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Journal articles on the topic 'Thomas Cranmer'

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Published: 4 June 2021
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1

Lockwood O’Donovan, Joan. "Thomas Cranmer." Expository Times 126, no. 8 (February 11, 2015): 365–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524615569652.

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2

Fritze, Ronald, and Diarmaid MacCulloch. "Thomas Cranmer: A Life." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 2 (1997): 702. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543566.

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Carlson, Eric, and Diarmaid MacCulloch. "Thomas Cranmer: A Life." Sixteenth Century Journal 28, no. 4 (1997): 1490. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2543676.

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4

Lehmberg, Stanford, and Diarmaid MacCulloch. "Thomas Cranmer: A Life." American Historical Review 102, no. 5 (December 1997): 1473. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2171110.

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5

MacCULLOCH, DIARMAID. "Thomas Cranmer and Johannes Dantiscus: Retractation and Additions." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 58, no. 2 (March 28, 2007): 273–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046907000693.

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The friendship of Thomas Cranmer with the Polish humanist and diplomat Bishop Johannes Dantiscus is one of the most interesting among Cranmer's European-wide circle of acquaintance. Although it was extremely episodic and petered out in religious disagreement, it was a vivid and early illustration of the international cast of mind of this central figure of the English Reformation. So one of the archival discoveries which pleased me most in writing my biography of Thomas Cranmer was a pair of letters from Cranmer to Johannes Dantiscus. I learned of these letters through the generosity of Dr Stephen Ryle, who sent me an unsolicited letter about them while I was actually reading the proofs of my book, and supplied me with photocopies of the originals in the Czartoryski Library in Kraków, preserved amid other fragments of the Polish royal archives. As I hastened to read these, in a frighteningly brief window of opportunity before my proofs had to be completed, I found a beguilingly and startlingly novel addition to Cranmer's career, which necessitated last-minute alterations to my text. The letters were dateable to early summer 1527. The first letter was written from Bilbao on the Basque coast, while the writer was waiting for a ship to England, and passed on greetings to Dantiscus from a number of mutual acquaintances in diplomatic circles at the emperor's court in Spain.
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6

Marc’hadour, Germain. "Thomas Cranmer Through Many Eyes." Moreana 34 (Number 131-, no. 3-4 (December 1997): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/more.1997.34.3-4.8.

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7

Nelson, Brent L., Thomas Cranmer, C. Frederick Barbee, and Paul F. M. Zahl. "The Collects of Thomas Cranmer." Sixteenth Century Journal 31, no. 4 (2000): 1162. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671234.

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MacCulloch, Diarmaid, Thomas Cranmer, C. Frederick Barbee, and Paul F. M. Zahl. "The Collects of Thomas Cranmer." Sixteenth Century Journal 31, no. 2 (2000): 632. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2671728.

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9

Edgecombe, Rodney Stenning. "Edith Dombey and Thomas Cranmer." Explicator 72, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00144940.2014.932745.

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10

Atkins, Gareth. "Truth at Stake? The Posthumous Reputation of Archbishop Cranmer." Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 90, no. 1 (March 2014): 257–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.90.1.12.

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Ever since his violent death in 1556, Archbishop Thomas Cranmer had been used by rival groups to justify their views about the Church of England. Thanks chiefly to John Foxe his burning, in particular, became central to Protestant narratives. In the nineteenth century, however, confessional stories became hotly contested, and amid the ‘rage of history’ erstwhile heroes and martyrs were placed under intense scrutiny. This article uses Cranmers fluctuating reputation as a lens through which to explore changing understandings of the English past. As will become clear, uncertainties over how to place Cranmer bespoke a crisis of Anglican identity, one driven both by divisions within the Church of England and challenges to its political, cultural and intellectual authority from without. Despite and perhaps because of shifts in how he was seen, Cranmers liturgical writings - the Book of Common Prayer - came to be seen as his chief legacy.
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Ayris, Paul. "The Public Career of Thomas Cranmer." Reformation & Renaissance Review 4, no. 1 (July 2002): 75–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/rrr.v0i4.75.

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12

Norman, Edward. "Book Review: Thomas Cranmer: A Life." Theology 100, no. 794 (March 1997): 141–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9710000226.

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13

Arcadi, James M. "Discerning the Body of Christ: A Retrieval of Thomas Cranmer’s Eucharistic Theology by Way of the Spiritual Senses." Journal of Anglican Studies 17, no. 2 (July 22, 2019): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355319000019.

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AbstractThomas Cranmer’s Eucharistic theology has been the source of no small amount of scholarship and dispute. I argue that these disputes are in part due to the fact that Cranmer wavers between describing two distinct realities and that these realities are not necessarily coincidental. There is the reality of the consecrated elements, which he understands figuratively as being the body and blood of Christ. But Cranmer also describes a second reality, which is the direct connection between the soul of the recipient and the actual body and blood of Christ. I highlight the latter reality by recourse to recent work on the notion of the spiritual senses in the Christian theological tradition.
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14

Earngey, Mark. "A fresh introduction to Archbishop Thomas Cranmer." British Catholic History 34, no. 2 (September 27, 2018): 327–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/bch.2018.26.

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15

Pearse, M. T. "Free Will, Dissent, and Henry Hart." Church History 58, no. 4 (December 1989): 452–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168208.

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On 29 April 1538 a letter was sent from Archbishop Cranmer to Thomas Cromwell complaining about the indictment of five men of Smarden and Pluckley in Kent. They had been holding “unlawful assemblies” and, so Cranmer argued, were indicted “of none occasion or ground else, but for by cause they are accounted fauters [supporters] of the new doctrine, as they call it.” He pleaded that their indictments might be overturned, for “if the king's subjects within this realm which favour God's word, shall be unjustly vexed at sessions, it will be no marvel though much sedition be daily engendered within this realm.” In view of the imminent conservative turn that religious policy was about to take in England, a development that would bring down Cromwell in its wake, Cranmer's concern at the ability of Catholic-minded local officials to harass Protestants is not to be wondered at.
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16

MacCulloch, Diarmaid. "Two dons in politics: Thomas Cranmer and Stephen Gardiner, 1503–1533." Historical Journal 37, no. 1 (March 1994): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014679.

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ABSTRACTThis article contrasts the early careers of Thomas Cranmer and Stephen Gardiner, two Cambridge dons of approximately the same generation who diversified into politics in the late 1520s. It attempts to assess their developing attitudes to the religious changes of the period, and considers the nature of humanism in Cambridge University; it suggests, with the aid of new evidence, that in the 1520s, Cranmer was more conventional in his religion than Gardiner, but already showed an especial interest in the authority of a general council. Attention is drawn to their similar patterns of church preferment up to 1531. The crucial change in both men's careers is here seen as occurring in 1532; this change projected them in opposite theological directions for the rest of their intertwined careers. Gardiner took a leading part in the church authorities' unsuccessful attempt at taking a firm stand against Henry VIII's plans, while Cranmer made a clear breach with the medieval rules on clerical celibacy by marrying the niece of a Lutheran theologian.
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Torrance, Iain R. "A particular Reformed piety: John Knox and the posture at communion." Scottish Journal of Theology 67, no. 4 (October 10, 2014): 400–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930614000180.

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Abstract2014 is the quincentenary of the birth of John Knox and the article is part of an attempt to contextualise him and assess his impact. In the autumn of 1552 Knox preached a ferocious sermon at Windsor in the presence of the young King Edward VI. The sermon threatened to derail the careful compromise of the Second Prayer Book of Edward VI and provoked a sharp reply from Archbishop Thomas Cranmer to the Privy Council. The so-called Black Rubric (arguably produced by Cranmer) which clarified the intention of the posture of the recipient at communion was added to the Second Prayer Book. Though Cranmer's withering response might have been taken to have demolished Knox's peculiar insistence that the Reformed communion should mirror the posture of the disciples at the Last Supper, the issue reappeared a generation later when James VI and I attempted to require recipients to kneel to receive communion in the Articles of Perth of 1618. The Knox–Cranmer dispute had a rerun in the conflicting pamphlets of David Calderwood and John Forbes of Corse. In theological terms, John Forbes has the better arguments, but by that stage aspects of a style and tone of Scottish worship had become customary and prevail to this day. It is those aspects of table fellowship which form Knox's continuing legacy.
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Anderson, Judith H. "Language and History in the Reformation: Cranmer, Gardiner, and the Words of Institution." Renaissance Quarterly 54, no. 1 (2001): 20–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1262219.

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Over centuries, the fortunes of the verbto beillustrate the involvement of language in history and history in language, and the particular role of figurative language in the early reforms of the established church in Tudor England significantly reflects this involvement. Explanations and controversies regarding eucharistic belief during the archbishopric of Thomas Cranmer, which of ten draw on Continental sources, show that language and rhetoric were at the heart of Cranmer's basic problem, namely, how effectively to convey a metaphorical conception of presence. These arguments variously parallel contemporary ones concerning meaning and the nature of metaphor, as evident in writings of Benveniste, Derrida, and especially Ricoeur.
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19

Ayris, Paul. "The Rule of Thomas Cranmer in Diocese and Province." Reformation & Renaissance Review 7, no. 1 (March 16, 2005): 69–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/rarr.7.1.69.

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20

MacCulloch, Diarmaid. "Mary and Sixteenth-Century Protestants." Studies in Church History 39 (2004): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015096.

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Let us contemplate Thomas Cranmer, Primate of All England, sitting on an altar to preside over the trial of Anabaptist heretics. The time is May 1549; the altar, unceremoniously covered over to support the judge, is that of the Lady Chapel in St Paul’s Cathedral in London; several of the heretics on trial have denied the Catholic doctrine of the incarnation, and one will later be burned at the stake. In a compelling paradox, an archbishop tramples an altar of Our Lady in the course of defending the incarnation. One witness in the crowd of onlookers was a pious and scholarly Welsh Catholic, Sir Thomas Stradling, who later wrote down his reactions to the occasion. He interpreted it as the uncannily accurate fulfilment of an eleventh-century prophecy to be found in a manuscript in his own library: Cranmer, he pointed out, went on to be punished for his blasphemy first by the 1549 rebellions and then by his fiery death at the stake.’
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21

Michon, Cédric. "Diarmaid MacCullough, Thomas Cranmer,New Haven, Yale University Press, 1996,692 p." Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 49-4bis, no. 5 (2002): 161a. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.495.0161.

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22

Spinks, Bryan D. "Evaluating Liturgical Continuity and Change at the Reformation: a Case Study of Thomas Müntzer, Martin Luther, and Thomas Cranmer." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 151–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014017.

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In his now classic work, The Shape of the Liturgy, first published in 1945, the Anglican Benedictine monk, Dom Gregory Dix, was concerned to demonstrate that in the origin and development of the eucharistic liturgy, and underneath the verbal differences, the cultural diversity, and the growth of the centuries, a particular unchanging core shape could be identified. His study was primarily concerned with the eucharist from its institution in the New Testament to the sixth century, and it was not his intention in that work to survey in any depth the later medieval developments, East or West, or the Reformation. Nevertheless, as an Anglican in the Anglo-Catholic tradition Dix felt obliged to use his findings of the earlier period to embark upon a not too subtle criticism of the sixteenth-century Reformation liturgies, and particularly those revisions of his own denomination instigated and presided over by Thomas Cranmer. For Dix, the later medieval liturgical development saw a shift of emphasis to an unhealthy preoccupation with the Passion, and was brought to its logical unfortunate conclusion in the rites of the Reformation. With reference to Cranmer, Dix could thus write: ‘With an inexcusable suddenness, between a Saturday night and a Monday morning at Pentecost 1549, the English liturgical tradition of nearly a thousand years was altogether overturned.’ We should note the phrase, ‘inexcusable suddenness’. When combined with rhetoric such as ‘a horrible story all round’ and ‘enforcement by penal statutes of a novel liturgy’, it is clear that Dix was using a different set of criteria from earlier Anglican apologists. Compare Jeremy Taylor in 1658, who wrote: ‘the Liturgy of the Church of England hath advantages so many and so considerable as not onely to raise it self above the devotions of other Churches, but to endear the affections of good people to be in love with liturgy in general.’
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23

AYRIS, PAUL. "Preaching the Last Crusade: Thomas Cranmer and the ‘Devotion’ Money of 1543." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 49, no. 4 (October 1998): 683–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046997005678.

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In the summer of 1543 King Henry VIII promised that he would send 40,000 ducats, the equivalent of £10,000, to Ferdinand, king of the Romans and of Hungary, archduke of Austria, to help his brother, Emperor Charles V, in his defence of Christendom against the Turk. Europe witnessed a strange alliance between Henry, himself a schismatic monarch, and Charles, who had effectively blocked Henry's attempts to have the pope annul his first marriage. The coalition of opposing forces was equally remarkable, comprising the Most Christian King of France and his non-Christian ally, the Turk. Francis's support for the Turks was contrasted by some with the king's attitude to Protestant reform. Francis seems to have regretted the presence in 1543–4 of a Turkish colony at Toulon, which appears to have possessed a slave market and mosque. The alliance between Charles V and Henry VIII attests to the persistence of the medieval concept of Christendom (Christianitas), groups of nations which shared basic religious and cultural values despite the religious divides being caused by the Reformation.Henry made elaborate plans to furnish Charles with the promised £10,000 to support military action on the continent. The money, available either as cash or as bills of exchange, was released in two halves, the first on 16 August 1543 and the second on 18 September. In his usual way, the imperial ambassador in England, Eustace Chapuys, made things worse by harrying the Privy Council for speedy payment of the funds. The crown, none the less, hit on an interesting solution to the problem of recovering its money. Henry issued an appeal to every diocese in England to organise voluntary contributions from parishioners to recover the amount of money he disbursed abroad. Working from the financial returns among the exchequer subsidy rolls at the Public Record Office, Dr Kitching has calculated that such collections raised no more than £1,903 8s. 3d., less than a fifth of the money advanced to Charles V. The English parishes reimbursed the crown in late 1543 and early 1544.As Dr Kitching himself has indicated, the background to the whole episode is poorly documented. Previously unknown to historians, however, important material concerning the king's plan survives in the diocesan archives of London and Westminster. The episcopal registers of Edmund Bonner, bishop of London, and Thomas Thirlby, bishop of the short-lived see of Westminster, both shed valuable light on this scheme. Diocesan bishops recorded their formal administrative acts in registers, the compilation of which was supervised by the diocesan registrar. Unfortunately, the archiepiscopal archives at Lambeth are silent on the collections of 1543. The registers for the dioceses of London and Westminster, however, are particularly informative for the opening years of the Reformation. It is my purpose to consider the nature of the new evidence and to offer a transcript of the more important documents.
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Ash, Patricia B. "Book Review: Emblem of Faith Untouched: A Short Life of Thomas Cranmer." Anglican Theological Review 99, no. 2 (March 2017): 424–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000332861709900243.

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Ayris, Paul. "Thomas Cranmer and his Godly Prince: New evidence from his Collections of Lawe." Reformation & Renaissance Review 7, no. 1 (March 16, 2005): 7–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/rarr.7.1.7.

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26

Thompsett, Fredrica Harris. "Emblem of Faith Untouched: A Short Life of Thomas Cranmer by Leslie Williams." Biography 41, no. 2 (2018): 460–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bio.2018.0050.

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27

HAMMER, CARL I. "The Oxford Martyrs in Oxford: The Local History of their Confinements and their Keepers." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50, no. 2 (April 1999): 235–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999001700.

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Early in March 1554 the three English reformers and later Oxford martyrs, the archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer, the former bishop of Worcester, Hugh Latimer, and the bishop of London, Nicholas Ridley, were transported to the supposedly safe location of Oxford to expedite their trials. Their stay in Oxford, however, turned out to be a long one, lasting until their execution by burning outside the Northgate there: Latimer and Ridley on 16 October 1555; Cranmer on 21 March 1556. During the time they spent in Oxford – between nineteen and twenty-four months – they were usually confined apart from one another, in a number of locations, by the municipal officials responsible to the crown for their safekeeping: the mayor and the two bailiffs of Oxford. Cranmer, the most important and politically the most sensitive of the prisoners, appears to have spent most of his long confinement in the Bocardo, the local prison over the town's Northgate next to St Michael's church. Latimer and Ridley, on the other hand, spent considerable time privately boarded in the houses of, respectively, the bailiffs and the mayor, and Ridley, in particular, seems to have been able to maintain regular written and personal contact with their supporters and sympathisers. Their confinement must have put the three reformers, all of them Cambridge graduates, into a variety of contacts with local residents, but records for only two of those relationships have survived, and from diametrically opposite sources.
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28

Selwyn, D. G. "A New Version of a Mid-sixteenth century Vernacular Tract on the Eucharist: A Document of the Early Edwardian Reformation?" Journal of Ecclesiastical History 39, no. 2 (April 1988): 217–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900020674.

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The document presented here makes available a hitherto unknown version of an anonymous vernacular tract dating from the middle years of the sixteenth century. The only known version of the tract until now — extant in the library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge — was first published by Dr P. N. Brooks in an appendix to his monograph on Thomas Cranmer's eucharistic doctrine (1965).Beyond placing it in the ‘mid-sixteenth century’, Brooks did not attempt t 0 attribute it to an author or indicate its precise historical context beyond suggesting that it provided a ‘valuable period example of the Lutheran understanding of the eucharistic presence’ such as was favoured by Richard Cheyney (bishop of Gloucester, 1562-79) and Archbishop Thomas Cranmer in the period between abandoning transubstantiation and embracing a version of the Reformed doctrine. The longer version of the tract which has since come to light in the Bodleian would seem to call for some reassessment of that estimate. For while consistent with a Lutheran doctrine of the eucharistic presence, the Bodleian version concludes with sections on eucharistic adoration and oblation (not found in the Corpus MS). This suggests a closer affinity with the position championed by opponents of the religious changes in the reign of Edward VI, or at least an attempt at a doctrinal consensus between those of the ‘old’ persuasion and those of the ‘new’.
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29

Campbell, Ian. "The Rôle of John Fisher's Memory and Philip Melanchthon's Hermeneutics in the Household of Bishop Stephen Gardiner." Recusant History 28, no. 3 (May 2007): 365–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034193200011432.

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On 11 August 1553, having received a pardon from Queen Mary, Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, returned to the house at Southwark where his household had reassembled, ready for the work ahead. Gardiner's household was a formidable political and ideological instrument. It had been forged during his battles with Archbishop Thomas Cranmer in the 1540s and early 1550s. It was Gardiner's household which defended him at his trial in the winter of 1550 and supported him through his confinement until 1553. Key individuals, especially Thomas Watson, assisted him in the theological contest with Cranmer which he carried on from the Tower of London. At Mary's accession in 1553, these men began a constant round of preaching engagements, visitations, work in Parliament, and formal disputations, and three, Watson, John White and James Brooks, took up places on the episcopal bench. Of the artefacts of this work that remain to us, some of the most significant are the printed political treatises, books of sermons, and school textbooks produced by Gardiner's household. These items offer a window into the intellectual culture and ideology of the Lord Chancellor's household at a time when Gardiner had more control over national life than ever before in his long career. A study of the ideological literature published by Gardiner's household falls naturally into three areas: material connected with the parliament of April 1554, material which promoted popular engagement with the Fathers of the Church, and material connected with St John's College, Cambridge, and John Fisher. It is this last area that will be the focus of this paper.
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Hanson, Brian L. "The Eucharistic Debate in Tudor England: Thomas Cranmer, Stephen Gardiner, and the English Reformation." Renaissance and Reformation 42, no. 2 (October 24, 2019): 195–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1065135ar.

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31

Ayris, Paul. "The Correspondence of Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, and his English Audience 1533-54." Reformation & Renaissance Review 3, no. 1 (March 2001): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/rrr.v0i3.9.

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Overell, M. A. "Bernardino Ochino’s Books and English Religious Opinion, 1547–80." Studies in Church History 38 (2004): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015825.

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Bernardino Ochino was one of the less famous and more unpredictable of the Protestant refugees whom Thomas Cranmer invited to England in 1547. He remained in the limelight throughout Edward VI’s reign, largely because of his writing. A study of the English publication of his works throws some light on the complex interaction between English books and European Protestantism. Collinson’s comment that ‘English theologians were as likely to lean on Bullinger of Zurich, Musculus of Berne or Peter Martyr as on Calvin or Beza’ is important here. In Edward VI’s reign they leant quite confidently on more unsteady props, of whom Ochino was one.
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HUGHES, PHILIP E. "The Captivity Epistles of the English Reformation." Unio Cum Christo 1, no. 1 (October 1, 2015): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc1.1-2.2015.art9.

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Abstract: “The Captivity Epistles of the English Reformation” was originally part of Philip E. Hughes’s book, Theology of the English Reformers, a selection of texts with commentaries by sixteenth-century English Reformers. “The Captivity Epistles” concludes a chapter on sanctification, thus placing the subject of martyrdom in the context of the Christian life. This section documents, through letters and narratives, the last days and martyrdoms of John Hooper, John Bradford, Nicholas Ridley, Hugh Latimer, and Thomas Cranmer. United with their Savior and in communion with other saints, these Reformers are examples of the grace of God exhibiting fruits such as joy, perseverance, trust, a sense of honor of suffering for Christ, and love for their persecutors.
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34

Heal, Felicity. "Thomas Cranmer, Diarmaid Macculloch, Yale University Press, 1996, 692 pp. (£25.00), ISBN 0-300-06688-0." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 4, no. 20 (January 1997): 670. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00002842.

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35

Cranfield, Nicholas W. S. "The Library of Thomas Cranmer. Oxford Bibliographical Society Publications, 3rd ser., vol. 1. David G. Selwyn." Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 91, no. 1 (March 1997): 106–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/pbsa.91.1.24304476.

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36

Barrington Bates, J. "On the Search for the Authentic Liturgy of the Apostles: The Diversity of the Early Church as Normative for Anglicans." Journal of Anglican Studies 12, no. 1 (September 25, 2012): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355312000241.

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AbstractThis essay examines the Anglican claim for the early church as the normative standard for liturgy, as reiterated throughout our history from the time of Thomas Cranmer through the liturgical revisions of the late twentieth century. A secondary claim of general uniformity through similarity in texts of common prayer is then discussed as a point of historic resonance for Anglican identity. Some very general examples of early church evidence follow, as a means of debunking the notion of a unified and simple structure for primitive liturgy. I will then discuss the notion of ‘early church’, and what we mean by terms like it, and follow this with a consideration of liturgical diversity. The gospel call to privilege Christian unity, I will assert, remains the primary stumbling block to the full embracing of the God-given diversity of the one holy, catholic and apostolic church.
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37

Greaves, Richard L. "Thomas Cranmer: A Life. By Diarmaid MacCulloch. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1996. xii + 692 pp. $35.00." Church History 66, no. 3 (September 1997): 589–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169496.

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38

REX, RICHARD. "John Bale, Geoffrey Downes and Jesus College." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 49, no. 3 (July 1998): 486–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046997005630.

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It was long a commonplace of Reformation history that John Bale, the Catholic friar turned Protestant firebrand, was during his time at Cambridge University a member of Jesus College. This received wisdom was enshrined in the pages of such standard reference works as Cooper and Venn, and was regularly repeated, where appropriate, in histories of the university and of the English Reformation. This was not questioned until J. Crompton observed over thirty years ago that there was no foundation for this tradition. Crompton's lead was followed some years later by L. P. Fairfield, who reiterated in his study of Bale that there was ‘no evidence whatever that Bale ever became a member of Jesus College’. However, despite these categorical conclusions, the editor of Bale's surviving plays, Peter Happé, now the leading authority on Bale's life and works, has recently maintained that after all he ‘probably entered Jesus College’. In making this claim, Happé argues partly from a passage in Bale's own writings relating to his connection with two early Fellows of Jesus College, Geoffrey Downes and Thomas Cranmer, and partly from a later tradition of Bale's membership attested in a seventeenth-century manuscript history of the college. A close analysis of the evidence, however, corroborates the contention of Crompton and Fairfield, and indicates that the later tradition arose from a misinterpretation by the Stuart antiquary Thomas Fuller of Bale's own recollections.
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39

White, Micheline. "Katherine Parr, Translation, and the Dissemination of Erasmus’s Views on War and Peace." Renaissance and Reformation 43, no. 2 (September 10, 2020): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/rr.v43i2.34741.

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This article offers new evidence of Katherine Parr’s activities as a translator by demonstrating that she translated two prayers from Erasmus’s Precationes aliquot novæ in 1544. The first, “A Prayer for Men to Say Entering into Battle,” appeared in all the editions of Parr’s Psalms or Prayers; the second, “A Prayer for Forgiveness of Sins,” was included only in sextodecimo editions. These newly recovered translations have important implications for our understanding of Parr’s involvement in Henry VIII’s war effort and for the history of the dissemination of Erasmus’s ideas in England. This study argues that Parr’s translations provide new evidence that she collaborated with Thomas Cranmer and Henry VIII in producing wartime propaganda but also that Parr reframed, edited, and distorted Erasmus’s prayers to promote Henry’s wartime needs. This data has additional repercussions because Parr was also the sponsor of the translation of Erasmus’s Paraphrases on the New Testament, a text that exhorted Henry and other princes to avoid war and embrace peace. Parr, then, was at the heart of two translation projects that were fundamentally at odds with one another, and her translations can be described as important interventions into Erasmus’s legacy in England.
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McKim, Donald K. "Thomas Cranmer: A Life. By Diarmaid MacCulloch . Revised edition. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2016. xii + 691 pp. $35.00 paper." Church History 86, no. 3 (September 2017): 876–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717001664.

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41

Brennan, Michael G. "Ayris, P. and Selwyn, D. (eds), Thomas Cranmer: Churchman and Scholar. Pp. xv + 355. Woodbridge, Suffolk: The Boydell Press, 1993. £35.00." Notes and Queries 42, no. 1 (March 1, 1995): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/42.1.89.

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42

Reimer, Jonathan. "Thomas Cranmer. By Susan Wabuda. (Routledge Historical Biographies.) Pp. xxvi + 261. New York–Abingdon: Routledge, 2017. £90. 978 0 415 50077 7." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 70, no. 1 (December 17, 2018): 179–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046918001859.

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43

McGee, Sears. "Diarmaid MacCulloch. Thomas Cranmer: A Life. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press. 1996. Pp. xii, 692. $35.00. ISBN 0-300-06688-0." Albion 29, no. 3 (1997): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051683.

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44

Marsh, Dana T. "SACRED POLYPHONY ‘NOT UNDERSTANDID’: MEDIEVAL EXEGESIS, RITUAL TRADITION AND HENRY VIII'S REFORMATION." Early Music History 29 (July 21, 2010): 33–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261127910000069.

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This study focuses on the ritual ‘conservatism’ of Henry VIII's Reformation through a new look at biblical exegeses of the period dealing with sacred music. Accordingly, it reconsiders the one extant passage of rhetoric to come from the Henrician regime in support of traditional church polyphony, as found in A Book of Ceremonies to be Used in the Church of England, c.1540. Examining the document's genesis, editorial history and ultimate suppression by Archbishop Thomas Cranmer, it is shown that Bishop Richard Sampson, Dean of the Chapel Royal (1522–40), was responsible for the original drafting of the musical paragraph. Beginning with Sampson's printed commentaries on the Psalms and on the Epistles of St Paul, the literary precedents and historical continuities upon which Sampson's topos in Ceremonies was founded are traced in detail. Identified through recurring patterns of scriptural and patristic citation, and understood via transhistorical shifts in the meaning of certain key words (e.g. iubilare), this new perspective clarifies important origins of the English church's musical ‘traditionalism’ on the eve of the Reformation. Moreover, it reveals a precise species of exegetical method – anagogy – as the literary vehicle through which influential clergy were able to justify expansions and elaborations of musical practice in the Western Church from the high Middle Ages to the Reformation.
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Madigan, Patrick. "Emblem of Faith Untouched: A Short Life of Thomas Cranmer. By Leslie Williams. Pp. viii, 200, Grand Rapids, MI, Eerdmans, 2016, £11.99/$18.00." Heythrop Journal 58, no. 3 (April 7, 2017): 468–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/heyj.12517.

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46

Kim, Un-Yong. "A Study on Reformation of the Church in England in the 16th Century and Reformation of Worship by Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury." Theology and Praxis 72 (November 30, 2020): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14387/jkspth.2020.72.7.

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Fox, Alistair. "Thomas Cranmer. A life. By Diarmaid MacCulloch. Pp. xii + 692 incl. 44 ills. New Haven–London: Yale University Press, 1996. £29.95. 0 300 06688 0." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 4 (October 1997): 773–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900013890.

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48

Langley, Tobias. "Emblem of Faith Untouched: A Short Life of Thomas Cranmer, Leslie Williams, Eerdmans, 2016 (ISBN 978-0-8028-7418-4), viii +200 pp., pb $18." Reviews in Religion & Theology 24, no. 3 (July 2017): 596–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rirt.13030.

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O'Donovan, Joan Lockwood. "The Church of England and the Anglican Communion: a timely engagement with the national church tradition?" Scottish Journal of Theology 57, no. 3 (August 2004): 313–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930604000237.

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The following is a critical appreciation of the Reformation theological foundations of English church establishment which seeks to demonstrate their importance not only for the Church of England in the current political and legal climate, but also for non-established Anglican churches and for the Anglican Communion. It identifies as their central structure the dialectic of church and nation, theologically articulated as the dialectic of proclamation and jurisdiction. The enduring achievement of this dialectic, the paper argues, is to hold in fruitful tension the two unifying authorities of sinful and redeemed human society: the authority of God's word of judgement and grace and the authority of the community of human judgement under God's word. The historical analysis traces the evolving ecclesiastical and civil poles of the dialectic through their Henrician, Edwardian and Elizabethan formulations, from William Tyndale and the early Cranmer to John Whitgift and Richard Hooker, clarifying the decisive late medieval and contemporary continental influences, and the key schematic contribution made by the humanist Thomas Starkey. A continuous concern of the exposition is with the paradigmatic place occupied by interpretations of monarchical Israel in the shifting constructions of both civil and ecclesiastical polity, with the attendant dangers from a relatively undialectical relation between the ‘old Israel’ and the ‘new Israel’. The concluding evaluation and application focuses on the contemporary need for a theological construction of the nation and the church that grasps the complexities of the dialectic of proclamation and jurisdiction, especially as they bear on the unity and discontinuity of ecclesiastical and secular law at the national and international levels.
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MacCulloch, Diarmaid. "Thomas Cranmer. Churchman and scholar. Edited by Paul Ayris and David Selwyn. Pp. XV + 355 + 1 plate. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1993. £35/$53· 0 85115 549 9." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45, no. 3 (July 1994): 511–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900017279.

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