Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Think tanks'

Mestrado em Economia e Gestão de Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação<br>Esta dissertação consiste na análise de determinadas características inerentes ao funcionamento de entidades de investigação, chamadas Think Tanks (TT), mais concretamente as que se debruçam sobre o ambiente, TT verdes. Tratar-se-á de clarificar o que são estas entidades, e perceber as suas características e o seu funcionamento, com o fim de perceber a multiplicidade de diferenças que existem dentro destas entidades, nomeadamente a multiplicidade de diferenças que lhes são inerentes se, a título de exemplo, as dividirmos geograficamente. Será necessário explicar o que são TT, e como se financiam, a sua composição e como obtiveram influência suficiente para ter impacto na sociedade. Assim sendo, estudadas as principais características dos TT, pretende-se estudar as características dos TT verdes, aqueles especializados no ambiente, procedendo a uma análise comparativa entre estes, a fim de retirar ilações pertinentes sobre o seu funcionamento, e avaliar-se-á o impacto destas entidades de investigação na sociedade e, mais concretamente, nas suas áreas de pesquisa especificas, nos seus países de origem e através de contributos para a Eco-Inovação (EI).<br>This dissertation consists of the analysis of certain characteristics inherent to the functioning of research entities, called Think Tanks (TT), more specifically those that deal with the environment, green TT. It will be a matter of clarifying what these entities are, and of perceiving their characteristics and their functioning, in order to perceive the multiplicity of differences that exist within these entities, namely the multiplicity of inherent differences if, example, we divide them geographically. It will be necessary to explain what TT are, and how they are funded, their composition and how they have had enough influence to impact society. Therefore, the main characteristics of the TT are studied, the characteristics of the green TTs, those specialized in the environment are studied, and a comparative analysis is carried out between them, in order to obtain pertinent information about their operation, and it will be evaluated the impact of these research entities on society and, more specifically, on their specific research areas, in their countries of origin and through contributions to Eco-Innovation (EI).<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

The Australian think tank industry has grown substantially over the past two decades. Previously considered ‘small and relatively unimportant’ (Marsh and Stone, 2004, p. 262), these institutes are now at the forefront of political debates. Some have cultivated significant public profiles, and scholars have pointed to their important role in setting the public policy agenda. It has also become commonplace for think tanks to claim they have influenced (or seek to influence) the deliberations and proposals of Australia’s major political parties. But can these influence claims be substantiated? This thesis is the most comprehensive study of the Australian think tank industry to date and systematically examines think tanks’ contributions and influence across the ideological spectrum. The research first investigates the structure of the Australian think tank industry, the characteristics of the participants, the targets of think tanks’ influence efforts, the methods used to persuade policymakers (and public opinion), and policymaker and journalist perceptions of think tanks’ effectiveness. The thesis then proceeds to examine three unique policy cases to empirically assess think tank influence on policymaking. The study finds that think tanks can and do play important roles in Australia’s policy process, but their impacts vary depending on their approach and objectives. Many think tanks target, and some succeed, in setting policy agendas. Others legitimate policymakers’ proposals in the public sphere. And some prominent institutes more directly influence policy development and formulation. This thesis also finds that policymakers diverge in their assessments of think tanks’ utility, and in their perceptions of think tanks’ influence. Left-leaning parliamentarians see think tanks as important contributors to policymaking while those on the right are less-inclined to value think tank outputs. This thesis shows that the Australian think tank industry defies generalisations, but its constituents are increasingly important components of Australia’s political landscape.

It has often been claimed that, during the 1980s and early 1990s, the new right think tanks - namely the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), Centre for Policy Studies (CPS), and Adam Smith Institute (ASI) - had a major impact on policy-making and policy change. This thesis addresses such claims by examining three reforms in which the new right think tanks have been attributed an influence - bus deregulation, education reform, and prison privatisation. It seeks not only to empirically assess their impact, but also to relate these findings to the policy-making literature, in particular the Rhodes Model which emphasises policy continuity and the Advocacy Coalition Framework which seeks to explain policy change. It is argued that the new right think tanks had an impact on all three policy changes, as members of "advocacy coalitions", although the nature and extent of this impact varied. In some cases, the TEA, CPS, and ASI were able to have a direct impact on policy change, obtaining access to policy-makers through coalition allies. In other cases their impact was indirect, in shaping the broader "climate of ideas". The new right think tanks also contributed to new patterns of policy formulation, although there is limited evidence of any long-term structural impact on policy-making in these areas. It is also argued that the case studies raise a number of issues for the Rhodes Model and the Advocacy Coalition Framework, although these could be addressed by integrating the two to develop an approach to account for both policy continuity and policy change.

Knowledge management can play a central strategic role in organisational life, potentially initiating from strategy planning to performance achievement. The continuous adjustment of organisational strategy and performance can be powerful in knowledge intensive organisations such as think tanks. Think tanks are policy research organisations, usually of small to medium size, and non-profit in nature. The Pakistani think tank ‘industry’ is at an important tipping point in terms of establishing knowledge ‘impact’ for the state and the wider society. Think tank organisations are gaining dual attention for creating awareness in society and suggesting policies to the state. The central purpose of this research is to provide an explanation of why and how knowledge management plays a role within think tanks, especially with regards to organisations linking strategy and performance. It also seeks to provide evidence from Pakistani think tanks providing suggestions for organisational improvement that may be applicable to think tanks in other developing countries. A thorough literature review from the field of knowledge management includes knowledge, knowledge management, and the strategic relationship of knowledge management, organisational strategy and organisational performance. Specifically, the research seeks to analyse knowledge management in social sciences policy research think tanks based in Islamabad, the capital of Pakistan. The participation of eight think tanks provided access for field visits to conduct interviews, observations and document collection. From the findings, it is recommended that consciousness towards knowledge management can highlight the natural and independent process to keep organisational strategy and performance improving continuously in a cyclic manner. Knowledge resources with Pakistani think tanks demand proper recognition and valuation, as they are potentially being worth more compared to material resources. Amongst the knowledge resources, cultural values and norms, multilingual skills, ‘friendly’ internal environments and leadership are found to be important. The strength of Pakistani think tanks is in their Relational Capital, which they appear to be utilising. Informal-Tacit knowledge management practices are highlighted more in the context, though gaps do appear to exist for formal practices. It is suggested that think tanks could further enhance real visibility through their Relational Capital and making use of tacit informal practices leading to friendly, multilingual and effectively leadership cultures with positive values. Think tanks have the potential to help provide solutions during turbulent times, both leading and managing knowledge – effecting a positive impact upon both state and society.

.Les think tanks sont des acteurs qui s’inscrivent dans une perspective d’information et d’influence. A travers des expertises et des recommandations politiques, ils cherchent à atteindre la sphère politique. Bien qu’ils soient majoritairement apparus en Europe dans les années 1970 et 1980 et que leur essor date des années 2000, les think tanks sont des acteurs émergents dans le processus décisionnel européen. Ils ont rapidement su se saisir des différents points d’accès proposés par les institutions européennes et sont progressivement devenus des acteurs incontournables et influents dans le processus décisionnel européen. Les cibles d’action sont plus précisément la Commission européenne, le Parlement européen, le Comité des Régions ainsi que le Comité Economique et Social Européen. Les modalités et les stratégies d’influence mises en place par les think tanks pour atteindre ces institutions et organes prennent des formes variées<br>.Think tanks are actors that are part of a didactic and influence perspective. Through expertise and political recommendations, they seek to reach the political sphere. Although most of them emerged in Europe in the 1970s and 1980s and their growth began in the 2000s, think tanks are emerging players in the European decision-making process. They quickly managed to seize the various access points proposed by the European institutions and gradually became key and influential actors in the European decision-making process. The action targets are more specifically the European Commission, the European Parliament, the Committee of the Regions and the European Economic and Social Committee. The modalities and strategies of influence put in place by the think tanks to reach these institutions and organs take various forms

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-01T19:18:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Junia1.pdf: 436338 bytes, checksum: d86c170713221219857b4f67e51e4cec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-05-08<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior<br>This master's thesis is an effort to systematize knowledge about the phenomena of think tanks - relevant actors of the public policy universe - through a theoretical-descriptive study, with the use of literature search. The think tanks, research organizations and advice on public policy, are widely studied in other countries, but in Brazil the phenomenon is not relevant elucidation. It is demonstrate the growing of a worldwide interconnection network between think tanks, and the increase of international studies on these organizations, while in Brazil the phenomenon remains allusive. As a result, this study purposes are to give visibility to the phenomena, adapting the traditional foreign literature to the Brazilian reality; to provide means to identify the influence exerted by these organizations in national policy making, structuring a comprehensive theoretical basis; and to allow the understanding and recognition, on empirical reality, of think tanks in action in Brazil. Its practical relevance are supported by the explanation of the phenomena, its context in the global and national landscape, and the analysis of this interest´s groups influence on the production of public policies in Brazil &#8210; which is currently restricted in the national academic scene to a few scholars with specific focus: it is expected that more people understand what a think tank is and what is its activity. The study is conducted from the perspective of policy analysis and model group, focusing on the role of think tanks in the public policy cycle. Hence, as a study´s result, it is propose an expression, in Portuguese, to replace the use of expression think tank, and a concept that is appropriate to the reality of the phenomena in Brazil. There is also presented a classification of organizations, mapped to support the study as examples. Among the findings, it is consider the significant need to encourage studies about public policy, appropriate to the country s reality, since public policy is consider a "middle range theory", in a sense of a study field still being constructed that, however, directly influences the daily life &#8210; and future &#8210; of people<br>Esta dissertação de mestrado representa um esforço de sistematização do conhecimento sobre o fenômeno dos think tanks &#8210; atores relevantes do universo da política pública &#8210; e sua adequação à realidade nacional, por meio de um estudo teórico-descritivo e uso de pesquisa bibliográfica. Os think tanks, organizações de pesquisa e aconselhamento em políticas públicas, são amplamente estudados em outros países, mas no Brasil o fenômeno não encontra correspondente elucidação. É demonstrada a crescente interligação mundial em rede entre think tanks e o aumento de estudos internacionais sobre essas organizações, enquanto no Brasil o fenômeno permanece alusivo. Como conseqüência, este estudo objetiva conferir visibilidade ao fenômeno, adequando a literatura estrangeira tradicional à realidade brasileira; prover meios para identificação da influência exercida por essas organizações no processo nacional de policy making; estruturar uma base teórica abrangente, que permita a compreensão e o reconhecimento, na realidade empírica, de think tanks em atuação no Brasil. Sua relevância prática reside no esclarecimento do fenômeno, sua contextualização no panorama mundial e nacional e na análise dessa forma de atuação de grupos de interesse sobre a produção de políticas públicas no Brasil &#8210; que se restringe atualmente, no cenário acadêmico nacional, a poucos estudiosos com enfoques específicos: espera-se que mais pessoas entendam o que são e o que fazem os think tanks. O estudo é conduzido sobre a ótica da policy analysis e o modelo de grupo, focalizando a atuação dos think tanks no ciclo da política pública. Como resultado do estudo é feita a proposição de uma expressão em português em substituição ao uso do termo think tank e de um conceito apropriado à realidade do fenômeno no Brasil. Apresenta-se ainda uma tipologia de classificação dessas organizações, na qual são enquadradas àquelas mapeadas no estudo, a título de exemplificação. Entre as conclusões obtidas, destaca-se como significativa a necessidade de fomentar estudos sobre a política pública, adequados à realidade do país, uma vez que se trata de uma middle range theory , isto é, um campo de estudo ainda em construção que, contudo influencia diretamente o cotidiano e o futuro &#8210; das pessoas em geral

Within a Gramscian analysis, concepts of hegemony, passive revolution and organic intellectuals are employed to investigate and theorise the New Right think tanks' critique of English local government. Unlike other accounts, it is argued that the New Right think tanks successfully modernised traditional Conservative party concerns that elected local government was susceptible to demands for social welfare and of bureaucrats and politicians self-seeking efforts. The Gramscian analysis further suggests that in a highly centralised state elected local government was never only concerned with locality but was often embroiled in the statecraft strategy if the dominant bloc. Previously when the dominant hegemony had been endangered, elected local government has been usefully deployed to resolve social tensions. This strategy however, has been problematic and has been destructive of the relative independence of elected local government. More generally, elected local government's decisive role in civil society means that it too has become a site where counter hegemonic projects have clustered. During the 1980s, such tensions become critical. The organic intellectuals associated with Thatcherism, the New Right think tanks, acted as a clarion for demands to end elected local government's role in providing social welfare that effectively questioned its existence. Elswhere in a parallel development increased regulation of elected local government by the centre restricted the activities of local authorities, a strategy that also adversly affected those who supported the dominant bloc's hegemony.

Submitted by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-01-17T13:29:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 1424287.pdf: 7196451 bytes, checksum: d4e957478d7a6933b40854ddb5fb097a (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-01-17T13:29:15Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 1424287.pdf: 7196451 bytes, checksum: d4e957478d7a6933b40854ddb5fb097a (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-01-17T13:29:22Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 1424287.pdf: 7196451 bytes, checksum: d4e957478d7a6933b40854ddb5fb097a (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2012-01-17T13:29:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1424287.pdf: 7196451 bytes, checksum: d4e957478d7a6933b40854ddb5fb097a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010<br>The objective of this study is to identify prospective criticai uncertainties for think tanks, important information for the elaboration of prospective scenarios for these organizations. A qualitative approach was adopted. Data were collected from literature and from interviews with key executives from Fundação Getulio Vargas and international specialists were analyzed. A theoretical evaluation of the main think tanks definitions and classifications was performed, and the common elements across the definitions were identified and used to construct a suitable think tank definition that was considered in the subsequent phases of the study. The URCA Structural Analysis Model (MARQUES, 1988) was applied to evaluate 21 prospective variables selected from the collected data. The results indicate 8 prospective criticai uncertainties for think tanks: 1) Think tanks internationalization; 2) Agenda globalization; 3) International projection of the nations; 4) Competition among think tanks; 5) Competition between think tanks and ONGs, advisers, web and other information providers; 6) Technical staff; 7) Leading group; and 8) Financiai diversification and sustainability.<br>EI objetivo de este trabajo es identificar las incertidumbres-críticas prospectivas para think tanks, un importante subsidio para la elaboración de escenarios prospectivos para esas organizaciones. EI enfoque es cualitativo: los datos, recolectados por medio de bibliografía y entrevistas con ejecutivos estratégicos de la Fundação Getulio Vargas y especialistas internacionales, fueron tratados por el método de Análisis Estructural. Para este fin, se utilizó el Modelo URCA (MARQUES, 1988). Creemos que se trata de un abordaje inédito en el área. La base teórica analiza las definiciones y clasificaciones de think tanks, identifica atributos comunes a tales conceptos y, a partir de esta referencial, presenta la definición think tank objeto de este estudio. A seguir, a partir de los datos recolectados, son descritas 21 variables prospectivas. Esta lista inicial de variables es sometida ai Modelo URCA de Análisis Estructural (MARQUES, 1988), indicando, como resultado, ocho incertidumbrescríticas prospectivas para think tanks: Internacionalización de think tanks; Globalización de la agenda; Proyección internacional de las naciones; Competencia entre think tanks; Competencia de ONGs, consultorías, redes y similares; Cuadro técnico; Cuerpo directivo; y Diversificación y sustentación financieras.<br>O objetivo deste trabalho é identificar as incertezas-críticas prospectivas para fhínk fanks, importante subsídio na elaboração de cenários prospectivos para essas organizações. O enfoque é qualitativo: os dados, coletados por bibliografia e em entrevistas com executivos estratégicos da Fundação Getulio Vargas e especialistas internacionais, foram tratados pelo método da Análise Estrutural. Para tanto, utilizouse o Modelo URCA (MARQUES, 1988). Acredita-se tratar de abordagem inédita na área, pois registro de Análises Prospectivas para thínk tanks não foram localizados. A base teórica analisa diversas definições e classificações de fhínk fanks, identifica atributos comuns a tais conceitos e, a partir deste referencial, apresenta a definição de thínk tank, objeto deste estudo. Em seguida, a partir dos dados coletados, são descritas 21 variáveis prospectivas. Essa lista inicial de variáveis é submetida ao Modelo URCA de Análise Estrutural, gerando, como resultado, oito incertezascríticas prospectivas para thínk fanks: Internacionalização de thínk fanks; Globalização da agenda; Projeção internacional das nações; Concorrência entre thínk tanks; Concorrência de organizações não-governamentais, consultorias, web e similares; Quadro técnico; Corpo dirigente; e Diversificação e sustentação financeiras.

Les think tanks constituent des groupes professionnels qui déploient des stratégies multiples pour pénétrer le champ politique par le biais de la production de recommandations politiques. S’inscrivant entre le savoir et le pouvoir, les think tanks sont engagés dans une triple logique, celle de la politique, celle des intérêts et celle de la professionnalisation. La première met en lumière qu’il est sans doute impossible de penser le politique sans penser politiquement. La deuxième souligne l’ambigüité des liens qui unissent les idées à ceux qui les portent. Quant à la troisième, elle permet de réaliser que les think tankers constituent une nouvelle catégorie de personnel politique qui ne dit pas son nom et qui déploie une stratégie de contournement (get round effect) des circuits traditionnels, stratégie susceptible de compléter le triptyque hirshmanien (exit, voice, loyalty). Les think tanks déploient un rapport diversifié à l’expertise (par spécialité, par responsabilité ou encore par opportunité) selon qu’ils justifient leur intervention par l’attrait du savoir, l’attrait de la politique comme engagement ou encore de la politique comme attribut. Ces officines produisent donc moins du savoir que des « aménagements du savoir ». En ce sens, leur légitimité dans la démocratie libérale ne peut qu’être l’objet d’une construction sur le mode de l’autohabilitation à partir d’une stratégie de brouillage visant à gommer la séparation entre profane et professionnel, et d’une instrumentalisation de la notion de « société civile ». Le mosaïcisme semble constituer la matrice qui régit l’arc de leurs pratiques et celle qui ordonnance les transformations de la démocratie<br>Think tanks are made up of professional groups who create multiple strategies aimed at influencing the political field by producing political analysis and advice. Sitting between knowledge and power, the think tanks are involved in the three dimensions of politics, lobbying and professionalisation. The first of those dimensions indicates that it is highly unlikely to think about politics without thinking politically. The second shows the ambiguity of linking ideas to those who promote them. As for the third, it demonstrates that the members of the think tanks are made up of a new kind of politicians who remain anonymous and use convoluted strategies (‘get round effect’) away from the usual processes, strategies which may well complete the Hirshmann cycle (exit, voice, loyalty). Think tanks develop their expertise in different ways (based on their specialisation, responsibility or even opportunity) depending on whether they justify their involvement on an intellectual basis, by their political motivation or attribut. Rather than expanding knowledge, these organisations restructure knowledge. In this way, their legitimacy can only be seen as having evolved through a strategy of confusion aimed at disabling the gap between amateurs and professionals, and promoting the idea of a ‘civilised society’. The mosaïcisme seems to be made up of a mix that regulates their own practices and influences the transformation of democracy

V práci jsou analyzovány kořeny, vývoj, současné postavení, hrozby a výzvy think-tanků v České a Slovenské republice. Srovnání s jejich tradicí ve Spojených státech zkoumá přenositelnost amerického "modelu" think-tanků do střední a východní Evropy. Tento přenos je značně omezený a krátkodobě nerealizovatelný vzhledem k rozdílným legislativním podmínkám a nerozvinuté filantropii. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována motivům k vytváření regionálních i mezinárodních sítí think-tanků. Práce vychází jednak z dosavadní literatury na toto téma, jednak z dotazníkového šetření.

La thèse étudie le rôle des "think tanks" dans le processus de la transition, dite démocratique, en Bulgarie après la chute du mur en 1989. C'est une des recherches pionnières sur ces nouveaux acteurs dont les pratiques et les discours s'imposent non seulement à l'Est, mais aussi à l'Ouest de l'Europe, contribuant à une transformation profonde des institutions de la modernité, autant dans le domaine académique et universitaire. Ce travail analyse à la fois les processus et les conditions historiques locales qui ont permis l'émergence de cette nouvelle élite, proche du milieu académique et intellectuel et du monde des ONG, tout en situant les think tanks bulgares à l'échelle des processus globaux et des réseaux internationaux des experts en démocratisation. Ainsi, la thèse contribue à affiner et enrichir les études anthologiques récentes sur la culture des projets, sur le rôle politique de la société civile et l'interaction entre le local et le global<br>This doctoral thesis studies the role of "think tanks" in the process of transition and democratisation in Bulgaria after the end of the cold war in 1989. It is a pionneer research on these new political and social actors expanding their practices and discourse not only in Eastern, but also in Western Europe, thus contributing to the deep transformation of the institutions of modernity, in the political as well as in the academic field. This study analyses both the local process and historical conditions that gave birth to this new elite, close to the academic and intellectual field as well as to the NGO sector, but also situates the Bulgarian think tanks in the context of the globalisation process and its international networks of democracy makers. Thus, the thesis contritbutes to sharpen and widen the recent research in anthroplogy and political science on international poject culture, civil society and interaction between the local and the global

V práci jsou analyzovány kořeny, vývoj, současné postavení, hrozby a výzvy think-tanků v České a Slovenské republice. Srovnání s jejich tradicí ve Spojených státech zkoumá přenositelnost amerického "modelu" think-tanků do střední a východní Evropy. Tento přenos je značně omezený a krátkodobě nerealizovatelný vzhledem k rozdílným legislativním podmínkám a nerozvinuté filantropii. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována motivům k vytváření regionálních i mezinárodních sítí think-tanků. Práce vychází jednak z dosavadní literatury na toto téma, jednak z dotazníkového šetření.

Setting the Puzzle. Think Tanks: A Literature Review. Think tanks in China. Think Tanks 4.0. Chinese Think tanks in East Asia: evidence from Financial Governance. Think Tanks and China’s Environmental Governance. Rethinking Think Tanks Functionality in Contemporary China.

This thesis examines perspectives of the two influential U.S. think tanks, the Brookings Institution and the Council on Foreign Relations, on Turkish foreign policy under the leadership of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) from 2002 to 2010. It attempts to analyze the perceptions of the noted institutions about the JDP&rsquo<br>s foreign policy by referencing their reports, articles, interviews and seminars. The study had four aims. First, it aims to analyze the JDP&rsquo<br>s foreign policy in the eyes of the two think tanks. Second, it shows the objective of the two institutions for shaping the framework of the discussions on the United States-Turkey relations and Turkish foreign policy by emphasizing the epistemic community. Third, this thesis intends to clarify divergences and convergences in the perceptions of the two think tanks. Fourth, it indicates the continuity, change and rupture in the JDP&rsquo<br>s foreign policy choices from the viewpoint of the Brookings Institution and the Council on Foreign Relations. Consequently, the thesis states that &ldquo<br>the given framework&rdquo<br>in the relations between the United States and Turkey has been largely determined by the U.S.&rsquo<br>activities.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.<br>Rapid growth in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) demands a transparent policy-making apparatus to meet emerging needs. Government agencies alone may not be able to devise legitimate public policies. The presence of an adequate number of capable think tanks in KSA will add legitimacy to the public policy-making process. Think tanks can provide policy guidance on modern issues like economic growth, resource allocation, job creation, unemployment reduction, financial management, legislation, and human capital development. The Majlis al Shura is a ministerial-level institution in today’s KSA and performs in a similar manner to think tanks. There is an increased demand to help launch independent research centers and provide them with needed support due to accelerated growth. The KSA government seems willing to extend its support to such institutes without governmental intervention and pressures. The Syrian issue generated a broad-based policy discussion in the United States and was taken as a case study. Many lessons can be drawn from this case that are specific to the local dynamics of KSA, and which can be employed in economics, security, foreign policy, social welfare, advancing national goals, protecting national interests, capturing market share in the global market, attracting foreign direct investment, and so on. Based on these lessons learned, this research proposes a way forward for encouraging the establishment of think tanks in KSA

Ce travail propose d'aborder une configuration singulière des relations de pouvoir à travers l'analyse de l'émergence des Think Tanks au Chili. On étudie, d'un point de vue anthropologique, le problème du gouvernement, envisagé à la fois comme objet d'expertise et comme enjeu pour la configuration des acteurs politiques. S'appuyant sur des données ethnographiques et historiques, cette étude montre que l'emergence des Think tanks au Chili est une expression originale de la tendance à la privatisation du savoir expert sur les affaires publiques. Le phénomène de l'émergence d'une multitude d'objets produisant de l'expertise gouvernementale (au Chili et ailleurs) renv visible un déplacement de la prise en charge de l'action publique par des acteurs privés. Au Chili, le travail des Think Tanks entraîne parallélement un processus d'interiorisation des idéaux tels que la primauté de la démocratie de marché et le capital humain, entendu comme un dispositif essentiel pour le progés du pays. La dimension transnationale du politique engage également le présent des Think Tanks chiliens par la portée de leurs mises en réseaux, la circulation de leurs savoirs et la mobilité de leurs acteurs<br>Through the observation of the emergence of Think Tanks in Chile, this work analyses the configuration of power relations. From an anthropological point of view, We study the problem of government, as object of expertise and as form of organization of political actors. Based on ethnographic and historical data, this work shows that the emergence of Think Tanks in Chile is an original expressions of the privatization of the privatization of expert knowledge on public affairs. The appearance of a multitude of objects producing government expertise (in Chile and elsewhere) demonstrates the transformation of public action by private actors. The analysis also reveals a process of internalization of ideals defined as "market democracy" and "human capital" that are proclaimed as keys for the progress of the country. Finally, this stdufy shows how the transational dimension of politics has an enormous influence on the present reality of Chilean think thanks especially on the creation of networks, the circulation of knowledge and the mobility of actors

THE THESIS STARTS WITH AN HISTORICAL BACKGROUND ON THE BIRTH AND RISE OF THINK TANKS IN THE UNITED STATES THROUGHOUT THE TWENTIETH CENTURY. IT THEN SHIFTS TO THE CONTEMPORARY DEVELOPMENTS OF RESEARCH INSTITUTES AND INTELLECTUAL EXPERTS IN CHINA, LOOKING FOR THE MAIN DIFFERENCES AND CHANCES FOR FURTHER DEVELOPMENTS AT THE TURN OF THE POLITICAL LEADERSHIP.

Els think tanks ―fenomen essencialment nord-americà o, per extensió, anglosaxó― s’han estès en els països desenvolupats com actors polítics rellevants en la proposició i definició de polítiques públiques. A l’Estat espanyol, aquestes institucions no han adquirit el grau de desenvolupament dels països anglosaxons. Això es deu a diversos factors com la dictadura franquista, el nivell baix de finançament, el sistema mediàtic espanyol i la preponderància dels partits polítics. Aquest darrer factor ha comportat que les fundacions dels partits polítics hagin esdevingut la tipologia de think tanks predominant en el nostre país.<br>Think Tanks ― essentially American phenomenon or, at most, Anglo-Saxon― have spread in developed countries as political actors in proposing and defining public policy. In Spain, these institutions haven’t acquired the same level of development than Anglo-Saxon countries ones. This is due to several factors such as Franco’s dictatorship, the low level of funding, the Spanish media system and the preponderance of political parties. That’s the reason than political foundations had become the predominant think tank’s typology in our country.

Esta tese apresenta e analisa as visões dos principais think tanks especializados em política externa dos Estados Unidos sobre a atuação internacional do Brasil de 2003 a 2016. Em específico, identifica quais foram os enquadramentos dados pelos institutos ao País na ordem global no período. A primeira década e meia do século XXI foi caracterizada por mudanças na distribuição de poder global. Além do protagonismo chinês e russo, da criação de novos fóruns internacionais e da erosão da legitimidade dos Estados Unidos como líder da ordem, países intermediários buscaram maior independência internacional. O Brasil, com um discurso de crítica ao custo da globalização no final da gestão de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, o desenvolvimento de uma política externa voltada a uma maior diversificação e autonomia internacional na gestão de Lula da Silva e com uma manutenção — ainda que em níveis mais baixos de protagonismo — na gestão de Dilma Rousseff, elevou seu status global e foi reconhecido como um dos países intermediários acima apontados. Esse ciclo de política externa do Brasil suscitou nos Estados Unidos uma série de iniciativas políticas para compreender e elaborar políticas a essa nova realidade. Partindo-se do principal pressuposto construtivista de relações internacionais, o qual afirma que os interesses nacionais são socialmente construídos, esta tese se focou em identificar e analisar quais foram as formulações estratégicas presentes em um dos importantes locais de formação, reprodução e divulgação de ideias vocacionadas para modelar o debate público e influenciar a formulação de políticas públicas nos Estados Unidos, os think tanks. O resultado da análise do conteúdo nos trezentos e vinte e sete documentos identificados demonstraram que as ações externas do Brasil no período, combinados a fatores domésticos de estabilidade política e econômica, definiram o País como um ator regional fundamental e um ator global em ascensão. Contudo, não houve consenso em relação a contenção ou socialização do Brasil na ordem global. Ao contrário do que a literatura sobre think tanks induz, institutos ditos liberais não necessariamente defenderam a socialização do Brasil, como institutos considerados conservadores, também não defenderam tão somente a contenção do País.<br>This thesis presents and analyses the views of the main foreign policy think tanks in the United States of America on Brazil’s international performance between 2003 and 2016. In particular, it identifies how these institutes portrayed Brazil’s position in the global order during that period. The first fifteen years of the 21st century were marked by changes in the global distribution of power. Besides the Chinese and Russian prominence, the creation of new international forums and the erosion in America’s legitimacy as the leader of the international order, middle powers sought greater independence. With the critical stance towards the costs of globalization in the end of Fernando Henrique Cardoso’s administration, the architecting of a foreign policy focused in greater diversification and international autonomy during the Lula da Silva years and the follow-up of this approach – although at lower levels of activism – during Dilma’s government, Brazil had its global profile heightened and was recognized as one of such middle powers. This cycle in Brazil’s foreign policy prompted a series of political initiatives to try and comprehend this new reality, as well as to propose policy accordingly. Adhering to the Constructivist principle in International Relations that the national interest is a social construct, this thesis aims to identify and analyse what were the strategic concepts brought by one of the main centers of creation, reproduction and diffusion of ideas that model the public debate and influence the public policy-making in the United States: the think tank. The results of the content analysis of 326 documents show that the international performance of Brazil in the 2003-2016 period, combined with domestic elements of political and economic stability, defined the country as an essential regional player and an international one on the rise. However, no consensus was found regarding the containment or international socialization of Brazil in the global order as a resulting policy. As opposed to what the think tank literature may suggest, divisions were not found on political lines. Both liberal and conservative institutes advocated for the containment or socialization strategies.

Cette thèse examine les stratégies des think tanks (TTs) européens pour influencer les processus de formation des politiques publiques de l’Union européenne (UE). Cette étude comparative explore des TTs, basés à Bruxelles, qui fonctionnent au niveau supranational, ainsi que des TTs basés en France, en Slovénie et au Royaume-Uni. L’analyse des données empiriques est guidée par le cadre conceptuel combinant la théorie des champs de Bourdieu et ses développements récents avec le concept des frontières et l’approche des réseaux sociaux. Cette étude propose une nouvelle conceptualisation des TTs européens comme un champ transnational. En plus de la dimension horizontale de ce champ, qui se reflète dans sa position intermédiaire entre les champs adjacents, la thèse identifie les mécanismes de son institutionnalisation verticale au niveau européen. La thèse affirme que ces deux dimensions permettent aux membres de ce champ d’accumuler et d’utiliser stratégiquement des formes spécifiques de capital pour augmenter leur légitimité, crédibilité et visibilité sur la scène politique de Bruxelles et ainsi être en capacité d’influencer les institutions européennes. Cette recherche souligne l’importance particulière du capital symbolique et des réseaux qui établissent les frontières symboliques et sociales de ce champ et contribuent à la légitimité du système politique de l’UE lui-même. La topographie des positions des TTs selon le volume et la structure de leur capital dans leur propre champ permet de déterminer leur statut d’« insider » ou « outsider » dans le champ politique européen. Cette thèse apporte des réponses aux questionnements relatifs au « déficit démocratique » et à la légitimité de l’UE, en montrant l’accès privilégié de certains TTs aux institutions européennes, mais aussi l’insuffisance des mesures de transparence, qui règlent leurs relations. Elle contribue à la discussion sur la transformation de la production des connaissances sous l’influence des demandes politiques, économiques et médiatiques<br>This thesis examines the strategies used by European think tanks (TTs) to influence the EU policy making process. It includes in its comparative analysis both Brussels-based TTs, which function at the supranational level, and TTs from France, Slovenia and the United Kingdom. The analysis of empirical data is built upon a flexible conceptual framework combining Bourdieu’s field theory and its recent developments with the concept of boundaries and the social network approach. This study proposes a new way of conceptualising European TTs as a transnational field. While acknowledging a horizontal dimension of the TT field, reflected in its intermediary position between adjacent fields, the thesis identifies mechanisms which account for its vertical institutionalisation at the European level. The thesis argues that both these dimensions of the European TT field allow its members to accumulate and strategically use specific forms of capital in order to enhance their legitimacy, credibility and visibility in the Brussels policy making scene and to gain political influence on the EU institutions. This research emphasises the particular importance of symbolic and network capital which fix the symbolic and social boundaries of the European TT field, as well as contributing to the legitimacy of EU policy making itself. Mapping the structural topography of the positions of European TTs in their own field according to the volume and structure of their capital allows us to determine their “insider” or “outsider” status in the EU political field. This thesis joins current debates concerning the challenges of the EU’s “democratic deficit” and legitimacy, by showing the more privileged access of “insider” think tanks to the EU institutions, but also the insufficiency of transparency measures which regulate their relations. Finally, it furthers the wider discussion of transformation of knowledge production under the influence of political, economic and media demands

169 f.<br>Submitted by Santiago Fabio (fabio.ssantiago@hotmail.com) on 2012-12-17T20:44:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 5757575757.pdf: 2911611 bytes, checksum: c8e2a74e66ebbe487551d547a0a46a12 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2012-12-17T20:44:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5757575757.pdf: 2911611 bytes, checksum: c8e2a74e66ebbe487551d547a0a46a12 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011<br>A temática da segurança tem ganhado cada vez mais importância no cenário global diante dos crescentes desafios abarcados pelas transformações econômicas, políticas, ambientais, humanitárias e culturais contemporâneas. Estes desafios contribuíram para alimentar o debate em torno de uma concepção mais ampla de segurança internacional, tensionando perspectivas mais tradicionais das relações internacionais juntamente com novas abordagens que priorizam os indivíduos como centro da análise e ampliam os estudos de segurança para áreas até então desconsideradas pelo viés mais estrutural e geopolítico. Paralelo a essa tensão, encontram-se os Estados Unidos e seu posicionamento na ordem internacional pós-1989, que apresentou e apresenta, por meio de sua estratégia de segurança nacional, uma política externa que tem fortes impactos no cenário internacional, destacando a contínua relevância deste país para o mundo em constante transformação. De modo a colocar essas diversas questões em diálogo, tanto no que diz respeito às muitas dimensões da segurança internacional como a posição dos Estados Unidos para uma arquitetura mundial (tendo em mente que sua posição é efeito de um aparato complexo que envolve não somente os EUA, mas sua interação com os demais atores no cenário global), este trabalho resgata a concepção foucaultiana de governamentalidade, extrapolando este conceito para a esfera internacional através das análises das relações entre saber/poder e discurso. A governamentalidade é definida por Michel Foucault como o “conjunto constituído pelas instituições, procedimentos, análises e reflexões, cálculos e táticas que permitem exercer esta forma bastante específica e complexa de poder, que tem por alvo a população, por forma principal de saber a economia política e por instrumentos técnicos essenciais os dispositivos de segurança”, tendo como fundamento de sua existência um regime de verdade que consiste basicamente no livre mercado. A ideia de governamentalidade da ordem internacional consiste essencialmente na percepção de que o regime de verdade em torno dos mercados aponta para uma série de práticas organizadas, as quais podem ser provenientes da ação de um ou mais atores internacionais, individualmente ou em conjunto, tendo como objeto de atuação as populações e repercutindo internacionalmente. Os Estados Unidos se encontram no cerne da discussão uma vez que suas estratégias de segurança internacional refletem uma razão de Estado que tem no regime liberal sua premissa maior, constituindo dispositivos de segurança em defesa de uma ordem internacional liberal. Esta relação não é construída unicamente pelo governo norte-americano, mas conta com o suporte de importantes atores de política externa nos Estados Unidos, as think tanks, organizações de pesquisa e advocacy promotoras e propagadoras de ideias. Estas possuem um importante papel na governamentalidade da ordem internacional não apenas pela influência que exercem junto ao governo na formulação de estratégias políticas e à opinião pública norte-americana, mas também porque compartilham do regime de verdade defendido pelo Estado norte-americano. Este trabalho traz o exemplo de três importantes think tanks norte-americanas (The Brookings Institution, Council on Foreign Relations e American Enterprise Institute) a fim de mostrar o papel que elas desempenharam na governamentalidade da ordem internacional pós-1989, tendo como foco o próprio campo da segurança internacional.<br>Salvador

Propõe-se uma análise de como os think tanks britânicos compreendem a atuação brasileira, associando a isso as representações produzidas por estes sobre o Brasil no período correspondente aos anos de 2001 à 2016. Seguindo a concepção construtivista, considera-se o uso dos think tanks como fonte discursiva, capaz de influenciar na formulação de agendas políticas e de Defesa de um Estado. A dissertação se desdobrará em três capítulos, abordando: (i) as formulações estratégicas do Reino Unido, o funcionamento burocrático da Defesa associado aos think tanks e suas percepções sobre os países emergentes; (ii) a definição do conceito de think tanks e a contribuição destes, na produção de conhecimento e debates no campo das ideias políticas ; (iii) os debates produzidos pelos principais think tanks britânicos a respeito da atuação internacional do Brasil. Acredita-se que a atuação internacional brasileira tenha despertado um maior debate no interior dos think tanks britânicos.<br>It is proposed an analysis of how British think tanks understand the Brazilian performance, associating to it the representations produced by them on Brazil in the period corresponding to the years 2001 to 2016. Following the constructivist conception, the use of think tanks As a discursive source, capable of influencing the formulation of political agendas and the Defense of a State. The dissertation will be divided into three chapters, covering: (i) the strategic formulations of the United Kingdom, the bureaucratic functioning of Defense associated with think tanks and their perceptions about emerging countries; (ii) the definition of the concept of think tanks and their contribution, in the production of knowledge and debates in the field of political ideas; (iii) the debates produced by the leading British think tanks regarding the international performance of Brazil. It is believed that the Brazilian international action has aroused a greater debate within the British think tanks.

Since the establishment of People's Republic of China in 1949, Chinese think tanks have experienced significant development during the transformative process of China's political reform and modernization, and their influence has become more notable than before. However, think tanks historically have been given little attention by the public as well as social scientists in China, so scholarly study on Chinese think tanks is limited. This thesis explores the political roles and characteristics of Chinese think tanks by investigating the transformation and classification of Chinese think tanks from 1949 to the present. Furthermore, through a case study of one of the significant projects in contemporary China—the Three Gorges Project—this thesis examines the performance and influence of three Chinese nonpolitical think tanks—the Chinese Academy of Social Science (CASS), the Chinese Academy of Sciences (CAS), and the Chinese Academy of Engineering (CAE) on the process of government policy-making in China. Based on this analysis of Chinese think tanks, I draw the conclusion that professionalism and institutionalization are very urgent requirements for contemporary China's think tanks.<br>Master of Arts

A travers l’étude de l’émergence et de l’évolution de l’espace de la recherche non étatique en sciences sociales en Biélorussie la thèse revisite la frontière entre la science et la politique et aborde la question de l’engagement intellectuel dans le contexte des transformations postsoviétiques. En 1992, en s’inspirant du modèle des think tanks, des entrepreneurs intellectuels biélorusses ont fondé les premières organisations privées de recherche. Le nouveau mode professionnalisé de production intellectuelle est alors conçu comme un instrument de la « désoviétisation » de la science et de la « démocratisation » de la politique. Les transformations autoritaires de 1995-1996 ont marginalisé cet espace au sein du champ du pouvoir et ont provoqué sa politisation contestataire. Vers 2006 la quasi-totalité des centres fonctionnaient en dehors des cadres légaux. La nouvelle génération de chercheurs qui arrive dans les années 2000 contribue à la reproduction de son caractère à la fois engagé et professionnel. Un nouveau système de relations entre les agents du champ politique et les think tankers permet à ces derniers de prétendre aux rôles d’« experts indépendants » et d’« intellectuels engagés »<br>Studying the evolution of the space of non-state social science research in Belarus, this thesis re-examines the border between science and politics, and raises the question of political role of intellectuals in post-soviet societies. In 1992, inspired by the think tank model, the Belarusian intellectual entrepreneurs set up the first national private research institutes. The new professional mode of intellectual production was presented as a tool for “de-sovietisation” of science and “democratisation” of politics. The 1995-1996 authoritarian transformation marginalised the non-state research in the field of power. In 2006, most private research institutes lose legal status and operate informally. Nonetheless, the new generation of think tankers reproduce the professional and protest character of the non-state research. In the new relations system that connects them with agents of the political field, the think tankers continue to claim the roles of “independent experts” and “public intellectuals”

Cette thèse porte sur la caractérisation du milieu des think tanks aux États-Unis à travers l’étude de leur discours et de leur culture professionnelle dans le cadre d’une recherche en anglais de spécialité. L’objectif est de démontrer que ce milieu hétérogène peut être envisagé comme un milieu spécialisé, caractérisé par un discours et une culture spécifiques qui répondent aux impératifs de son objectif d’influence. Dans une première partie, nous exposons les fondements épistémologiques de la thèse : nous présentons les défis soulevés par l’étude de cet objet du point de vue de la recherche en anglais de spécialité, et proposons une approche de sa spécialisation fondée sur sa raison d’être. Une définition opératoire est élaborée, et le cadre méthodologique de la thèse à la croisée de l’histoire institutionnelle et politique des États-Unis, de l’ethnographie, de l’analyse du discours et de la pragmatique est exposé. La deuxième partie porte sur les modalités notamment culturelles de la spécialisation ; nous montrons comment le milieu s’est structuré en réponse à un besoin d’expertise dans la société américaine, et s’organise autour de missions, pratiques, valeurs et genres communs. Une topographie de ces genres est proposée pour éclairer les modalités communicationnelles de la stratégie programmatique des think tanks. La troisième partie explore les modalités discursives de cette stratégie dans deux genres, les blogs et les policy briefs, pris individuellement, puis en vis-à-vis ; l’analyse des modules péritextuels, structurels et interpersonnels révèle un ensemble de choix argumentatifs qui reflètent les enjeux de captation et de crédibilité de l’intervention des experts<br>This dissertation aims to characterize the milieu of think tanks in the United States through their discourse and professional culture from the French point of view of research on English for Specific Purposes. We contend that this heterogeneous milieu may nonetheless be considered a specialized milieu, as its discourse and its culture are shaped by its programmatic aim. Part 1 presents the epistemological foundations of our research: it sheds light on the theoretical challenges raised by the study of think tanks in the framework of English for Specific Purposes and offers an approach to specialization based on its raison d’être. We suggest a working definition for the milieu and explain the methodology for this study situated at the crossroads between US institutional and political history, ethnography, the French approach to discourse analysis, and pragmatics. Part 2 focuses on the cultural manifestations of think tanks’ programmatic aim; it shows how the milieu has crystallized in response to a need for expertise in US society and is characterized by similar aims, practices, values and genres. A topography of these genres is offered to cast light on the milieu’s discursive strategy. Part 3 explores the discursive manifestations of this strategy and concentrates on two genres, blog posts and policy briefs, which are studied first individually and then jointly. The analysis of peritextual, structural and interpersonal modules reveals the argumentative choices experts make to remain credible and attractive in the marketplace of ideas

Tesis de grado para obtener el título de Magíster en Estudios Internacionales<br>El gobierno estadounidense ha debido lidiar, y tendrá que seguir haciéndolo, con una creciente presencia de China en una zona que por historia, cultura, razones militares y económicas se considera parte de su esfera de influencia: América Latina. La manera en que ha llevado, y llevará esta labor, se ha visto en parte signada por la influencia que ejercen sobre éste los think tanks, centros de estudios que emiten diagnósticos y propuestas para enfrentar los escenarios que esta mayor presencia comprende los cuales, en ocasiones, son incorporados y aplicados por las administraciones de turno. Por tanto, al identificar estos, se vislumbrarían parte de las justificaciones que encuentra el gobierno estadounidense en su actuar frente al Gigante asiático. Estas justificaciones y argumentaciones, forman parte de un conjunto mayor que acciones y discursos: la política exterior estadounidense hacia China. La cual se va configurando por las influencias de distintos grupos que operan al interior de Estados Unidos: el Pentágono, grupos empresariales, académicos, de la sociedad civil en general, el Congreso, etc. La forma en que alguno de estos grupos ejerce influencia (el Pentágono o el Congreso, por ejemplo) en la configuración de esta política, y los argumentos que ellos esgrimen han sido investigados y analizados con asiduidad. En contraste, el actuar de los think tanks en este plano no ha sido muy estudiado y en Chile lo ha sido menos aún. De ahí que esta investigación, que pretende emprender esta labor, adquiera gran relevancia. Pues quienes deseen profundizar en materias relativas al accionar de los think tanks en la configuración de la política exterior estadounidense, encontrarán en esta investigación una apreciable base de apoyo.

Les think tanks, organisations hybrides, sont l'enjeu de représentations du politique à travers un processus circulaire de légitimation. En France, des procédures contractuelles d'expertise et des instituts de recherche en politiques publiques ont été créés sur le modèle idéalisé des think tanks anglo-saxons. Marqués du sceau de l'hétéronomie, les think tanks français internationalistes et spécialistes des questions de défense s'inscrivent dans des stratégies de pérennité autant que d'influence politique et d'animation des débats, et témoignent des limites de "l'import-export institutionnel". Les dispositifs d'expertise observés plaident en faveur d'une analyse des situations d'expertise en tant que simulacres et des discours de l'expertise en tant qu'objets de réassurance, étrangers à un idéal rationalisant de diversification des sources d'information du gouvernement. Favorisées par leur rattachement à des think tanks qui ont valeur de "titres à parler", les stratégies discursives médiatiques de chercheurs sont le signe de la déshérence de ces dispositifs. Avatar et alibi de l'évaluation de la politique extérieure, l'expertise est un ensemble de situations contractuelles, instrumentales et dialogiques. Sur le mode binaire de l'affrontement/dénégation et de l'instrumentalisation/valorisation se nouent les relations entre décideurs politiques et chercheurs. En tant que "chaînons manquants" entre la décision politique, l'espace démocratique et la recherche, les think tanks français recèleraient donc un "potentiel inaccompli" et l'opportunité rarement saisie d'une discussion<br>Through a circular legitimization process, representations on government are at stake when such hybrid organizations as think tanks are concerned. In France, contractual procedures of expertise and research institutes specialized in public policy were based on an idealized vision of what Anglo-Saxon think tanks were thought to be. French think tanks specializing in defence seek permanence and political influence, whiche means their goal is heteromic by nature. They aim to moderate social debates but show the limits of "institutional import-export". The two expert devices examined in this doctoral dissertation (Foreign and Defence ministries) prove the experts'analysis to be a mere simulacre, as described by Jean Baudrillard. They also show experts'speech as tools aimed at reassuring, far from the rational ideal of enriching governmental information. Such procedures undermine the rationality of expertise. Researchers and experts therefore develop media discursive strategies. They can easily do so when they belong to think tanks considered as "truth guarantees". Expertise becomes both a mishap and an alibi for foreign policy evaluation. It is a mix of contractual, instrumental and dialogical situations. Relationships between political decision-makers and researchers were built around the dual themes of confrontation/denegation and instrumentalization/valorization. As a "missing link" between political decision-making, democratic space and research, French think tanks seem to contain both a "hidden potential" and the wasted opportunity for a discussion

<p>This paper aims to tell out a “what next” question of the future scenarios that the European Union (EU), as a security community, is most likely to face in its development as a world power up to the year 2020. The EU is a rapidly evolving concept consolidating with comprehensive internal and external dimension and implication. Key concepts such as power, security, global governance and international order have been used as the underlying themes that will determine the course of the future. In this context Neo-realism, Constructivism and Security Community’s model have been used as the theoretical framework to examine how EU’s role in the international system can be analyzed in the conceptual framework of security. This is followed by a discussion on the concurrent ESDP instruments initiated by the new Constitution as a key momentum of security community buildup internally. To broaden understanding and to get a variety of perspectives, research reports and policy papers of some transatlantic think tanks were analyzed. While multi- perspectives of some prominent think tanks were reviewed, analyzed and discussed, the opinions of policy makers at the United Nations Head Quarters, New York, were also explored to reflect on how EU’s role in international affairs is being perceived in the corridors of power, both concurrently and futuristically. These views were consequently augmented by attending General Assembly and Security Council sessions during September 2004 to January 2005 to observe what sorts of power and influence EU exerts in the contemporary international system and what potential it has for the future. Based on these findings, the paper identified three scenarios that EU is most likely to face in its efforts to be an international power. The paper concluded with the understanding that EU has vision and potential to be a power in the international system futuristically, which can be further enhanced if EU enhances its military capabilities and improves its power perception in the eyes of various stakeholders. However since the international system is volatile, its future role cannot be predicted with accuracy, only alternative options can be identified. EU’s roles are dependent upon the degree of success of the integration process internally and the structural interaction with other major actors in the international system. Whereas EU may enhance its role up to the year 2020, it may not enter into a power conflict with other major powers. However it will play its role comparable with the magnitude of its size, power and influence to manage the international system, futuristically in an improvised way.</p>

Cette thèse analyse l’évolution de l’expertise chinoise en Afrique et l’émergence d’un champ des études africaines « aux caractéristiques chinoises » au XXIe siècle. Elle décrit le développement des savoirs sur l’Afrique en Chine et identifie les facteurs qui ont influencé la constitution d’un système d’expertise sur les questions africaines dans le pays depuis l’époque maoïste. Ce travail explore également les conditions et les motivations des chercheurs chinois experts de l’Afrique, les formes de légitimation et de diffusion de l’expertise auxquelles ils font recours, ainsi que les formes de leur engament. Elle montre comment ils en sont venus à légitimer et à diffuser leur expertise vis-à-vis du gouvernement chinois en se constituant comme une communauté épistémique. Enfin, une étude de leurs productions intellectuelles et des pratiques discursives révèle que les experts chinois de l’Afrique ont développé au cours du XXIe siècle de nouvelles stratégies d’intervention intellectuelle, dans l’objectif de soutenir la politique étrangère de la Chine en Afrique et cela en reliant les initiatives de développement Afrique-Chine à une « perspective globale » plus large et en offrant une alternative réaliste aux modèles Nord-Sud qui dominent le modèle de gouvernance libéral. En analysant la manière dont la connaissance est produite, assimilée et réélaborée par la communauté des experts chinois sur l’Afrique, cette étude explore non seulement le contenu et les caractéristiques des savoirs sur l’Afrique en Chine, mais met aussi en évidence les schémas narratifs et l’importance des récits comme sources de pouvoir dans la construction — ou la contestation — des relations entre les acteurs du système international<br>This thesis analyzes the evolution of China’s expertise of Africa and the rise of a champ of African studies “with Chinese characteristics” in the 21st century. From a historical perspective, the author investigates the origins and the development of China’s knowledge on Africa, in order to highlight how African studies in China went from being a marginal field of research in the 1950s to become a hot issue in the 2000 along with the development of China-Africa relations. From a sociological perspective, the author also investigates the evolving conditions and motivations of China’s Africa watchers. She shows how they have come to legitimize and diffuse their expertise vis-à-vis the Chinese government and to what extent their increasing professionalization has contributed to the rise of an epistemic community of China’s Africa Watchers. Finally, a study of their intellectual productions reveals that China’s Africa Watchers have been developing in the 21st century new strategies of intellectual interventions, in order to support China’s foreign policy by connecting Africa-China developmental initiatives to a broader “global perspective”, thus offering a realistic alternative to North—South patterns which dominate the liberal governance model. By investigating how knowledge is produced, assimilated and repackaged by the community of Chinese experts on Africa, this study not only explores the content and the characteristics of China’s knowledge of Africa, but it also highlights narrative patterns and the importance of storytelling as a source of power in the construction — or the contestation — of the relations between actors in the international system

Private sector knowledge producers, more commonly known as think tanks or research institutes, are used as authoritative sources in Western media either as interview guests or their research quoted by journalists.  Most studies have focused on their ability to influence government policy, but very little has focused on their role in the public sphere, particularly their visibility in media.  This study will explore how often think representatives appear as authoritative sources or experts in broadcast media during the 2015, 2017 and 2019 UK General Elections.  This will be done through a quantitative content analysis and thematic analysis investigating whether such representatives are accorded preferential access and ascribed primary authority to define narratives.  Additionally, a theoretical model has been designed to detect whether a marketplace of ideas can be detected or whether television news is a site of Habermassian rational-critical public sphere.  Inspired by the work of Anstead and Chadwick, and taking this vital work further, this study investigates whether authority signalling, and primary definition is still a relevant theory by analysing broadcast news coverage across three general elections.

Le champ politique est un espace dans lequel s’affrontent des acteurs variés, acteurs qui ne se résument pas aux partis : trop souvent laissés dans l’ombre par la science politique, les clubs et cercles de réflexion, les fondations politiques, les instituts, participent effectivement à la vie politique. L’enjeu de cette étude est de mettre en perspective les modalités d’action des structures non-partisanes, de 1958 à nos jours, en revenant sur leur genèse, leur morphologie, et leurs trajectoires dans le temps : apportant de nouvelles idées, proposant des nouveaux modes de fonctionnement partisans, elles contribuent à faire bouger les lignes du débat politique et pallient les défaillances des partis en matière programmatique et d’écoute des revendications de la société civile. Sans se confondre avec les mouvements sociaux, elles partagent cependant avec ces derniers un militantisme différent de l’engagement classique et utilisent des modes d’intervention bien spécifiques. Malgré des ressources faibles au regard de leurs homologues étrangers (les fondations allemandes, les think tanks anglo-saxons), les structures non-partisanes françaises connaissent une tendance à la professionnalisation et mobilisent de véritables réseaux d’experts pour faire entendre leur voix : à la faveur d’une crise prolongée des organisations partisanes, elles sont appelées à jouer un rôle de plus en plus important dans la construction du « politiquement imaginable », ainsi que dans l’élaboration des politiques publiques<br>The political arena is a field where in various actors confront each other, yet cannot be defined as political parties per se. Although clubs, think tanks, political foundations and institutes all genuinely participate in the political life, political scientists have, for the most part, ignored them. The purpose of this study is to put into perspective non-party structures methods of action, from 1958 to the present day, emphasizing their genesis, morphology and trajectories. As they bring new ideas to the forefront and suggest reforms for the internal functioning of political parties, they thus contribute to the evolution of political debate and even compensate for the parties failure in designing political programs and paying attention to the demands of the civil society. Though they are not to be assimilated to social movements, they do share a form of activism which can be distinguished from classical political commitments, and also use specific methods of intervention. Compared to their foreign counterparts (German foundations, Anglo-American think tanks), and despite meager resources, French non-party structures tend to develop their professionalism and mobilize authentic networks of experts so that their message is heard. Due to an ongoing crisis of political organizations, they will certainly play an increasing role in shaping the “politically conceivable” and in building public policies

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>This thesis examines the growing debate around the concept of social capital. The concept has been heralded by many as a means of uniting the social sciences, particularly economics and sociology, and of overcoming ideological divisions between left and right. However, critics argue that the concept is poorly theorised and provides little insight. More radical critics have claimed the concept may be a neo-liberal ‘Trojan horse’, a mechanism by which the atomistic thinking of neoclassical economics colonises social theory. I examine these more radical claims by exploring the origins of the concept of social capital within rational choice economics. I argue that we should differentiate between two types of potential colonisation. The first is a form of methodological colonisation, whereby overly abstract, reductionist and rationalist approaches (which I term modernist) are extended into social theory. The second is a form of ideological colonisation, whereby a normative commitment to individualism and the market is extended into social theory. I argue that the concept of social capital has been the product of a trend within rational choice economics away from the extremes of modernism. In this sense the concept represents an attempt to bring economics and social theory closer together, and a willingness on the part of rational choice theorists to take more seriously the techniques and insights of the other social sciences. However, I argue that this trend away from modernism has often been associated with a reaffirmation of rational choice theorists’ normative commitment to individualism and the market. In particular, I argue the concept of social capital has been strongly influenced by elements of the Austrian economic tradition, and forms part of a spontaneous order explanation of economic and social systems. I then apply these insights to the Australian social capital debate. I argue that initially the Australian social capital debate continued an earlier debate over economic rationalism and the merits of market-orientated economic reform. I argue that participants from both sides of the economic rationalism debate used the concept of social capital to move away from modernism, but continued to disagree over the role of individualism. Finally, I argue that confusion between moving away from modernism, and moving away from market ideology, has led some Third Way theorists to misconstrue the concept as a means to overcome ideology.

This thesis examines the growing debate around the concept of social capital. The concept has been heralded by many as a means of uniting the social sciences, particularly economics and sociology, and of overcoming ideological divisions between left and right. However, critics argue that the concept is poorly theorised and provides little insight. More radical critics have claimed the concept may be a neo-liberal ‘Trojan horse’, a mechanism by which the atomistic thinking of neoclassical economics colonises social theory. I examine these more radical claims by exploring the origins of the concept of social capital within rational choice economics. I argue that we should differentiate between two types of potential colonisation. The first is a form of methodological colonisation, whereby overly abstract, reductionist and rationalist approaches (which I term modernist) are extended into social theory. The second is a form of ideological colonisation, whereby a normative commitment to individualism and the market is extended into social theory. I argue that the concept of social capital has been the product of a trend within rational choice economics away from the extremes of modernism. In this sense the concept represents an attempt to bring economics and social theory closer together, and a willingness on the part of rational choice theorists to take more seriously the techniques and insights of the other social sciences. However, I argue that this trend away from modernism has often been associated with a reaffirmation of rational choice theorists’ normative commitment to individualism and the market. In particular, I argue the concept of social capital has been strongly influenced by elements of the Austrian economic tradition, and forms part of a spontaneous order explanation of economic and social systems. I then apply these insights to the Australian social capital debate. I argue that initially the Australian social capital debate continued an earlier debate over economic rationalism and the merits of market-orientated economic reform. I argue that participants from both sides of the economic rationalism debate used the concept of social capital to move away from modernism, but continued to disagree over the role of individualism. Finally, I argue that confusion between moving away from modernism, and moving away from market ideology, has led some Third Way theorists to misconstrue the concept as a means to overcome ideology.

The object of analysis of this dissertation is the historical analysis of the Institute for Studies in International Politics (Ispi), from its founding in Milan in 1933 until it was compulsory mothballed after September 8th 1943. In confronting Ispi, the attempt is to approach Italy’s international involvements during the interwar period from an unusual but meaningful standpoint. As a matter of fact, Ispi turns out to be a challenging as well as controversial subject of study. In fact, even if at first sight the Institute seemed to be nothing more than a propagandistic machine, to gain both domestic and external consensus to the policies of the fascist regime, a thorough analysis of Ispi highlights a more complex story to tell, which is deeply linked with the way in which the international environment was thought and structured in the aftermath of the First World War. The Institute is considered as a meeting point of two separate wider historical phenomena: the interwar European and Transatlantic debate on international relations, animated by a number of national institutions that where born in the 1920s and 1930s, Ispi among them; the intellectual history of Italy in the fascist period, in particular as regards conceptions related to politics, international relations and historiography. In this way, the dissertation tries to handle two different historiographies and methodologies: that of transnational history, necessary to map the debate on International Relations that took place in the interwar period both in its cultural and organizational features, and that of intellectual history. The two layers can’t be divided: the international background that “prepared” the birth of Ispi have to be seen together with the peculiar relationship between the Institute and the Fascist foreign policy. In other words, the main purpose of the research is to achieve a meaningful historical account more able to identify transfers and exchanges of ideas, without overlooking the national context: the attempt to define what is Ispi and why it was founded has to be accompanied with an in-depth understanding of the political environment in which it developed its activities. Ispi was founded in 1933 when fascism’s international position was reaching its peak: after all the fascist regime appeared to be a system of government able not only to stabilize a complex society after the First World War, but it also managed to shrug off the impact of the financial crisis from 1929 and the increase in unemployment of the early 1930s that market economies across the West experienced. For these reasons, Italy’s fascism was perceived as a viable solution and it seemed to promise answers to questions liberal democracies were still facing. Against this backdrop, the Institute was performing a twofold task: while it was supporting a solid and pregnant document-based scientific research on international affairs, it also pursued the precise pedagogical aim of forming a strong national conscience of foreign affairs, in accordance with the fundamental directives of Fascist foreign policy, in short «an Institute which marries science with propaganda». Pierfranco Gaslini, the first director of Ispi, strongly believed that Italy needed a body able to shape a new political culture which was the result of interests and political patterns linked to the liberal period, as well as with new aspirations and watchwords which saw the fascist regime as a reliable answer to satisfy them. The director was able to understand the qualitative changes which characterized the sphere of international relations after the first world war and, to some degree, he recognized the necessity of placing a filter between political decisions and the masses. Against this background, the creation and development of Institutes of International Affairs, nation-based think tanks with the twofold aim of providing national and international elites with qualitative works on international affairs as well as creating an “informed” public opinion, provided Gaslini with the push he needed to found a similar body in Italy. In short, on one hand the consensus created by Ispi in favor of the regime was clear; on the other hand it tried to manage a factual situation in which the realm of foreign policy was linked with a series of aspirations and forces which were more influential than in the past. Indeed, the latter represented a new and lively field of action shared by the various European nations: in this perspective the astonishing growth of the Institute of International Affairs’ movement in the 20s and 30s can be seen as an absolute necessity of various national establishments to guide or impose a top-down mechanism with the aim of controlling the flow of information to the general public, rather than the expression of a new internationalism. The majority of the members of Ispi and its collaborators shared a common political and ideological background with Mussolini’s aspirations, and it was equally clear that fascism was conceived as the driving force of Italian foreign policy. Against this background, it is clear, as I showed with the analysis of some articles drawn by the two journals of the Institute, that if on one hand it is plausible to place the start of an Italian tradition of foreign policy studies during the interwar period, on the other hand it is equally clear the intimate connection between the sphere of research and political aims. The fact that Ispi was thought as a centre of research which was dealing with international problems, in general, allowed to mix different perspectives and attitudes. This constitutes a crucial reason in order to understand why very different intellectual personalities and political figures met together in Ispi. Nevertheless, the fact that the Institute aimed at collecting all the most important specialists with an interest in international relations, it didn’t mean that Gaslini was able to impose a coherent and logical cultural project to his collaborators. As a matter of fact, there was a continuous compromise between the directives of the “centre” and the effective work of the scholars involved in this activity, as if this preliminary freedom guaranteed by the Institute had as a consequence a dispersion of forces and an inability to constitute a solid amalgam. Eventually, this work reveals how Italian specialists conceived public opinion, which was a new and important weapon to use in the field of international politics against other governments: a top-down construction which had the duty to control in every step the exchange of information and meanings from the realm of political decisions and events to an “informed” public. This doesn’t mean that Ispi, and the scholars who were working in it, was a passive instrument with a mere function of control and selection. The Institute, especially with the collaboration of the Roman School directed by Volpe, produced a series of historical works embracing various themes but basically focused on a new reflection of the Italian past functional to the political aspirations of their time. In this perspective, it can be said that there was a connection between this new wave of historical studies and the stimulus derived from the political environment. Members of Ispi as “cultural mediators” were trying to improve the sector of cultural international relations, supporting a specific idea of Italy which contributed to the formation of those cultural assumptions behind Italian foreign policy during the interwar period. In this perspective, Ispi constitutes an institutional framework from which to investigate some of the most important specialists in international relations and their attempts to develop their works and analysis in constant relationship with the Institute and the political context. Given all this astonishing variety of studies, actors and themes that one can find in the history of Ispi during the 30s and early 40s, I argue that the Institute represents a meaningful vantage point from which to comprehend on one hand the weaknesses, the limits and ingenuity of a particular class of intellectuals and experts in international relations and their degree of support for the foreign policy of the fascist regime; on the other hand the effort to help the Italian nation to overcome structural defects and deficiencies which the Italian state had not been able to remove is undeniable. In accomplishing this “mission”, indeed with different accents and motivations, all members of Ispi shared the belief that Italy had to become a great power and, in their Eurocentric view, they considered the world of international relations as a hierarchical environment in which the strongest nations had to come to terms with each other in order to create a harmonic system with different hegemonic spheres of influence. In this perspective what was the relationship between the effective policies of the fascist regime and the reflections made by the members of Ispi? First of all, it is necessary to identify a fault line that sits above the Italian military action against Ethiopia in 1935-36. The Ethiopian war represented a “before and after” for the activities of the Institute: if before the invasion of the North African state Ispi, as I reported through the examination of the journals «Rassegna di Politica Internazionale» and «Relazioni Internazionali», was trying to act as a real transnational think tank, involving a wide range of different non-state actors, once Italy had its own empire the ever-increasing activities of the Institute suffered a loss of dynamicity and maneuvering space. As a matter of fact, in the first phase of the Institute (1933-1935), Ispi tried to pursue a multidirectional cultural diplomacy hosting key personalities from the political and cultural world. It tried to create contacts especially with the British conservative establishment (through the figures of Muriel Currey, Luigi Villari, Charles Petrie) and the Hungarian revisionist front as well as weaving links with analogous foreign institutions. After the Ethiopian war, the activism which characterized Italy in the former period in almost every international fora as well as its willingness to see its “rights” recognized within the international system built in Versailles, gave way to an increasingly imperialistic conception of the international environment, as though the colonial enterprise had rekindled the aspirations and latent desires of the Italian nation. the Ethiopian war had resulted in the political and cultural isolation of Italy, making scorched earth of that prestige internationally reached till then. These factors heavily affected Ispi’s activities and the previous attempts to create transnational diplomatic channels with foreign intellectual and political figures. Consequently, there was a transformation of Ispi which followed the changes of the international situation after the Ethiopian war, from a “transnational think tank” to an institute more concerned with research and divulgation of works related to foreign/international politics, with the desire of developing a political culture on foreign affairs within the national boundaries. On the other hand Gaslini tried to keep alive the Study Office and a peculiar way of doing research which gave priority to a vast use of documents and a taste for inter-disciplinarity. Ispi was trying to produce an innovative cultural project capable of linking historiography and politics, a study of an “imagined” national past with an in-depth analysis of the international context. The aim was to provide Italy with a more solid political culture in order to help the government both meet the requirements of being a Great Power, and fulfilling what was thought to be an Italian imperial mission. The ambiguous position occupied by Ispi during the fascist regime as well as the contradiction that was revealed at the beginning of this research, which was a claim for the unity of scientific research and propaganda made by Gaslini, can be understood in the relationship that the Milanese Institute established with the liberal Italian past. Ispi didn’t want to make a decisive break with the past, in fact it presented itself as an instrument to achieve that national unity which couldn’t be reached in Italy before the First World War: a sort of sacred mission which could have been reached walking arm in arm with the fascist regime. On the other hand there was a break to the extent that parlamentarism was considered as a bad disease, and a new sense of hierarchy and order emerged which couldn’t be challenged by “individualism” and more in general by all those “vicious” principles which were considered as an attack against the State and the Nation. Against this backdrop Ispi developed a sui generis political and historiographical laboratory that saw the collaboration of a large number of scholars, who differed from each other as regards political and cultural interests, but they participated in the initiatives of the Institute specifically because its cultural projects were able to rely upon a broader basis in respect of the most pressing political aims of the fascist regime. This is why, at least until a certain point, the members of Ispi and its collaborators didn’t feel that particular contradiction between a serious and autonomous study of international/foreign politics and a dictatorial environment which, at the beginning, was not so assertive in shaping a coherent and unidirectional foreign policy. Indeed, its history was heavily affected by the fascist regime, and in a broader perspective it assumed a specific physiognomy as well as a peculiar position at the crossroad of political, cultural and propagandistic national concerns. Nevertheless, these specific features didn’t confine Ispi to an isolated environment with no contacts or exchanges with foreign institutes or personalities. Suffice it is to say that the very idea of founding a series of Institutes of International Affairs capable of studying and disseminating a more scientific knowledge regarding foreign matters was born out of the Peace Conference of Versailles by some Anglo-American representatives; that almost all the members of Ispi went abroad to complete their education; that Ispi was one of the Institutes which participated at the annual International Studies Conference, whose original name was International Conference of Institutions for Scientific Study of Politics. This is why I think that this research has made it possible both to find new materials in order to better understand the relationship between culture and politics during the fascist regime, and more specifically to investigate what were the themes, aspirations and interests of Ispi’s members and the political directives of the dictatorship, as well as to start a reflection about the development of the Institutes of International Affairs. Investigating both how they treated and exploited international information and what kind of relationship they had with their governments allows to better understand the nexus between international politics, foreign policy and public opinion and how it was changing during the interwar period.

Cette recherche rend compte des difficultés de la diffusion des idées néo-libérales dans la vie politique française de 1974 jusqu’à 2012. Son premier apport consiste à démontrer – à travers un large panel de données sur les politiques publiques, l’opinion publique et les programmes des partis – qu’en France le succès des idées néo-libérales a été moindre par rapport aux autres pays européens. Son deuxième apport consiste à expliquer cette anomalie française, en contribuant plus généralement à la question de la diffusion des idéologies dans un système politique. La réponse se base sur une double étude : une analyse micro-historique centrée sur les acteurs (à partir d’entretiens et d’un travail sur les archives des organisations internationales de promotion du néo-libéralisme), couplée à une analyse macro-sociologique centrée sur les caractéristiques du contexte national. Il est montré que si la diffusion du néo-libéralisme a été moins importante en France par rapport à d’autres pays voisins, c’est en raison de la forte résistance de l’opinion publique à son égard. Celle-ci a restreint la fenêtre d’opportunité de ses partisans de manière directe en incitant les hommes politiques à ne pas mettre en œuvre des politiques publiques trop congruentes avec cette idéologie, et de manière indirecte, en exerçant une influence sur le discours économique et social des principaux partis politiques pouvant légitimer la mise en œuvre de mesures libéralisant les politiques publiques. De plus, la structure des institutions françaises a renforcé l’effet de « dépendance au sentier » dans la fabrique des politiques publiques en valorisant l’expertise d’État contre celle d’acteurs susceptibles de remettre en cause le consensus existant comme les universitaires et les think tanks. Enfin, à partir de la réalisation d’une socio-histoire inédite du mouvement néo-libéral depuis les années 1970, d’autres facteurs plus contingents sont identifiés. La fragmentation et la radicalité des partisans du néo-libéralisme, ainsi que la quasi absence d’entrepreneur politique susceptible d’incarner ces idées, ont contribué à la marginalité de ces idées dans le débat public<br>This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate.This thesis examines, and then explains, the relative lack of success in the dissemination and acceptance of neo-liberal ideas in French politics during the period from 1974 to 2012. Using a wide range of data on public policy, public opinion and political party platforms, it demonstrates that neo-liberal thought has had far less influence in France than in other European nations. It then accounts for this anomaly and contributes more generally to the understanding of how ideologies diffuse in a political system. The answer is derived from the combination of two perspectives. The first is a stakeholder-centered, micro-historical analysis based on interviews and on the archives of international organizations promoting neo-liberalism. This is coupled with a macro-sociological analysis focused on the characteristics of the French national context. The failure of neo-liberalism to propagate in France is shown to be mainly due to the strong resistance of public opinion towards it. This has restricted opportunities for its supporters, both directly, by discouraging politicians from implementing policies congruent with this ideology, and indirectly, by shrinking the policy window of acceptable economic and social discourse and thus limiting the options of the main political parties that might otherwise legitimize the implementation of neo-liberal public policies. In addition, the structure of French institutions has reinforced the effect of "path dependence" in the making of public policy by valuing state expertise above that of actors likely to question the existing consensus, such as academics and think tanks. Finally, we identify other more incidental factors: The fragmentation and radicalism of neo-liberalism's supporters, as well as the absence of any political actor who could effectively embody these ideas, contributed to their marginality in the public debate

Mediante la elaboración de una metodología operativa apropiada, la labor de investigación que aquí se presenta tiene por objeto cuestionar el papel de los think tanks en las sociedades contemporáneas mediante un marco general que combina principalmente enfoques epistemológico crítico, sociohistórico y empírico. Sin embargo, lo que constituye un fenómeno mundial, permaneció a las puertas del debate público en la mayoría de los países hasta principios de la década de 2000. Desde entonces, los think tanks se han convertido en actores centrales y familiares de la vida política. El innegable foco de atención del que son objeto ha ido acompañado también de una creciente institucionalización de su participación en los procesos de política pública y en el debate público, tanto a nivel nacional como europeo. Sin embargo, la sobreexposición mediática resultante ha contribuido en gran medida a desdibujar la comprensión que se puede tener de su naturaleza, funcionamiento y objetivos. Esto no está exento de problemas para la calidad del debate democrático, especialmente en el actual período de crisis de legitimidad política tanto a nivel nacional como europeo. Así, el análisis comparativo del papel de los think tanks franceses y españoles especializados en Asuntos europeos en el marco de la política de integración parece particularmente fructífero desde una perspectiva heurística. Una reflexión epistemológica sobre los problemas ligados a la definición del término que, en su forma idiomática o traducida, ha entrado en el lenguaje corriente sin que sus usos se cuestionen, cuestiona en consecuencia la posibilidad de llevar a cabo una investigación pertinente sobre estas organizaciones. Por otra parte, el análisis de las condiciones socio-históricas de su aparición y desarrollo a través del prisma del modelo estadounidense pone de relieve un tropismo neoliberal fuertemente ligado al progreso de la globalización y a la propia integración europea. En este sentido, el análisis del papel de los think tanks seleccionados para esta investigación en la política de integración europea, anclado en el periodo altamente estructurante para la construcción europea 2005-2016, facilita el acceso a sus principales repertorios de actuación, a saber: la producción de conocimientos especializados y la mediación desde su posición en el intersticio entre las esferas nacional y europea, y los campos políticos, económicos, mediáticos y académicos con los que interactúan. Lejos de ser neutrales, se deduce que estos colectivos intelectuales pro-mueven productos cognitivos que alineados con sus propios intereses y valores.<br>Mitjançant l'elaboració d'una metodologia operativa apropiada, la tasca d'investigació que aquí es presenta té per objecte qüestionar el paper dels think tanks a les societats contemporànies mitjançant un marc general que combina principalment enfocaments epistemològic crític, sociohistòric i empíric. No obstant això, el que constitueix un fenomen mundial, va romandre a les portes de l'debat públic en la majoria dels països fins a principis de la dècada de 2000. Des de llavors, els think tanks s'han convertit en actors centrals i familiars de la vida política. El innegable focus d'atenció de què són objecte ha anat acompanyat també d'una creixent institucionalització de la seva participació en els processos de política pública i en el debat públic, tant a nivell nacional com europeu. No obstant això, la sobreexposició mediàtica resultant ha contribuït en gran mesura a desdibuixar la comprensió que es pot tenir de la seva naturalesa, funcionament i objectius. Això no està exempt de problemes per a la qualitat de l'debat democràtic, especialment en l'actual període de crisi de legitimitat política tant a nivell nacional com europeu. Així, l'anàlisi comparativa de el paper dels think tanks francesos i espanyols especialitzats en Assumptes europeus en el marc de la política d'integració sembla particularment fructífer des d'una perspectiva heurística. Una reflexió epistemològica sobre els problemes lligats a la definició de el terme que, en la seva forma idiomàtica o traduïda, ha entrat en el llenguatge corrent sense que els seus usos es qüestionin, qüestiona en conseqüència la possibilitat de dur a terme una investigació pertinent sobre aquestes organitzacions. D'altra banda, l'anàlisi de les condicions sociohistòriques de la seva aparició i desenvolupament a través de l'prisma de el model americà posa en relleu un tropisme neoliberal fortament lligat a el progrés de la globalització i de la pròpia integració europea. En aquest sentit, l'anàlisi de el paper dels think tanks seleccionats per a aquesta investigació en la política d'integració europea, ancorat en el període altament estructurant per a la construcció europea 2005-2016, facilita l'accés als seus principals repertoris d'actuació, que són: la producció de coneixements especialitzats i la mediació des de la seva posició en el interstici entre les esferes nacional i europea, i els camps polítics, econòmics, mediàtics i acadèmics amb què interactuen. Lluny de ser neutrals, es dedueix que aquests col·lectius intel·lectuals pro-mouen productes cognitius que alineats amb els seus propis interessos i valors.<br>By developing an appropriate operational methodology, the research presented here aims to question the role of think tanks in contemporary societies through a general framework that mainly combines epistemological, socio-historical and critical empirical approaches. However, what constitutes a global phenomenon remained at the gates of public debate in most countries until the early 2000s. Since then, think tanks have become central and familiar actors in political life. The undeniable attention given to them has also been accompanied by a growing institutionalization of their participation in public policy processes and public debate, both at the national and European levels. However, the resulting media overexposure has largely contributed to a blurring of the understanding of their nature, functioning and objectives. This is not without problems for the quality of democratic debate, especially in the current period of crisis of political legitimacy at national and European level. Thus, the comparative analysis of the role of French and Spanish think tanks specialized in European affairs in the framework of integration policy seems particularly fruitful from a heuristic perspective. An epistemological reflection on the problems related to the definition of the term which, in its idiomatic or translated form, has entered everyday language without its uses being questioned, consequently questions the possibility of conducting relevant research on these organizations. On the other hand, the analysis of the socio-historical conditions of their emergence and development through the prism of the American model highlights a neoliberal tropism strongly linked to the progress of globalization and European integration itself. In this sense, the analysis of the role of the think tanks selected for this research in European integration policy, anchored in the highly structuring period of European construction 2005-2016, facilitates access to their main repertoires of action, namely: the production of specialized knowledge and mediation from their position in the interstice between the national and European spheres, and the political, economic, media and academic fields with which they interact. Far from being neutral, it follows that these intellectual collectives promote cognitive products that are in line with their own interests and values.

La connaissance universitaire est riche de très nombreux travaux sur les « partis politiques ». Or ces travaux, sont moins intéressés aux normes juridiques intéressant ce type de groupements qu'à leur constitution sociologique et idéologique. Analysés en tant qu'objets juridiques les « groupements politiques » se prêtent à une définition comme étant des groupements affinitaires ayant pour but d'influencer ou de déterminer médiatement les décisions publiques au moyen des libertés d'expression en pourvoyant aux fonctions publiques électives et aux mandats électoraux. L'étude du droit français des groupements politiques témoigne de la tension durable entre l'institutionnalisation de ces groupements politiques et la culture politique universaliste. Bien que reconnaissant aux groupements politiques certaines spécificités autres que les règles de financement, le droit français est loin de consacrer une véritable originalité statutaire des groupements politiques. Ces groupements sont juridiquement « phagocytés » par la force d'attraction de la loi du 1er juillet 1901 sur le contrat d'association et par l'atomisation concurrente du droit des groupements<br>University knowledge boasts a wealth of works on 'political parties'. Yet – with the exception of those addressing the financing of political activity - these works are less interested in the legal standards that are of interest to this type of group than they are in their sociological and ideological constitution. Analysed as legal objects, 'political groups' lend themselves to being defined as affinity groups whose goal is to indirectly determine public decisions through the use of freedoms of expression or by making provision for electoral mandates. The study of French law governing political groups bears witness to the lasting tension between the institutionalisation of these political groups and the 'political culture of the generality'. And, although certain particularist elements (other than the rules governing the financing of these groups) are allowed them, French law is still a long way from devoting a veritable statutory originality to political groups, which are thus, legally-speaking 'swallowed up' by the attractive force of the 1st July 1901 law relating to the contract of association, and by the concomitant atomisation of the law governing groups