Academic literature on the topic 'Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679)"
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Ostrensky, Eunice. "Soberania e representação: Hobbes, parlamentaristas e levellers." Lua Nova: Revista de Cultura e Política, no. 80 (2010): 151–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0102-64452010000200007.
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O artigo pretende mostrar que Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) empregou o conceito de autorização política com o propósito de neutralizar discursos de dois grupos políticos adversários, os quais consideravam a representação um meio eficaz de responsabilizar atores políticos perante seus representados. Entre esses adversários, ocupam lugar de destaque os levellers, por terem proposto, em finais da década de 1640, uma saída constitucional inédita para o problema da ilegitimidade do Parlamento inglês: ampliação do sufrágio seguida da celebração do Acordo do Povo.
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Nodari, Paulo César. "Hobbes e a paz." Griot : Revista de Filosofia 4, no. 2 (December 14, 2011): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31977/grirfi.v4i2.508.
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O intento do presente artigo é analisar o pensamento de Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), tendo como textos-base de análise, “Do cidadão” e “Leviatã”, a fim de sistematizar a tese de que, em última análise, a filosofia de Hobbes é a ciência da paz. Trata-se de demonstrar tal propósito em dois momentos. No primeiro momento, mostram-se alguns argumentos de por que Hobbes pode ser considerado um dos autores que melhor concentra o projeto de fundação da política moderna. Por sua vez, no segundo momento, trata-se de sistematizar os argumentos que levam Hobbes a conceber como necessária a passagem do estado de natureza ao estado civil, considerando, por isso, a filosofia hobbesiana como a ciência da paz.
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Lopes, Jecson Girão. "Thomas Hobbes: a necessidade da criação do Estado." Griot : Revista de Filosofia 6, no. 2 (December 14, 2012): 170–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31977/grirfi.v6i2.526.
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O presente artigo emerge com a proposta de explicitar como, a partir da teoria política do filósofo inglês Thomas Hobbes (1588 – 1679), engendra-se a necessidade da instauração do Estado, isto é, do Leviatã. Essa perspectiva vai perpassar todo o curso da obra Leviatã, na medida em que o filósofo mostra os fundamentos e as razões pelas quais o Leviatã deve terminantemente exercer a força, autoridade, influência, juízo, poder sobre os súditos, visto que, sem esse exercício de poder coercitivo pelo Estado a humanidade entraria em estado de guerra constante. Assim, imbuído nesse escopo, o autor legitima a expressa e urgente necessidade de efetivação do Estado.
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Tsanava, Bachuki. "THE CONCEPT OF THE POLITICAL IN THE PHILOSOPHY OF THOMAS HOBBES." Political Expertise: POLITEX 16, no. 3 (2020): 375–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2020.305.
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The article is devoted to the concept of the political in the philosophy of English thinker Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679). The author points out the key concepts for understanding the concept of the political in Hobbes’s philosophy, such as the method of his philosophy, anthropological views, and the idea of the state of nature. The author describes the philosopher’s thought path toward the concept of the political, beginning from his attempt to overcome the shortcomings of contemporary philosophy and the desire to create a science of politics, based on rational deliberation. Hobbes contrasts elocution with his method of searching for political truth based on reason because there is more harm than good done to the state by elocution. In the hands of selfish and vain individuals, elocution turns into an instrument for achieving personal goals rather than the common good. Hobbes’s anthropological views allow him to describe all the horror and injustice in the state of nature, in which any selfish, but reasonable person, using the right method will come to the idea of the need to establish a state. The author notes that the concepts of vanity and fear occupied a particularly important place in Hobbes’s philosophy, since they are the reasons for the collapse and creation of states. Thus, the concept of the political in Hobbes’s philosophy is inseparable from deliberation based on reason, since without it selfish individuals cannot hear the voice of reason, establish the Leviathan, and proceed to the political condition. The social con- tract, obtained as a result of rational deliberation of egoistic individuals, represents the pinnacle of the political because neither the political condition nor citizens existed before it.
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MIZUTA, Hiroshi. "Adam Smith, a nominalist, and a disciple of Thomas Hobbes." Transactions of the Japan Academy 68, no. 3 (2014): 203–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2183/tja.68.3_203.
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Zowisło, Maria. "The Idea of Sport Agon as a Metaphor of Human Life in Thomas Hobbes’ Mechanistic Philosophy of Motion." Studies in Sport Humanities 28 (May 19, 2021): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.8907.
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Contemporary sport is a complex phenomenon with a rich multicultural historical tradition, its universal principles, such as peaceful and institutionalised competition included in the rules of individual fi tness professions, as well as ethos, ceremonial and ideology, are the work of many epochs and nations. The particular contribution of English culture to sport is well-known, from the promotion of its fi nal name (from the Old French desporte, which came to England in the 11th century with the Normans), through the promotion of physical education by eminent educators and philosophers such as John Locke, Herbert Spencer and Thomas Arnold, to the creation and dissemination of many sports, including football, rugby, tennis, cricket and golf. In the article, I refer to the philosophy of Thomas Hobbes, signifi cantly infl uencing the shape of modern concepts regarding natural rights, articulating, inter alia, the inalienable right of every human being to freely use his/her body to maintain health through physical activity. Hobbes based his anthropology on the mechanistic philosophy of motion, which he used to explain not only physical activity and functional fi tness of the body, but it also became a premise for the development of the psychology of human aff ects and desires, the culmination of which was the image of the sports race as a metaphor of human life. Hobbes did not limit himself to discussing in-offi ce deliberati, he was very active throughout his life, implementing the movement directive he proposed by performing sports, recreation, practicing preventive health treatments and taking numerous trips. The article is part of the history of ideas - it is a presentation of the concept of movement by the English modern philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), supplemented with a new element in doxographic studies linking the mechanicism of the Leviathan author with the existential motif regarding the idea of the life as a sport competition.
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Straumann, Benjamin, and Benedict Kingsbury. "The State of Nature and Commercial Sociability in Early Modern International Legal Thought." Grotiana 31, no. 1 (2010): 22–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187607510x540204.
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AbstractAt the same time as the modern idea of the state was taking shape, Hugo Grotius (1583-1645), Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) and Samuel Pufendorf (1632-94) formulated three distinctive foundational approaches to international order and law beyond the state. They differed in their views of obligation in the state of nature (where ex hypothesi there was no state), in the extent to which they regarded these sovereign states as analogous to individuals in the state of nature, and in the effects they attributed to commerce as a driver of sociability and of norm-structured interactions not dependent on an overarching state. Each built on shared Roman and sixteenth-century foundations (section I). Section II argues: 1) that Grotius's natural law was not simply an anti-skeptical construction based on self-preservation (pace Richard Tuck), but continued a Roman legal tradition; 2) that Hobbes's account of natural law beyond the state was essentially prudential, not moral (pace Noel Malcolm); and 3) that commerce as a driver of social and moral order (Istvan Hont's interpretation of Pufendorf and Adam Smith) had a substantial and under-appreciated impact on international legal order. Each contributed to the thought of later writers (section III) such as Emer de Vattel (1714-67), David Hume (1711-76), and Adam Smith (1723-90), and eventually to the empirical legal methodologies of Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832) and Georg Friedrich von Martens (1756-1821).
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van Miert, Dirk. "Making the States’ Translation (1637): Orthodox Calvinist Biblical Criticism in the Dutch Republic." Harvard Theological Review 110, no. 3 (July 2017): 440–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816017000177.
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In the study of the history of biblical scholarship, there has been a tendency among historians to emphasize biblical philology as a force which, together with the new philosophy and the new science of the seventeenth century, caused the erosion of universal scriptural authority from the mid-seventeenth century onwards. A case in point is Jonathan Israel's impressive account of how biblical criticism in the hands of Spinoza paved the way for the Enlightenment. Others who have argued for a post-Spinozist rise of biblical criticism include Frank Manuel, Adam Sutcliffe, and Travis Frampton. These scholars have built upon longer standing interpretations such as those of Hugh Trevor-Roper and Paul Hazard. However, scholars in the past two decades such as Anthony Grafton, Scott Mandelbrote and Jean-Louis Quantin have altered the picture of an exegetical revolution inaugurated by Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679), Spinoza (1632–1677), and Richard Simon (1638–1712). These heterodox philosophers in fact relied on philological research that had been largely developed in the first half of the seventeenth century. Moreover, such research was carried out by scholars who had no subversive agenda. This is to say that the importance attached to a historical and philological approach to the biblical text had a cross-confessional appeal, not just a radical-political one.
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Jakonen, Mikko. "Thomas Hobbes ja pelon taloustiede." Poliittinen talous 1 (December 22, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.51810/pt.96157.
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Thomas Hobbesia (1588-1679) pidetään usein yhtenä ”kapitalismin isistä”. Näkökulma on kuitenkin sinänsä ongelmallinen, että Hobbes ei juurikaan kirjoittanut pääomista tai tuotannosta. Hänen poliittinen ajattelunsa oli vastakkaista Englannin nousevan porvariston pyrkimyksille toteuttaa vero- ja kauppavapaus. Hobbes piti aikansa Alankomaita huonona esimerkkinä pääoman ja vapauden liitosta.Kysymys omistuksesta löytyy kuitenkin Hobbesin yhteiskuntateorian perustasta. Kuuluisassa ”luonnontilassa” ei voi Hobbesin mukaan olla omistusta, koska vain oikeusjärjestelmä yhdessä väkivallan monopolin kanssa kykenee takaamaan sen. Hobbes kannustaa ihmisiä tuottavaan elämään ja näkee valtion tehtävänä sellaisten puitteiden luomisen, joissa tuottava elämä on mahdollista.Hobbesin suhtautumisen työhön, omistukseen ja markkinoihin tekee erityisen mielenkiintoiseksi hänen näkemyksensä, jonka mukaan yhtään merkittävää valtiota ei ole koskaan rakennettu muulle perustalle kuin pelolle. Tällä hän tarkoittaa erityisesti luonnontilassa vallitsevaa keskinäistä pelkoa, joka tekee yksityisomistuksen mahdottomaksi. Tämän lisäksi Hobbes esittää, että myös yhteiskunnassa pelko on keskeinen hallintaväline. Järjestäytyneessä yhteiskunnassa pelko ei kuitenkaan kohdistu toisia kansalaisia kohtaan, vaan suvereenia hallitsijaa kohtaan. Omistamiseen liittyen Hobbes esittääkin, että suvereenilla on tarvittaessa oikeus viedä kansalaisen omaisuus, jos tarve niin vaatii.Tarkastelen tässä artikkelissa Hobbesin näkemyksiä omistusoikeudesta, työstä ja tuotannosta. Jäsentävänä näkökulmana toimii Hobbesin teoria tunteista ja erityisesti pelosta. Tästä perspektiivistä käsin huomataan, että Hobbesin talouspoliittinen teoria ei itsestään selvästi sovellu liberaalin tai uusliberaalin kapitalismin perustaksi.
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Jones, Peter E. R. "Thomas Hobbes, war and ‘the natural condition of man’: plus ca change." Policy Quarterly 12, no. 2 (May 1, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/pq.v12i2.4704.
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It is customary in any commentary on Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) and his best-known work, Leviathan, to emphasise the influence on him of the pre-eminent thinkers of his time, men with whom he had personal dealings (such as Bacon, Descartes and Galileo), forerunners of the Age of Enlightenment. It is also well recognised that Hobbes was much influenced by the civil disorders in England during his own time. However, the influence on him of the great writers and thinkers of ancient Greece has been less well recognised.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679)"
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Berthier, Jauffrey. "Gouverner par les lois : Hobbes et le droit anglais." Bordeaux 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010BOR30087.
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Leivas, Cláudio R. C. "Representação e vontade em Hobbes." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/6841.
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Segala, Vania Dantas. "Razão e obrigação em Thomas Hobbes." [s.n.], 2009. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281487.
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Orientador: Yara Adario FrateschiDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O presente trabalho pretende analisar os conceitos de razão e reta razão em Hobbes com o objetivo de compreender melhor o estatuto das leis de natureza nessa Teoria. Pois ainda que Hobbes afirme que a razão é frágil perante as paixões, que é capaz de erro e engano, que não é uma faculdade infalível, ele também nos diz que o uso diligente e rigoroso da razão possibilita a ciência bem como a dedução das regras de comportamento que conduzem à paz e à preservação de si. Como as leis de natureza são deduzidas a partir da razão, consideramos que uma investigação dessa faculdade, aliada à consideração da natureza humana, nos permite compreender melhor a questão da obrigação em Hobbes. Para tanto, pretendemos resgatar o uso que Hobbes faz dos termos razão e reta razão e comparar com os conceitos de razão e reta razão na tradição. Também nos propomos a tratar brevemente da questão da obrigação em Hobbes e como ela foi é compreendida pelos comentadores.
Abstract: The present work intends to analyze the reason and right reason in Thomas Hobbes. In this manner we aim to understand the operation of natural laws on this theory. Hobbes recognizes the fragility of reason confronted to passions, he tells us reason is prone to mistakes and deceive and it is not an infallible faculty. But in the other hand he supports that the very use of reason allows the existence of science, and through reason we can obtain that conduct rules necessary to lead us to self-preservation and peace. Since natural laws are deduced from reason, inquiring into this faculty allow us a better comprehension of the obligation in Hobbes. To achieve this, we intend to analyze the Hobbes's use of terms reason and right reason and proceed with a confrontation on traditional conceiving of reason and right reason. We also propose to deal briefly about obligation in Hobbes and how this subject is understood by Taylor e Warrender.
Mestrado
Filosofia
Filosofia
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Lessay, Franck. "Le concept de souveraineté absolue dans le Leviathan de Hobbes : essai sur les limites de la légitimité rationnelle." Aix-Marseille 1, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987AIX10080.
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L'importance centrale du concept de souverainete absolue dans la pensee politique de thomas hobbes (1588-1679) a souvent fait considerer ce dernier comme un theoricien de l'absolutisme classique. Pourtant, a examiner la nature rationnelle et les implications pratiques du contrat social sur lequel il fonde sa doctrine de la souverainete, du gouvernement et des lois, notamment dans le leviathan, il y a lieu de se demander si cette oeuvre ne propose pas, avant tout, une theorie du pouvoir legitime parce que conforme a la raison. Des lors, l'absolutisme que semble exprimer le mythe de leviathan pourrait etre une anticipation paradoxale de l'etat democratique moderne de forme liberale, oriente vers la promotion de la securite et du bienetre de tous.
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Queiroz, Mariana Amaral. "A soberania no De Cive de Thomas Hobbes." [s.n.], 2001. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279322.
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Orientador: Roberto Romano da SilvaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: A filosofia política de Thomas Hobbes é nosso ponto de partida para uma análise do conceito de soberania. Da forma como se encontra descrita nas obras políticas do autor, como o poder supremo e absoluto, a soberania tomou-se o cerne da concepção moderna de Estado. Por outro lado, a teoria da soberania de Hobbes continua, nos dias de hoje, a suscitar considerações de grande relevância política, e. g., reflexões sobre democracia, sobre legitimidade, e outros ternas. Buscamos neste trabalho, em primeiro lugar, assinalar alguns aspectos originais da teoria política de Hobbes e descrever, brevemente, o seu lugar na história do pensamento político. Em seguida, tendo por referência o De Cive, procuramos reconstituir os argumentos que o levaram a postular a necessidade de um poder absoluto como condição formal para a existência da própria comunidade política. Para tanto, retomamos os fundamentos de sua civil science, observando, também, como nela é engendrado o conceito de soberania. Os princípios da teoria política de Hobbes, de acordo com ele próprio, devem ser extraídos da natureza do homem. Pretendemos mostrar nesta dissertação, que esses fundamentos são, para o autor, a razão e o interesse próprio, e que o entendimento do significado desses fundamentos é essencial para a compreensão do conceito de Commonwealth. Outra questão que pretendemos abordar em profundidade concerne à noção de pacto, urna vez que a idéia de soberania está intimamente ligada em Hobbes à uma concepção peculiar dessa noção teórica. Em virtude disso, foi possível tecer algumas considerações sobre as presumidas tendências autoritárias do autor, e sobre a sua concepção secular da política. Tais questões são inevitáveis quando se examina em profundidade os fundamentos sobre os quais Hobbes edifica a sua teoria soberania
Abstract: Thomas Hobbes's Philosophy of Politics is our prior concern here since we intend to analyze the concept of sovereignty. Described in his political system as the absolute and supreme power within civil society, that concept became the core of the Modern State Theory. From another standpoint, Hobbes's view on sovereignty also contributes nowadays to discuss great issues on Politics such as democracy and legitimacy of power. Our aim here is, first, to present some considerations about Hobbes's remarkable political enterprise, showing some of its oddities to the politics of his own day and briefly describing its place in the History of Political Thought. Second, based on the theory presented in De Cive, we try to exhibit the arguments that lead the author to state an absolute power as a formal condition to any political community. Two things must be considered in order to accomplish our account of the theory: its basis, and how it begets the abstract idea of a sovereign power. According to Hobbes, the tenets of his political theory are to befound in man 's nature. As we try to show here, they are defined as reason and self-interest. lt is a fundamental task to comprehend the meaning of those principies, since we wish to understand what kind of Commonwealth Hobbes establishes in his political science. Another point to be stressed is Hobbes's notion of covenant. For his idea of Sovereignty strongly depends on this theoretic device. Furthermore, we draw from his particular conception of sovereignty some conc/usions about Hobbes's vigorously authoritarian position, and issues concern the secularism of his political theory, among several other topics
Mestrado
Mestre em Filosofia
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Terrel, Jean. "Matérialisme et science politique : la création politique chez Hobbes." Lyon 3, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991LYO31006.
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Les hommes creent-ils les valeurs, les significations et les institutions qui gouvernent leur existence? selon hobbes, les hommes creent leurs republiques et ils peuvent en faire des edifices destines, sauf violence externe, a durer a jamais, grace a la nouvelle science politique dont il est le fondateur. Pour apprecier la portee de cette affirmation, cette etude tente de repondre a quatre questions : - quelle place hobbes tient-il dans la revolution democratique qui commence au douzieme siecle en europe occidentale ? - sur quels postulats philosophiques l'idee que les hommes creent leviathan repose-t-elle ? - quelle est la signification de l'analyse faite par hobbes de la creation politique ? - quelle est la relation entre cette analyse et la tradition chretienne ?Do men create the values, the significance and the institutions that govern their existence ? according to hoobes, men create their republics and, barring external violence, they can make everlasting structures of them, thanks to the new political science that he had devised. In order to appraise the full significance of this statement, i have endeavoured to answer the four following questions : - what place does hobbes occupy in the democratic revolution which started in twelfth century western europe ? - on what philosophical postulates is the ideas that men create leviathan based ? - what is the significance of hobbes's analysis of this political creation ? - what relationship is there between this analysis and the christian tradition ?
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Crignon, Philippe. "Hobbes et la représentation : une ontologie politique." Paris 8, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA082718.
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La philosophie politique de Hobbes prend toute son importance avec la catégorie de la représentation qui apparaît dans le Léviathan en 1651. Plutôt qu’une forme de délégation de pouvoir, il faut y voir une condition ontologique pour qu’un peuple soit, pour que la pluralité des hommes puisse posséder son unité et échapper à la contradiction d’une nature qui s’autodétruirait. Hobbes reconfigure les conditions de possibilité de toute communauté en substituant la représentation au schème de l’incarnation qui prévalait jusqu’alors. Une telle refondation implique un travail de rupture avec un héritage à la fois théologique et juridique, et a notamment pour conséquences de disqualifier l’idée de corps politique et d’imposer une redéfinition du concept de personneHobbes’s political philosophy reshapes the ontological condition of a human community with the concept of representation. Far from being an other word for delegation, representation deals with the way men unite in one people and avoid the contradiction of the state of nature, where nature nature destroys itself. Hobbes substitutes representation for incarnation, as a model to bring men unto being together. This new foundations for politics split with a theological tradition as well as corporation law. They discredit the idea of a body politic, and opens on a new definition of the person
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Avila, Santos Oscar. "Homo Homini Lupus : sobre el estado de naturaleza y educación en Thomas Hobbes." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2013. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/115705.
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Tesis para optar al grado de Licenciado en FilosofíaLa teoría política del autor inglés es un capítulo de la filosofía que sigue abriendo debates y profundizaciones. Los conceptos de contrato social, Estado de naturaleza y formación del Estado Civil, se han estandarizado en el ámbito de la filosofía política como pilares para su reflexión tanto clásica como posterior. Para volver a analizar estos conceptos, con miras a una mejor comprensión y profundización, se indagará en las raíces del contractualismo hobbesiano, especialmente con su par griego Protágoras, quien dentro de un contexto sofista, dio el inicio a este modo de pensar político que vio en el filósofo inglés su más importante desarrollo. Bastante se ha hablado de Thomas Hobbes sobre lo anteriormente dicho, pero poco se ha rescatado acerca de sus consideraciones sobre el proceso educativo, y la importancia que tiene sobre sus ciudadanos. Pilar fundamental y eje en su proyecto social, es imposible no revisar y criticar estas aristas de su pensamiento.Las conclusiones que esperan ser fruto de esta tesis esperan ser las más acertadas, a modo de una nueva contribución al pensamiento de la filosofía moderna, enlazada a nuestros días, para una mejor comprensión de los hechos educativos actuales.
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Venezia, Luciano. "Autorité politique et obligation politique dans le Léviathan de Hobbes." Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0155.
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L’objectif principal de la thèse consiste à déterminer si l’obligation d’obéir dans un Etat hobbesien est fondée sur un calcul prudentiel ou si elle procède d’une autre forme de rationalité pratique. En cherchant à donner une réponse à cette question, nous serons en mesure d’identifier les limites de l’interprétation contractualiste de la théorie hobbesienne de la loi et de l’obligation politique. L’interprétation contractualiste a été développée dans les années 1980 par des interprètes issus de la tradition analytique, et elle reste, encore aujourd’hui, l’interprétation dominante dans le champ des études hobbesiennes. Cette lecture soutient que, pour Hobbes, la principale vocation de la loi est de punir les actes de désobéissance et de fournir, ce faisant, des raisons d’obéir d’ordre essentiellement prudentiel. Dans cette perspective, le trait saillant de l’approche de Hobbes consisterait dans l’idée suivant laquelle si les agents sont enclins à obéir à la loi, c’est parce qu’il est plus coûteux d’agir autrement. Dans ce travail, nous aurons recours au concept d’autorité élaboré par Joseph Raz et proposerons sur cette base une lecture alternative de la théorie politique de Hobbes. Selon notre interprétation, les ordres de l’Etat ne se réduisent pas à leur association avec une sanction en cas de non-respect ; ils constituent plus fondamentalement des commandements autorisés qui fournissent aux agents des raisons spécifiques d’agir ou de ne pas agir qui sont susceptibles de prévaloir dans la délibération pratique moins en tant qu’incitation à agir que par leur statut. Notre thèse est que tout raisonnement qui considère les menaces de sanction comme principal fondement de l’obéissance politique échoue à expliquer la rationalité de cette dernière. Si de telles menaces peuvent être des causes de la désobéissance, elles ne peuvent constituer, en revanche, de véritables raisons d’obéir à la loiThe dissertation’s main objective is to determine whether the obligation to obey the law in a Hobbesian commonwealth is grounded in prudential, i. E. , self-interested reasons, or in reasons of a different kind. Answering this question allows us to identify the limits of the contractarian reading of Hobbes’s account of law and political obligation. The contractarian interpretation was developed by analytical philosophers in the 1980s and is still the dominant interpretation of Hobbes’s work. In a nutshell, the contractarian reading argues that the characteristic feature of law is that it sanctions non-compliance with penalties and thus provides strong prudential considerations to act according to the law. Therefore, Hobbes’s distinctive claim would be that agents would have reason to obey the law because acting otherwise is more costly than complying with state commands. Instead of rational-choice theory, I use Joseph Raz’s analysis of authority to develop an alternative reading of Hobbes’s political theory. On my interpretation, state orders are not merely threats of punishment for non-compliance; instead, they are authoritative commands that provide agents with genuine reasons to justify action or restraint that pre-empt other reasons by kind instead of weight. In turn, my reading introduces the following thesis: the reasoning that takes threats of punishment for non-compliance as grounding political obedience does not really explain the rationale for political obedience. Threats may be causes of actions, but they are not genuine reasons to comply with the law
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Angoulvent, Anne-Laure. "Nature et Etat dans le Leviathan de Thomas Hobbes." Paris 2, 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA020150.
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L'objet de cette these est l'inscription du leviathan dans une theorie philosophique. Psychologique et esthetique du baroque par des principes politiques et juridiques. Ainsi le passage de l'etat de nature a l'etat civil traduit la necessaire reconnaissance de l'ordre social par la representation. Mais l'obtention du salut eternel par le respect des regles civiles fait de la republique chretienne le triste compromis entre une illusion naturaliste fondatrice et une illusion civile redemptrice. Des lors le leviathan apparait comme une utopie. Expression d'un temps mythique qui se veut le reflet d'un temps chretien en quete de lui-memeThe objet of this thesis is to place the leviathan in the context of a philo sophical, psychological and esthetic theory of baroque, using political and juri dical principals. The passage from the state of nature to the civil state translates the recognition of a necessary social into representation. But the achievement of eternal salvation through the observance of civil legislation makes the christian republic a sorry compromose betwwen a founding naturalist illusion and a redeeming civil iollusion. From this point, the leviathan appears to be an utopia, expression of a mythical time which would be the reflection of a christian time in search of it self.
Books on the topic "Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679)"
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Thomas Hobbes. New York, NY: Routledge, 2005.
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Martinich, Aloysius. Thomas Hobbes. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.
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Aspects of Hobbes. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002.
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Tuck, Richard. Hobbes. Oxford [England]: Oxford University Press, 1989.
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Kramer, Matthew H. Hobbes and the paradoxes of political origins. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997.
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Thomas Hobbes: Turning point for honor. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2009.
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Pettit, Philip. Made with words: Hobbes on language, mind, and politics. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008.
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Mortal gods: Science, politics, and the humanist ambitions of Thomas Hobbes. University Park, Pa: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2011.
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Thomas Hobbes and the science of moral virtue. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994.
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Hobbes and the law of nature. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679)"
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Clack, Beverley. "Thomas Hobbes 1588–1679." In Misogyny in the Western Philosophical Tradition, 106–12. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230212800_9.
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Williams, Michael C. "Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679)." In The Return of the Theorists, 67–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137516459_9.
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Ottmann, Henning. "Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679)." In Geschichte des politischen Denkens, 265–321. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-00022-4_9.
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Macpherson, C. B. "Hobbes, Thomas (1588–1679)." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 1–2. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95121-5_1012-1.
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Howard, Alex. "Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679)." In Philosophy for Counselling and Psychotherapy, 115–25. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-04644-4_12.
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Macpherson, C. B. "Hobbes, Thomas (1588–1679)." In The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, 5901–3. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-95189-5_1012.
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Campagna, Norbert. "Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679)." In Tocqueville-Handbuch, 116–18. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-476-05754-9_29.
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"THOMAE HOBBESII (THOMAS HOBBES) (1588-1679)." In Florilegium recentioris Latinitatis, 231–38. Leuven University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt22zmb0v.30.
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Ewin, R. "Hobbes, Thomas (1588–1679)." In International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 6882–86. Elsevier, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/b0-08-043076-7/00262-x.
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"THOMAS HOBBES (1588–1679)." In On Violence, 399. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822390169-053.
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