans cette perspective, nous revenons sur les réponses concurrentes de T. Hobbes et A. Smith à la problématique de la régulation sociale. Les oeuvres de ces deux auteurs mettent en effet en évidence l'existence d'un fondement moral à la régulation; se pose alors la question de l'autonomie réelle de notre discipline, ainsi que celle, plus générale, des conditions de possibilité de la "société marchande".
40
KRAUS, JODY STEVEN. "CONTEMPORARY HOBBESIAN CONTRACTARIANISM." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184172.
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Contemporary Hobbesian contractarianism began in the wake of John Rawls' revitalization of contractarianism in A Theory of Justice and the subsequent body of critical literature which has grown up around it. Philosophers have been impressed with Rawls' powerful application of a contractarian framework to traditional issues in moral and political philosophy but dismayed at the extensive normative precommitments of his particular contractarian theory. They have thus sought an equally powerful contractarian approach unwed to strong normative precommitments. Of all extant contractarian theories, Thomas Hobbes' theory in Leviathan uniquely constitutes such an approach. Like all contractarians, Hobbes specifies a hypothetical choice problem consisting of a choice environment, a choice problem, and a method of resolution. But Hobbes' choice environment purports to make virtually no substantive normative precommitments. The strength of Hobbesian contractarianism is that it seeks to generate substantive normative conclusions from premises established in a normatively minimalistic theoretical framework, and thus promises not to beg any fundamental normative questions. This dissertation considers in detail three comprehensive and game-theoretically sophisticated books which are central to the current corpus of contemporary Hobbesian contractarianism. These are Jean Hampton's Hobbes and the Social Contract Tradition, Gregory Kavka's Hobbesian Moral and Political Theory, and David Gauthier's Morals by Agreement. We explain the common denominators and points of divergence among these theories while undertaking an extensive critical investigation of each. Two fundamental themes emerge from these investigations. First, Hobbesian contractarianism tends to run afoul of collective action problems at various levels of its overall argument. Collective actions problems arise when the requirements of individual and collective rationality diverge. Second, the normative minimalism which is heralded as the primary virtue of Hobbesian contractarianism is also revealed as one of its fundamental problems. By minimalizing its normative precommitments, Hobbesian contractarianism undermines its ultimate goal of generating powerful normative conclusions.
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Elias, Wagner de Mello. "A revelação da palavra de Deus nas sagradas escrituras e a subordinação da igreja a autoridade publica." [s.n.], 2001. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279324.
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Orientador: Roberto Romano da SilvaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Thomas Hobbes subordina as profecias, presentes numa República Cristã, à autoridade de seu soberano, fundamentando-se, para isso, na natureza dos sonhos e da linguagem, elaborando a realidade como modelo de máquina. A partir deste modelo, Hobbes concebe a religião como culto e delimita a palavra de Deus a seu registro nas Sagradas Escrituras, cujos textos são elementos que compõem a King James Version, autorizada pelo soberano da República
Abstract: Prophecies are the main principle of the Christian Commonwealth. Hobbes subordinates them to the authority of his sovereign power. He uses as his foundation the nature ofLanguage and Dreams. From this basis, the reality is built as a machine and the word of God is that which is written in the Holy Scriptures only, which books are the King James Version
Mestrado
Mestre em Filosofia
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Silva, Luiz Carlos Santos da 1975. "A dinamica comportamental dos homens em Hobbes segundo o principio de conservação do movimento." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279523.
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Orientador: Yara Adario FrateschiDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo do presente trabalho é apresentar de que modo a conduta natural dos homens em Hobbes, ao contrário da interpretação de Leo Strauss que procura retirar das bases da política hobbesiana toda influência dos princípios científicos, resulta de uma aplicação do princípio inercial do movimento na consideração dos homens em estado de natureza Para tanto, procuramos investigar de que maneira o movimento inercial é entendido por Hobbes como causa e origem da sensação e concepções mentais, bem como das paixões e ações voluntárias que regulam o comportamento natural dos homens.
Abstract: The objective of the present work is to present in which way men's natural conduct in Hobbes, unlike Leo Strauss's interpretation that tries to remove of the bases of Hobbes' politics all influences of the scientific principles, results in an application of the inertial principle of the movement on men's consideration in state of nature. For that, we tried to investigate in which way the inertial movement is understood by Hobbes as cause and origin of sensation and mental conceptions, as well as of passions and voluntary actions that regulates men's natural behavior.
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Mestre em Filosofia
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Lazzeri, Christian. "Anthropologie, pouvoir et droit naturel à l'âge classique : essai sur Hobbes et Spinoza." Paris 10, 1985. http://www.theses.fr/1985PA100138.
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Duhamel, David. "Les nouvelles théories du contrat social et la théorie du choix rationnel." Paris 1, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA010048.
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Les théories du contrat social supposent que la société, les principes de justice ou l'Etat, soient fondés sur le consentement réciproque, rationnel et mutuellement avantageux des individus qui la composent. Elle repose sur l'idée, un temps révolutionnaire, que le pouvoir légitime réside originellement dans l'individu à la fois matière et artisan de la mécanique sociale. Après une éclipse de près de deux siècles, la théorie du contart social est réapparue à la faveur de la publication en 1971 de Théorie de la justice de John Rawls. Rawls inaugure un nouveau courant : les nouvelles théories du contart social, se caractérisant par l'alliance du contractualisme classique (Hobbes-Locke-Rousseau) et de la théorie du choix rationnel, voire de la théorie des jeux. Cette thèse décrit l'itinéraire effectué par l'idée contemporaine du contrat social et la façon dont elle a été servie et souvent desservie par la théorie du choix rationnel. Un cheminement qui commence avec Rawls et Harsanyi sous l'autorité de Kant, continue avec Buchanan et Gauthier dans l'ombre de Hobbes et s'achève avec Binmore et Skyrms sous les auspices de Hume. Au final, les nouvelles théories du contrat social aboutissent à une théorie qui abandonne à la fois le contrat et la rationalité, qui s'appuie, au contraire, sur les catégories qu'elle avait vocation à combattre (l'histoire, la coutume, le darwinisme social) et s'épanouit dans l'ombre des grands adversaires de la première génération du contrat social : Hume et Burke.
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Weber, Dominique. "Le corps de Dieu, le désir des fous et l'histoire du salut : recherches sur la situation métaphysique et théologique de la philosophie première et de la science de l'Etat de Thomas Hobbes." Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005PA040124.
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"Dieu est un corps ; Moïse, Jésus, puis les Apôtres et les docteurs désignés par ces derniers sont les personnes de la Trinité : au nombre des doctrines théologiques polémiques de Thomas Hobbes, celle qui affirme la corporéité de Dieu, d'une part, et celle qui interprète la Trinité en termes de projections historiques successives de Dieu, d'autre part, le sont particulièrement. De nombreux théologiens contemporains de Hobbes les ont du reste perçues comme d'insupportables " scandales " ; ils y ont vu aussi deux thèses centrales de la philosophie de Hobbes, alors que de nombreux interprètes ultérieurs ont été tentés de les renvoyer à ses marges. Notre propos consiste à montrer que ces deux thèses jouent bien un rôle majeur dans la pensée de Hobbes : elles sont liées à sa décision théorique de fond en faveur de l'univocité de l'étant. Ce qui lui permet, dans le cadre d'une doctrine trinitaire déspiritualisée, de penser à nouveaux frais une répartition des époques du salut chrétien et la question de l'eschaton. Hobbes ne nie pas l'amor Dei au profit de l'amor sui : il l'inscrit dans une histoire où c'est le futur du salut absolu, enraciné dans le passé de ce qui a déjà été accompli, qui doit orienter le présent du désir humain. Dans ce cadre, Hobbes accorde une place essentielle dans son anthropologie aux délitements temporels du désir : d'où le caractère crucial de la doctrine hobbesienne de la folie. Afin d'articuler la signification exacte de la décision en faveur de l'univocité de l'étant, nous avons tenté de mesurer comment la philosophie de Hobbes se rattache à l'histoire de la " métaphysique ", entendue en un sens historique et conceptuel étroit. "God is a body ; Moses, Jesus, and the Apostles together with the Doctors so designated by them are the persons of the Trinity : among Thomas Hobbes' polemical theological doctrines, the one that claims God's corporeity and the one that interprets the Trinity as successive historical projections of God are especially controversial. Many theologians contemporary of Hobbes considered them as intolerable " scandals " ; they also perceived them as two key pillars of Hobbes' philosophy, while many subsequent interprets have disregarded them. In this essay, we intend to show that these two theses do play a critical role in Hobbes' thought : they are linked to his founding theoretical decision on the univocity of being. This allows Hobbes, in the context of a de-spiritualised doctrine of the Trinity, to cast a fresh eye on the distribution of ages of Christian Salvation as well as on the issue of the eschaton. Hobbes does not repudiate the amor Dei to the benefits of the amor sui : rather he places it in a history where it is the future of absolute salvation, grounded in the past of what has already been accomplished, that orientates the present of human desire. In this framework, Hobbes attaches a special attention in his anthropology to the collapses of desire over time : hence the crucial role of his understanding of madness. With a view to delineate the exact meaning of the decision on the univocity of being, we have aimed at assessing how Hobbes' philosophy relates to the history of metaphysics, retaining a narrow understanding of the latter both historically and conceptually
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Untea, Ionut. "Hobbes et l'invention moderne de l'individu : pessimisme anthropologique, science de l'esprit et peur du «hobbisme» au XVIIe siècle anglais." Paris, EPHE, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EPHE5017.
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Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) est considéré aujourd'hui (Gierke, Strauss, Oakeshott, Macpherson, Gauthier, Kavka, Hampton, Ryan) le premier philosophe moderne à imposer aux esprits de ses contemporains et de la postérité la valeur de l'individu. Cette thèse examinera « l'invention » de l'individu dans le contexte historique et idéologique, soulignant en particulier l'intervention idéologique de Hobbes au cœur d'un certain nombre de traditions théologiques, remplaçant des idées traditionnelles par des idées innovatrices, tout en préservant les structures des arguments traditionnels et des dogmes. Ces « structures » gagnent un rôle important dans la construction de la théorie scientifique et politique de Hobbes. De ce point de vue, la religion devient une partie intégrante de la théorie de Hobbes et non un ornement pour attirer l'attention de ses contemporains. Contrairement à la thèse de Leo Strauss concernant l'art « ésotérique » d'écrire, j'affirme que Hobbes propose un « apophatisme exotérique », destiné à sensibiliser ses contemporains que le pessimisme anthropologique post-augustinien devrait être abandonné. Une partie de ses contemporains qui ont compris (au moins partiellement) le message de Hobbes sont ceux appelés plus tard « hobbistes ». Hobbes et les « hobbistes » ont été fortement critiqués pendant la deuxième moitié du XVIIe siècle pour des idées qui, selon leurs critiques, menaçaient de détruire les fondations saines de la société. Pour la première fois dans le champ de la recherche sur Hobbes, cette thèse rassemble et examine des textes originaux, émanant des prédécesseurs de Hobbes, des critiques contemporains du « hobbisme » et des « hobbistes » eux-mêmesThomas Hobbes (1588-1679) is considered today (Gierke, Strauss, Oakeshott, Macpherson, Gauthier, Kavka, Hampton, Ryan) the first early modern philosopher to impose in the minds of his contemporaries and of posterity the value of the individual. The thesis investigates the "invention" of the individual in the historical and ideological context, especially by emphasizing Hobbes's ideological intervention at the core of a number of theological traditions, replacing traditional ideas with innovating ones, while preserving the structures of the traditional arguments and dogmas. These "structures" gain an important role in the construction of the scientific and political theory of Hobbes. From this point of view, religion becomes an integral part of Hobbes's theory, not just an adornment meant to mislead his contemporaries. Against the thesis of Leo Strauss concerning esoteric writing, I contend that Hobbes envisaged an "exoteric apophatism", meant rather to increase awareness among his contemporaries that the anthropologic pessimism inherited after Augustine should be abandoned. One category of contemporaries that (at least partially) understood Hobbes's message were those later called "hobbists". Hobbes and "hobbists" were highly criticized during the second half of the seventeenth century for ideas which, according to their critics, menaced to destroy the sound foundations of society. For the first time, this thesis brings together, into the research field, original texts, never before discussed in connection with Hobbesian thought, emanating from English predecessors of Hobbes, from contemporary critics of "hobbism" and from "hobbists" themselves
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Silveira, Ricardo dos Reis. "Honra, prudência e justiça na obra política de Thomas Hobbes." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2010. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/4782.
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Previous issue date: 2010-09-21The work of Thomas Hobbes, based on the Renaissance concepts, builds a new political philosophy which results in original concepts of the state, rights and justice. This thesis focus on Thomas Hobbes most relevant political works: The Elements of Law, Natural and Politic; De Cive and Leviathan to show that the use of a contract, or an agreement enforceable by law, results in a new law concept which the sovereign power is established by the wishes of the individuals. The analysis starts with Hobbes ideas as opposed to the Aristotelic thinking of the politics and the human nature. A critical examination is performed on how Hobbes thinking approached the mechanistic theses, the actual need of these theses to the foundation of his work and finally the main impacts of Hobbes s political works. The examination also explores the concept of honor, prudence, the individual-state relationship and the controversies about justice in the Theory of Plato, Aristotle, Hobbes and Christian. It is concluded that Hobbes's work is among the greatest legacy to the modern States and has a deep influence on the political organizations.
Neste trabalho são desenvolvidas algumas considerações acerca da obra de Thomas Hobbes, e como ela, rompendo com o modelo aristotélico, constroi a filosofia política sob um novo modo de pensar, embuindo-a dos caracteres da filosofia renascentista, resulta numa nova concepção do Estado, do direito e da justiça. Tomando como foco as três principais obras políticas de Thomas Hobbes, a saber, os Elementos de Lei Natural e Política , Do Cidadão e o Leviatã , procurase mostrar que na construção da sociedade política, a utilização do artifício do contrato, resultará numa nova concepção do direito, que se reduzirá aos comandos editados pelo poder soberano, instituído por meio das vontades dos indivíduos. Desta forma, tomando como paradigma, mostra-se inicialmente o entendimento fundamental de Aristóteles acerca da política, considerada, especialmente a natureza humana; depois mostra-se a oposição de Hobbes às teses aristotélicas. Para tanto, empreende-se uma análise da aproximação de Hobbes das teses mecanicistas, a real necessidade dessas teses para a fundamentação e desenvolvimento da obra e, por fim, quais foram as principais implicações da obra política de Hobbes. São explorados aqui também os conceitos de honra, prudência, relação Indivíduo-Estado e das controvérsias sobre justiça nas na Teoria de Platão, Aristóteles, Cristã e de Hobbes. Conclui-se que se obra de Hobbes está entre os maiores legados a serem aproveitados pelos Estados modernos, ela está entre aquelas que mais lançaram influências para os rumos da humanidade, pensada esta enquanto composta por organizações políticas.
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Oliveira, Walter Jose Celeste de. "A justificação racional da autoridade à luz do paradigma da modernidade." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2139/tde-13022014-164416/.
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Thomas Hobbes é considerado o pai do conceito moderno de Estado. O núcleo de seu pensamento nasce do esforço de construir as bases da convivência a partir da demonstração dos fundamentos racionais da autoridade política. O liame entre o debate contemporâneo, polarizado entre interpretativistas e positivistas, e o pensamento moderno, simbolizado pelo pensamento hobbesiano, identifica-se com a seguinte pergunta: sob qual justificativa devemos obedecer os mandamentos da autoridade ainda que eles nos pareceram injustos?Thomas Hobbes is considered the father of the modern concept of state. The core of his thinking arises from the effort to build the foundations of acquaintanceship from the demonstration of the rational foundation of political authority. The link between the contemporary debate which is polarized between positivists and interpretativists and the modern thought, which is symbolized by hobbesian thinking relates to the following question: \'Under which justification must we obey the commandments of the authority even if they seemed unfair to us ?
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Falcão, Renata Vieira. "A naturaza da sedição : a natureza humana e a história no Behemoth de Thomas Hobbes." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/131751.
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O presente trabalho busca analisar a compreensão da natureza dos homens presente na história da guerra civil inglesa de Thomas Hobbes intitulada Behemoth e investigar as relações entre tal compreensão e a escrita histórica do autor. Trabalha-se com a hipótese de que a teoria da natureza humana definida e defendida por Hobbes em suas obras de filosofia política perpassa a obra em estudo em múltiplos níveis que merecem exame. Apresentam-se as definições teóricas da natureza humana estabelecidas por Hobbes no Leviathan para então examinar de que formas esta teoria informa a história no Behemoth, com especial atenção ao funcionamento das ações, paixões e opiniões e ao papel da natureza humana como causa e explicação da história. De modo a melhor compreender a associação entre história e teoria presente na obra, são examinadas também as concepções de Hobbes acerca da ciência, da experiência e da causalidade. Por fim, discutem-se as relações entre a natureza humana, os propósitos da história e as escolhas discursivas de Hobbes no Behemoth.This study aims to analyze the ideas about men‘s nature in Behemoth, Thomas Hobbes‘ history of the English Civil War, and to inspect the connections between those ideas and the author‘s historical writing. My working hypothesis is that the theory of human nature defined and upheld by Hobbes in his works of political philosophy permeates the book under analysis in several ways that merit investigation. For comparison, I first present the theoretical definitions and explanations about human nature established by Hobbes in Leviathan and then I examine in what ways that theory influences and informs Behemoth‘s history, focusing on how actions work, the role of passions and opinions, and the use and presentation of human nature as explanation and cause in history. In order to better understand the association between history and theory at work in Behemoth, I analyze Hobbes‘ conceptions about science, experience and causality. Lastly, I discuss how human nature as presented in the book under analysis is related to Hobbes‘ idea about the purpose of history and his discursive choices in Behemoth.
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Bueno, Marcelo Martins. "A gênese do conceito de liberdade no pensamento de Thomas Hobbes." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/11807.
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Previous issue date: 2009-05-21We intend with this work to offer an analysis and an interpretation of the origin of the concept of freedom in Thomas Hobbes's thought, at the beginning of science in the 17th century. The text gives a scenery of the history of science, distinguishing the Aristotelian physics main ideas that will be the objective of the new science, going by the medieval age up to the Scientific Revolution. In this aspect, we will analyze exclusively in the physics field and, more precisely, in the movement as understood in Galileu Galilei's thought and Descartes that Hobbes will take as paradigm for his philosophy. Our work will start with the appropriation of the tradition of the modern science, more specifically the reflections on the movement that resulted in the inertia principle and we will identify the main ideas in the English philosopher's political theory, mainly the ones which refer to the conception of freedom, as being shaped in the ideals of that new way of facing knowledge. For that reason we begin with the reading of the author's commentators to verify, in a first moment, if Hobbes was influenced or not by the new discoveries of the science of that period and with this premise we try to understand how the problem of freedom was treated in the theoretical English politician's works. With the new science as paradigm, we will show how the concept of freedom is in syntony with the conception of movement of that period, as freedom, for Hobbes, means the absence of opposition, identifying in this way, the genesis of this concept as a result of the reflections that happened in the movement in the 17th century. Distinguishing the concept of freedom and understanding it as a complex theme, we intend to understand as the author will deal with men's life in society, with all limitations imposed by a State that necessarily needs to have its unlimited power to guarantee peace and safety and even so assure the individual freedoms. With this view in mind we try to understand that, for Hobbes, State is a human creation, that is, artificial and necessarily needs to have its power so that society is organized and the freedom guaranteed. Then, the monarchic and unlimited power proposed by Thomas Hobbes should be understood as a result of a general will, that is, it is not treated here the individuals' will, but that the political representatives acted to accomplish the will of the individuals, in other words, State should be understood as the individuals' creation for their representation. Therefore, the political theory proposed by the thinker should be understood not only in an absolutist manner, but as a true theory of supreme power
Pretende-se, com o presente trabalho, oferecer uma análise e uma interpretação da origem do conceito de liberdade no pensamento de Thomas Hobbes, à luz da ciência nascente do século XVII. O texto se inicia dando um panorama da história da ciência, destacando os principais pontos da física aristotélica, que será o grande alvo da nova ciência, passando pelos medievais até culminar com a Revolução Científica. Neste aspecto, realizar-se-á um recorte exclusivamente no campo da física e, mais precisamente ainda, na conceituação de movimento no pensamento de Galileu Galilei e Descartes que Hobbes tomará como paradigma para sua filosofia. Da apropriação da tradição da ciência moderna, mais objetivamente das reflexões sobre o movimento que resultou no princípio de inércia, serão identificados os principais pontos na teoria política do filósofo inglês, principalmente no que se refere à concepção de liberdade, como sendo moldada nos ideais daquela nova maneira de encarar o conhecimento. Para tanto, a partir da leitura de comentadores do autor, verificar-se-á, num primeiro momento, se Hobbes foi ou não influenciado pelas novas descobertas da ciência setecentista, que em tese admite-se que sim, e desta premissa compreender como foi tratado o problema da liberdade nas obras do teórico político inglês. Tendo a nova ciência como paradigma, será demonstrado como o conceito de liberdade está em sintonia com a concepção de movimento daquele período, uma vez que liberdade, para Hobbes, significa a ausência de oposição, identificando, desta forma, a gênese deste conceito como resultado das reflexões que ocorreram sobre o movimento no século XVII. Destacando o conceito de liberdade e entendendo-a como um tema complexo, objetivase compreender como o autor dará conta da vida dos homens em sociedade, com todas as limitações impostas por um Estado, que necessariamente precisa ter seus poderes ilimitados para garantir a paz e a segurança e mesmo assim assegurar as liberdades individuais. E nesta perspectiva, compreender que, para Hobbes, o Estado é fruto da criação humana, ou seja, artificial, e necessariamente precisa-se ter um poder maior para que de fato a sociedade seja organizada e a liberdade garantida. Assim, o poder monárquico e ilimitado proposto por Thomas Hobbes deve ser entendido como resultado de uma vontade geral, isto é, não se trata aqui de realizar a vontade dos indivíduos, mas que os representantes políticos agissem para realizar a vontade da unidade dos indivíduos, ou seja, o Estado deve ser compreendido como criação dos indivíduos para sua representação. Por isso, a teoria política proposta pelo pensador deve ser entendida não simplesmente como absolutista, pois trata-se de uma verdadeira teoria da soberania