Journal articles: 'Theory of nationalism'

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Fox, Jon E. "Just how rooted is Grounded Nationalisms?" Irish Journal of Sociology 27, no. 3 (July 23, 2019): 298–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603519862746.

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Grounded Nationalisms provides its readers with a clear, cogent, and comprehensive theory for understanding nationalism in its many evolving forms. Maleševič presents us with a flexible yet durable nationalism; a nationalism that can and does assume multiple forms precisely because it is grounded in its more stable organisations, ideologies, and interactions. His is a theory for the mechanics of nationalism, its machinery – the processes and practices, ideas and structures that drive nationalism and churn out nations in different bespoke forms. It is a toolkit that gives us an elastic, shape-shifting nationalism. The same forms – organisations, ideologies, and interactions – can be and are used to produce different national content. The durability of these mechanical forms gives rise to, and indeed explains, the elasticity of its nationalism's shifting empirical content. There are no new nationalisms, Maleševič pointedly reminds us, only old ones reinvented and creatively adapted to new circumstances. But: this thing we made, can it be unmade? What are the limits of nationalism's elasticity? How far can it be stretched, conceptually, structurally, ideationally, and temporally before it ceases to be something we can convincingly call ‘nationalism’? Perhaps the only weakness of Maleševič's approach is that it has no weakness – no weakness built into the model for predicting nationalism's demise, no escape hatch for jettisoning nationalism, no flaw in the system for unravelling nationalism. In developing such a compelling theory for nationalism s strength, Maleševič has inadvertently revealed his theory's weakness: Grounded Nationalisms have no exit strategy.

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VALLS, ANDREW. "A Liberal Defense of Black Nationalism." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000249.

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This article brings together work on liberal political theory and black nationalism in an attempt to both strengthen the case for black nationalism and enrich and extend liberal theory. I begin by arguing that for much of U.S. history, the classical black nationalist case for an independent state finds substantial support in recent liberal theories of secession. In the post–civil rights era, black nationalists in the Black Power movement argued for more limited forms of black autonomy, a position known as “community nationalism.” Community black nationalism makes claims similar to minority nationalist claims for limited self-determination, yet liberal multiculturalists like Will Kymlicka defend the latter while withholding support for black nationalism. I argue that black nationalism raises fundamental issues of justice and that liberal multicultural theory can be extended to support black nationalist claims.

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Miller, David. "Crooked Timber or Bent Twig? Isaiah Berlin's Nationalism." Political Studies 53, no. 1 (March 2005): 100–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00519.x.

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Isaiah Berlin is often regarded as one of the sources of contemporary liberal nationalism. Yet his own attitude to nationalism, and its relation to his liberalism, remains unexplored. He gave conflicting definitions of nationalism in different places, and although he frequently contrasts more benign with more malign forms of nationalism, the terms in which he draws the contrast also vary. In Berlin's most explicit account, nationalist doctrine is presented as political, unitary, morally unrestricted and particularist, but these four dimensions are separate, and on each of them alternative nationalist positions are available. Berlin's account of the sources of nationalism is also ambiguous: his analysis of the Jewish condition in European societies and his support for Zionism contrasts with his diagnosis of the origins of German nationalism. Comparing Berlin with later liberal nationalists, we see that his liberalism prevented him from presenting a normative political theory in which liberal and nationalist commitments were successfully combined. Such a theory can indeed be developed, but the challenge that emerges from Berlin's writing is to explain how real-world nationalism can be kept within liberal limits.

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Bacon, Edwin. "Reflexive and Reasoned Religious Nationalism: The Exploratory Case of Russia." Politics and Religion 11, no. 2 (March 26, 2018): 396–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000019.

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AbstractNationalism theory has long acknowledged that in its relation to nationalism, “religion” can refer both to a reflexive identity attached to a people group, and to a reasoned value-based position articulated by an élite. Even this bifurcation remains insufficiently precise. Religio-nationalisms reasoned ex patria—that is, beginning with the nationalist and proceeding from there to incorporate religion—tend toward values of exclusivity and animosity toward “the other”. They have been charged with hijacking religion as an identity while being at odds with those who actively practice that religion or lead its practicing community. The exploratory case of the relationship between Russian Orthodoxy and Russian nationalism allows a comparison of ex patria religio-nationalism with its ex religio counterpart. It supports the hypothesis that when reasoned religio-nationalism begins with the religious and proceeds to the nationalist, emphases such as inclusivity and benevolence—rather than exclusivity and animosity—are to the fore.

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Wells, K. M. "The Rationale of Korean Economic Nationalism Under Japanese Colonial Rule, 1922–1932: The Case of Cho Man-sik's Products Promotion Society." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 4 (October 1985): 823–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015481.

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Economic nationalism may seem rather too grand a term for the contents of this paper. And indeed, I have not attempted any analysis of the economics of economic nationalism. My concern is with the nationalist element in the equation, in particular the basic perceptions of nationalists inside Korea who responded to the plight of their colonially oppressed nation. The question, ‘Is economic nationalism viable under colonial occupation?’ may be answered negatively in Korea's case. But one may equally assert that all nationalist movements and all economic action, of left or right, were not viable in Korea at this time. Even if a certain theory of the determinative role of economic superstructures is employed, I suspect this question of viability may generate only fruitless dispute over whether we strictly mean non-viability or simply failure. Hence I willingly leave the theoretical aspects of the case to those equipped to deal with them.

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Kukathas, Chandran. "The Ethics of Nationalism By Margaret Moore. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 272p. $45.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 618–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402310360.

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This fine study purports to offer “a normative theory of nationalism.” Such a theory is needed, the author claims, because most of the literature on the ethics of secession proceeds on the mistaken assumption that the normative problem of state breakup is best addressed by applying established liberal arguments or values to the issue at hand. In fact, however, it makes little sense to derive a theory of secession in this way, rather than by considering directly the kinds of normative claims secessionists make. These are nationalist claims. We need, moreover, to recognize that well-known accounts of nationalism, such as those offered by Ernest Gellner, for whom nationalism is a political principle that holds that the political and national unit should be congruent, are inadequate—either because they include too much, or because, as in the case of Gellner (Nations and Nationalism, 1983), they associate it with a particular set of demands or principles. Nationalism, according to Margaret Moore, should be understood as “a normative argument that confers moral value on national membership, and on the past and future existence of the nation, and identifies the nation with a particular homeland or part of the globe” (p. 5). Once we have understood this, we will be in a better position to understand the key policies and demands of nationalists, including their occasional (and only occasional) demands for national self-determination, and to understand the normative limits of nationalism. And we will then be in a better position to understand the nature, and defensibility, of national self-determination, and of secession in particular.

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Harty, Siobhan. "The Nation as a Communal Good: A Nationalist Response to the Liberal Conception of Community." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 4 (December 1999): 665–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900016942.

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AbstractRecent work in the field of liberal political philosophy has focused on the value of cultural communities for the individual. The claim that liberal theory can give explicit recognition to the fact that individuals are rooted in a social context has produced an important debate about the preservation of minority cultures and a liberal defence of nationalism. This literature should be of interest to scholars of nationalism because liberal theorists have used concepts related to the nation, such as self-determination, in ways that go against conventional usage, and liberal theorists have made claims about the relationship of the right and the good with which some students of nationalism would disagree. This article presents a nationalist response to the liberal conception of community by developing one possible nationalist argument for the priority of the good over the right by claiming that the nation is a communal good. The author illustrates this argument with examples of the political projects of nationalists-in-government in the developed West. Liberals need not be concerned with this reality since democratic institutions will set some limits on nationalist projects by ensuring that they are the outcome of democratic processes. On this view, the importance of self-determination is that it provides the context for the creation of institutions for a debate about the relationship of the right and the good. Self-determination does not, as some liberal nationalists argue, constitute an automatic right to cultural preservation.

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Treanor, P. "Structures of Nationalism." Sociological Research Online 2, no. 1 (March 1997): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.70.

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The article reviews briefly the theory of nationalism, and introduces (yet another) definition of nations and nationalism. Starting from this definition of nationalism as a world order with specific characteristics, oppositions such as core and periphery, globalism/nationalism, and realism/idealism are formally rejected. Nationalism is considered as a purely global structure. Within this, it is suggested, the number of states tends to fall to an equilibrium number which is itself falling, this number of states being the current best approximation to a single world state. Within nationalism variants are associated with different equilibrium numbers: these variants compete. Together, as the nationalist structure, they formally exclude other world orders. Such a structure appears to have the function of blocking change, and it is tentatively suggested that it derives directly from an innate human conservatism. The article attempts to show how characteristics of classic nationalism, and more recent identity politics, are part of nationalist structures. They involve either the exclusion of other forms of state, or of other orders of states, or the intensification of identity as it exists.

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Maxwell, Alexander. "Primordialism for Scholars Who Ought to Know Better: Anthony D. Smith’s Critique of Modernization Theory." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 5 (March 25, 2020): 826–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.93.

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AbstractA theory of nationalism should explain the evidence provided by the historical record, but also provide unexpected insight. The modernist theory of nationalism, espoused among others by Benedict Anderson and Eric Hobsbawm, provides a surprising chronology of nationalism’s modernity. The modernization theory of nationalism has attracted extensive criticism from Anthony Smith, who proposed instead a theory he called “ethnosymbolism.” This article considers Smith’s critique of Anderson and then his critique of Hobsbawm, finding that Smith’s objections to modernist theorists rest on mischaracterizations, fallacies, and contradictions. Smith’s approach caters to the primordialism rampant in public opinion, providing scholarly respectability to popular misconceptions. Scholars of nationalism should look instead to Rogers Brubaker for guidance.

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Patil, Tejaswini. "The Politics of Race, Nationhood and Hindu Nationalism." Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no. 1-2 (2017): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04501002.

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The discussion on Hindu-Muslim conflict in India has revolved around religious or ethno-nationalist explanations. Employing the Gujarat riots of 2002 as a case study, I argue that dominant (Hindu) nationalism is linked to the ideas of “race” and has its roots in Brahminical notions of Aryanism and colonial racism. The categories of “foreign, hypermasculine, terrorist Other” widely prevalent in the characterisation of the Muslim Other, are not necessarily produced due to religious differences. Instead, social and cultural cleavages propagated by Hindu nationalists have their origins in race theory that accommodates purity, lineage, classification and hierarchy as part of the democratic discourses that pervade the modern nation-state. It focuses on how the state and non-state actors create discursive silences and normalise violence against minority communities by embodying emotions of fear, hate and anger among its participants to protect Hindu nationalism.

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Karataşlı, Şahan Savaş. "Capitalism and nationalism in the longue durée: Hegemony, crisis, and state-seeking nationalist mobilization, 1492–2013." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 61, no. 4 (August 2020): 233–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715220946473.

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This article analyzes the historical dynamics of state-seeking nationalism from 1492 to 2013. By synthesizing Gramsci’s insights of hegemony with world-systems perspective and historical institutionalism, I introduce a new theoretical frame that gives crisis, uneven development, and the relationship between structure and agency, a central place in conceptualizing nationalist mobilization. I also introduce a new major database, that is, The State-Seeking Nationalist Movements (SSNM) database, which includes two unique datasets for historical analysis of nationalism. The first dataset includes articles reporting on state-seeking nationalist activities throughout the world from 1804 to 2013 using international news reports. The second dataset is compiled from secondary sources and it includes revolutionary situations and conflicts involving state-seeking movements from 1492 to 1829. Combining the two original datasets, the SSNM database is a rich new empirical resource for the sociological study of state-seeking nationalism from a long term and global perspective. Historical patterns and multivariate negative binomial regression analysis suggest that SSNM are more likely to take place during periods of financialization, economic crisis, interstate wars, colonial occupation, and intense social unrest. In addition to these structural factors, the findings also bring attention to the role of agency. Nationalist organizations increase the likelihood of state-seeking nationalism but they cannot produce nationalist mobilization as they please. They do it under structural conditions beyond their control that constrain or ease their mobilization. Although I find strong evidence for historical institutionalism, the theory and findings presented in this article suggest that the accumulation of non-hegemonic state power does not help rulers contain state-seeking nationalism. I find no evidence for primordialism, economic/political modernization theories, or globalization-breeds-nationalism arguments. I conclude by discussing how the new theory and new data introduced in this article advances our understanding of the dynamics of nationalism and global governance patterns in world history.

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12

Levine, Andrew. "Just Nationalism: The Future of an Illusion." Canadian Journal of Philosophy Supplementary Volume 22 (1996): 345–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.1997.10716821.

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Until quite recently, political philosophers routinely ignored nationalism. Nowadays, the topic is very much on the philosophical agenda. In the past, when philosophers did discuss nationalism, it was usually to denigrate it. Today, nationalism elicits generally favorable treatment. I confess to a deep ambivalence about this turn of events. On the one hand, much of what has emerged in recent work on nationalism appears to be on the mark. On the other hand, the anti- or extra-nationalist outlook that used to pervade political philosophy seems as sound today as it ever was, and perhaps even more urgent in the face of truly horrendous eruptions of nationalist hostilities in many parts of the world. What follows is an effort to grapple with this ambivalence. My aim will be to identify what is defensible in the nationalist idea and then to reflect on the flaws inherent in even the most defensible aspects of nationalist theory and practice.

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Slezkine, Yuri. "The USSR as a Communal Apartment, or How a Socialist State Promoted Ethnic Particularism." Slavic Review 53, no. 2 (1994): 414–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2501300.

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Soviet nationality policy was devised and carried out by nationalists. Lenin's acceptance of the reality of nations and "national rights" was one of the most uncompromising positions he ever took, his theory of good ("oppressed-nation") nationalism formed the conceptual foundation of the Soviet Union and his NEP-time policy of compensatory "nation-building" (natsional'noe stroitel'stvo) was a spectacularly successful attempt at a state-sponsored conflation of language, "culture," territory and quota-fed bureaucracy.

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Yazici, Emir. "Nationalism and Human Rights." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 147–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918781187.

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Do nationalist political parties violate human rights more than others or are they the protectors of their people’s rights when they are in power? I argue that nationalist political actors have the duty of protecting national unity at any cost and prioritizing national interests over any other concerns. These goals jeopardize certain types of human rights. In contrast to the view that civic nationalism can be more benign compared with ethnic nationalism, I argue that they both have similar effects on human rights. However, democratic institutions can tame nationalism and limit its effects on human rights. I test my theory by using a large- N sample including forty-nine countries between 1981 and 2011, and supplement my findings with a short case study. The findings show that nationalism has negative effects on certain types of human rights only in partial democracies. This article contributes to the literature by presenting a causal mechanism relating the core elements of nationalism to human rights practices and providing the first large- N empirical test of this relationship. The findings of this article can help scholars, politicians, and citizens better understand a potentially dangerous consequence of the rise of nationalism around the world.

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Hall, John A., and Anthony Smith D. Smith. "Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 29, no. 1 (2004): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3341954.

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Thompson, Andrew. "Nationalism: History and Theory." Nations and Nationalism 11, no. 4 (October 2005): 640–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8129.2005.00223_3.x.

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BLAUT, J. M. "A THEORY OF NATIONALISM*." Antipode 18, no. 1 (April 1986): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8330.1986.tb00350.x.

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Talbot, Michael. "“Jews, Be Ottomans!” Zionism, Ottomanism, and Ottomanisation in the Hebrew-Language Press, 1890–1914." Die Welt des Islams 56, no. 3-4 (November 28, 2016): 359–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p05.

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In recent years the study of national and civic identities in the later Ottoman period has revealed huge degrees of complexity among previously homogenised groups, none more so that the Jewish population of the Sublime State. Those Jews who moved to the Ottoman Empire from the 1880s as part of a burgeoning expression of Jewish nationalism developed a complex relationship with an Ottomanist identity that requires further consideration. Through an examination of the Hebrew-language press in Palestine, run largely by immigrant Zionist Jews, complemented by the archival records of the Ottoman state and parliament, this paper aims to show the complexities of the engagement between Ottoman and Jewish national identities. The development of Jewish nationalism by largely foreign Jews came with an increase in suspicion from the Ottoman elites, sometimes manifesting itself in outright anti-Semitism, and strong expressions of nationalism in the Hebrew press were denounced both by Ottoman and non- and anti-nationalist Jewish populations. The controversy over immigrant Jewish land purchases in Palestine from the 1890s led to a number of discussions over how far foreign Jews could and should embrace an Ottoman cultural and political identity, with cultural, labour, and political Zionists taking different positions. The issue of Ottomanisation should also be taken in the context of the post-1908 political landscape in the Ottoman Empire, with separatist nationalisms increasingly under the spotlight, and the debates among the different forms of Jewish nationalism increasingly focusing on the limits of performative and civic Ottoman nationalism.

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Ryan, Kevin. "Queering the ground: A performative reading of Siniša Malešević’s Grounded Nationalisms." Irish Journal of Sociology 27, no. 3 (July 16, 2019): 309–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603519863298.

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This comment uses Judith Butler’s theory of performativity to engage critically with Siniša Malešević's claim that nationalism is so deeply grounded in everyday social life that it has become ‘omnipotent’. The gist of the intervention is to drill deeper into the contingency of nationalism by looking at how authoritarian, racialized, mono-cultural, patriarchal and heteronormative nationalisms are vulnerable to subversive acts of improvisation that blur the boundary between aesthetics and politics.

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Graíño Ferrer, Guillermo, and Adriaan Ph V. Kühn. "Democracy, free association and boundary delimitation: The cases of Catalonia and Tabarnia." Journal of International Political Theory 16, no. 3 (May 9, 2019): 323–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088219848460.

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This article aims to illustrate the confusion within today’s secessionist movements regarding the liberal and the nationalist arguments for legitimising secession. To do so, the liberal theory of secession – understood as an approach primarily based on consent – is examined, its limitations highlighted and its contradictions with nationalism stated. We then use the case of the fictional Tabarnia region to show how problematic the use of liberal arguments by secessionist nationalism is. Although until now only a virtual region, Tabarnia exemplifies how nationalist arguments reappear in the defence of Catalan independence when its supporters claim to only propose arguments of free association.

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Foster, Russell. "'Cry God for Harry, England, and Saint George': Europe and the Limits of Integrating Identity." Global Discourse 9, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378918x15453934505969.

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Since the early 1990s a dominant modernist narrative has assumed that European integration and the progressive march of secularism, multiculturalism and increased material prosperity would lead to the fading-away of tribal, national, racial and other parochial identities; identities ostensibly incompatible with a meta-national 'European' identity founded not in ethnosymbolic myth, but in cosmopolitanism. This has informed not only academic theory but has also guided 60 years of EU policy making, with Ernst Haas' doctrine of neofunctionalist spill-over dominating European assumptions that a pan-European identity would replace national affiliations. Brexit contradicts this in four ways. First, Brexit demonstrates the renewed appeal of ethnic nationalism on multiple levels: nationalist (British), sub-nationalist (English), and meta-nationalist (white nationalism). Second, Brexit demonstrates shifts in traditional nationalism in the form of gulfs in a neo-medieval society. Third, Brexit demonstrates the existence of multiple and incompatible 'European' identities. Finally, Brexit demonstrates how a specifically EUropean identity can be just as hostile and exclusionary as ethnic nationalism. This reappearance of social discord, ethnosymbolic identities, and the praxis of ethnic identity exemplified by the British, but seen across the EU, necessitates a fundamental reconsideration of the apparently irreversible trends of an unfalsifiable theory of modernist, neofunctionalist progressivism in the form of European integration. Using the British as a case study, this paper argues that the very processes of European integration have, by accelerating antagonistic national and EU identities, inadvertently constructed the apparatus for EUrope's potential disintegration.

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ABIZADEH, ARASH. "On the Demos and Its Kin: Nationalism, Democracy, and the Boundary Problem." American Political Science Review 106, no. 4 (September 19, 2012): 867–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055412000421.

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Cultural–nationalist and democratic theory both seek to legitimize political power via collective self-rule: Their principle of legitimacy refers right back to the very persons over whom political power is exercised. But such self-referential theories are incapable of jointly solving the distinct problems of legitimacy and boundaries, which they necessarily combine, once it is assumed that the self-ruling collectivity must be a prepolitical, in principle bounded, ground of legitimacy. Cultural nationalism claims that political power is legitimate insofar as it expresses the nation's prepolitical culture, but it cannot fix cultural–national boundaries prepolitically. Hence the collapse into ethnic nationalism. Traditional democratic theory claims that political power is ultimately legitimized prepolitically, but cannot itself legitimize the boundaries of the people. Hence the collapse into cultural nationalism. Only once we recognize that the demos is in principle unbounded, and abandon the quest for a prepolitical ground of legitimacy, can democratic theory fully avoid this collapse of demos into nation into ethnos. But such a theory departs radically from traditional theory.

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Goalwin, Gregory J. "“Religion and Nation Are One”: Social Identity Complexity and the Roots of Religious Intolerance in Turkish Nationalism." Social Science History 42, no. 2 (2018): 161–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.6.

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Turkish nationalism has long been an enigma for scholars interested in the formation of national identity. The nationalist movement that succeeded in crafting the Republic of Turkey relied upon rhetoric that defined the nation in explicitly secular, civic, and territorial terms. Though the earliest scholarship on Turkish nationalism supported this perspective, more recent research has pointed to Turkey's efforts to homogenize the new state as evidence of the importance of ethnicity, and particularly religion, in constructing Turkish national identity. Yet this marked mismatch between political rhetoric and politics on the ground is perplexing. If Turkey was meant to be a secular and civic state, why did Turkish nationalist policies place such a heavy emphasis on ethnic and religious purity? Moreover, why did religious identity become such a salient characteristic for determining membership in the national community and for defining national identity? This article draws upon historical research and social identity complexity theory to analyze this seeming dichotomy between religious and civic definitions of the Turkish nation. I argue that the subjective overlap between religious and civic ingroups during the late Ottoman Empire and efforts by nationalists to rally the populace through religious appeals explains the persistence of religious definitions of the nation despite the Turkish nationalist movement's civic rhetoric, and accounts for much of the Turkish state's religiously oriented policies and exclusionary practices toward religious minorities in its early decades.

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Cloete, E. "Writing of(f) the women of the National Women’s Monument." Literator 20, no. 3 (April 26, 1999): 35–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v20i3.488.

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The rise of nationalisms throughout the twentieth century presents a constellation of discourses in which the notion of “woman” has undergone phases of mobilisation and dismissal depending on the stage of national consciousness reached. The brochures of the National Women’s Monument, written to augment the reasons for the monument’s erection, reveal the problematics of Afrikaner nationalism and gender. In this paper, tentative parallels are drawn between Afrikaner nationalism and the new emergent African nationalism in South Africa in which the issues of women and nationalism are considered to be products of the same discourse despite increasing rights accruing to women generally.

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Hall, John A. "Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History (review)." Canadian Journal of Sociology 29, no. 1 (2004): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjs.2004.0009.

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Aronovitch, Hilliard. "Nationalism in Theory and Reality." Philosophy of the Social Sciences 30, no. 3 (September 2000): 457–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004839310003000308.

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Griffiths, Martin, and Michael Sullivan. "Nationalism and International Relations Theory*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 43, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1997.tb01378.x.

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Friedman, Jeffrey. "Nationalism in theory and reality." Critical Review 10, no. 2 (March 1996): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913819608443415.

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Flynn, M. K. "Nationalism: Theory and its Discontents." Global Review of Ethnopolitics 1, no. 3 (March 2002): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14718800208405107.

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Ramsay, Kalbfleisch. "Relating Nationalism and Political Theory." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 2, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 8–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v2i1.16.

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This paper discusses the limitations of the liberal model of multiculturalism as a conceptual framework suitable for thinking about justice in complex ethnoreligious national contestations by introducing a wide spectrum of its critics. Liberal formulations of multiculturalism, it is argued, do not challenge the underpinning power infrastructure of the polity nor the normative definition of belonging as articulated by the so-called 'majority culture'. Conversely, the polycentric tactic articulated by Nancy Fraser indeed offers the possibility for a counter hegemonic reimagining of the power arrangements. But it does not address how religion may partake in such introspective rethinking. This process does not imply merely a power reconfiguration. It also entails a reassessment and rethinking of the legitimizing ethos of the nation.

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Geer, Benjamin. "PROPHETS AND PRIESTS OF THE NATION: NAGUIB MAHFOUZ'S KARNAK CAFÉ AND THE 1967 CRISIS IN EGYPT." International Journal of Middle East Studies 41, no. 4 (October 26, 2009): 669a. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743809990432.

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Similarities between religion and nationalism are well known but not well understood. They can be explained by drawing on Pierre Bourdieu's sociological theory in order to consider symbolic interests and the strategies employed to advance them. In both religion and nationalism, the “strategy of the prophets” relies on charisma while the “strategy of the priests” relies on cultural capital. In 20th-century Egypt, nationalism permitted intellectuals whose cultural capital was mainly secular, such as Naguib Mahfouz, to become “priests of the nation” in order to compete with the ʿulamaʾ for prestige and influence. However, it severely limited their autonomy, particularly after Nasser took power and became a successful nationalist prophet. Mahfouz's novel Al-Karnak, which explores the fate of the Nasser regime's political prisoners and the effects of Egypt's 1967 military defeat, reflects this limitation. Under a nationalist regime, the film adaptation of the novel contributed to Mahfouz's heteronomy.

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Johnson, Nancy. "Nationalism." Antioch Review 46, no. 4 (1988): 485. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4611955.

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Baruah, Sanjib. "‘Ethnic’ Conflict as Stat–Society Struggle: The Poetics and Politics of Assamese Micro-Nationalism." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 3 (July 1994): 649–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00011896.

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This paper is an attempt to understand one case of ‘ethnic’ conflict in India—Assam. By looking closely at this one case I hope we will understand better the phenomenon of India's persistent dilemma of micro-nationalist politics that from time to time seems to be fundamentally at odds with India's macro-nationalist project. To be sure, despite the seriousness of some of these conflicts—say Punjab and Kashmir at present, or Assam until recently—the incidence of micro-nationalist dissent should be kept in perspective. The Indian state can claim quite a bit of success in its project of ‘nation building’-it has been able to incorporate micro-nationalist dissent of a number of peoples by using persuasive and coercive means at its disposal. Moreover, cven conflicts that appear stubborn at one time turn out to be surprisingly amenable to negotiated settlement. Irrespective of the Indian state's ability to manage micro-nationalist dissent, the assumption that nationalisms have a telos that inevitably leads to a demand for separation relies on a rather sloppy and lazy naturalist theory of the nature and origins of nations and nation states. What the Indian experience forces us to confront is the fate of nationalism and the nation state as they spread worldwide as a modal form. In the Indian subcontinent these new forms that privilege 'formal boundedness over substantive interelationships," come face to face with a civilisation that represents a particularly complex way of ordering diversity.2 In a subcontinent where the historical legacy of state formation is marked by an intermittent tension between the imperial state and regional kingdoms, nationalisms and the nation state may have proved to be rather unfortunate modern transplants.3

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Aleksandar Stević. "Stephen Dedalus and Nationalism without Nationalism." Journal of Modern Literature 41, no. 1 (2017): 40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jmodelite.41.1.04.

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Gershoni, Israel, and James Jankowski. "Print Culture, Social Change, and the Process of Redefining Imagined Communities in Egypt; Response to the Review by Charles D. Smith of Redefining the Egyptian Nation (IJMES 29, 4 [1997]: 606–22)." International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, no. 1 (February 1999): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800052983.

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Charles D. Smith's review essay on our book Redefining the Egyptian Nation in the October 1997 issue of IJMES undertakes a critical analysis of the work. Simultaneously, it raises broader questions about the relevance of some of the insights of theoreticians of nationalism, particularly Benedict Anderson, to the case of Egyptian nationalism. The essay's attempt to evaluate the utility of recent theoretical writing on nationalism for the study of the Middle East is a worthwhile endeavor. However, we believe that the essay's analysis of the book itself is based on a familiarity with only a small selection of the sources relevant to understanding Egyptian nationalism, and that it provides a misleading interpretation of the contents of the work. We also feel that its observations about nationalist theory sometimes misconstrue our use of the same, and in general underestimate the importance of recent theoretical work on nationalism for the study of Egypt and the Middle East.

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Choudhury, Bayezid Ismail. "The Duality of Jatio Sangsad Bhaban and the Notion of Nationalism." Journal of Social and Development Sciences 4, no. 9 (September 20, 2013): 412–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jsds.v4i9.780.

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Jatio Sangsad Bhaban or Nation Assembly Building or Capitol Complex of Bangladesh, is an iconic building designed by American architect Louis. I. Kahn. It is regarded as the national emblem and the national identity of Bangladesh. It has assumed a symbolic role in the nationalist movement of the Bangladeshi people which lead to the emergence of independent Bangladesh. Drawing on Peter Alterâ€™s theory of nationalism, this paper will argue that his construct of the dual positive and negative character of nationalism aptly fits the role the Jatio Sangsad Bhaban has played from its outset, representing as his four aspects of nationalism: oppression, and at the same time emancipation, the repository of danger, and opportunity.

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Tamir, Yael (Yuli). "Not So Civic: Is There a Difference Between Ethnic and Civic Nationalism?" Annual Review of Political Science 22, no. 1 (May 11, 2019): 419–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-022018-024059.

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There are reasons why some political ideas fit better into a theoretical framework than others. This article analyzes attempts to detheorize nationalism, arguing that they serve three major functions. First, they free nationalists from universalizing their arguments and from the ensuing rights and obligations. Second, they allow its rivals to present nationalism as morally inferior to other political standpoints. Third, they lead to the singling out and legitimization of one specific form of nationalism that is principle driven. Drawing a line between forms of nationalism—those motivated by primordial feelings and those motivated by rational and universal principles—lays the groundwork for a distinction between ethnic and civic nationalism. Though in theory these are two distinct forms of nationalism, in reality the boundaries are blurred. And yet advocates of civic nationalism keep the distinction alive, wishing to distance themselves from the other form of nationalism and promoting a vision (some would say the illusion) of a nationless nationalism. Assuming that Western democracies have transcended their national and ethnic elements encourages politicians to ignore social schisms, avoiding the need to cope with their consequences. The civic language therefore not only is theoretically inaccurate but also motivates avoidance where action is needed.

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Belafatti, Fabio. "Gendered Nationalism, Neo-Nomadism, and Ethnic-Based Exclusivity in Kyrgyz, Kazakh and Uzbek Nationalist Discourses." Studia Orientalia Electronica 7 (April 2, 2019): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.23993/store.69958.

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Existing literature on gender and nationalism has postulated that nationalist narratives tend to convey patriarchal and restrictive views of gender roles, with women’s domesticity and subordination at the core of such interpretations. This paper tests this theory by looking at three examples of state-sponsored or state-produced communication in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, arguing that the simple existence of a regime’s nationalist ideological orientation is not per se sufficient to explain or anticipate the kind of gender narratives a regime will adopt. Instead, the paper calls for an analysis of internal political mechanisms and incentives in order to explain and anticipate the specific forms that discourses around gender will take in a given political environment. In order to do so, it tries to combine the rational choice-based “Selectorate Theory” (Bueno de Mesquita et al., 2003) with existing literature on nationalism and gender, to define a connection between political systems on the one hand and discourses on the other.

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ELSWIT, KATE. "Performing Anti-nationalism: Solidarity, Glitter and No-Borders Politics with theEuropa EuropaCabaret." Theatre Research International 43, no. 1 (March 2018): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883318000044.

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TheEuropa Europaanti-nationalist cabaret was created in the run-up to the 2014 Swedish elections by the Ful collective in collaboration with ‘house band’ the Knife. Part rally and part concert,Europa Europaresponds to the Sweden Democrats party's anti-immigrant propaganda specifically and the migration policies of the European Union more generally, by enacting a kind of ‘no-borders’ politics in a moment of rising nationalisms. The cabaret aims to build a temporary coalition between different but like-minded audiences as an aim distinct from changing minds. This solidarity is also practised by the performers onstage, who use the ambiguous theatrical positioning of migration stories to challenge conventional imaginaries of heroes and criminals. ThroughEuropa Europaand its inheritances, from historical agitprop to the Macarena, this essay extends performance's repertoire as a form in which to practise strategic anti-nationalism, and to engage with friction in the process.

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Pratiwi, Fadhila Inas, and Ahalla Tsauro. "COVID-19: Nationalism and global solidarities." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 34, no. 3 (June 22, 2021): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v34i32021.261-271.

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As the COVID-19 crisis emerged, many forms of nationalism have been rising, such as racism, state individualism, vaccine nationalism, and so forth. However, this kind of nationalism cannot solve the global pandemic that affects various aspects of human life that needs global solidarity in the framework of thinking. The purpose of this article is to explore the relationship between COVID-19, nationalism, and global solidarity. This article used the literature review method to compare and contrast the COVID-19, Nationalism, and Global Solidarity arguments by using reputable resources such as journals, research reports, and news articles. This article was divided into three sections: 1) the explanation about nationalism, its definition, and theoretical approach, 2) state and nationalism in crisis time, 3) cooperation and global solidarity. It concluded that the COVID-19 period showed us people tend to have greater individuality and higher attachment to their groups and state, as Social Identity Theory (SIT) suggests. It manifested in state nationalist view that state as the sole player in mitigating this pandemic shows selfish attitude. However, as the COVID-19 served as a global pandemic, it also needs global solidarity which has been proven in solving the spread of coronavirus and tackle its impact.

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Sheremet, Viacheslav. "Marxism, nationalism and modernization processes in Eastern Europe in the middle of 19th – early 20th century." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 3, no. 2 (December 29, 2020): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26200213.

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The aim of the article is to elucidate the impact of Marxism and Nationalism on modernization processes in Eastern Europe from the perspective of their formation and mutual influence. Research methods: synthesis, induction, analysis, retrospective. Main results. During research we studied programs of both ideologies and compared their distinctive traits. Through analysis oftheoretical patterns of nationalism movements, different theories of public modernization and European point of view about backwardness, we found that Nationalism and Marxism significantly diverged around the role of statehood in culture and political changes. For Nationalism – state was the main aim and, simultaneously, result of nationalist movement activity. Further progress of nation was related to national state, which could provide certain conditions for cultural and economic development. Statehood in Marxists views was unwelcome; changes in society were related to social revolutionary movements without creation new state formations. State’s participation in transformation processes was, in theory, different for both ideologies. But when communists seized a power in the former Russian Empire, they faced a necessity of making their own statehood with its national policy. In fact, Nationalism became an artificial method on the way towards modernization of society. In conclusion, Eastern Europe modernization happened due to unification of communist and nationalist political thought. Scientific novelty of the paper is explained by analysis of works by Austrian Marxists, who made a theory for Soviet national policy. We explain this point by comparing some Austrian ideas to J. Stalin’s view on national question. The author also advocates the idea of existence some nationalistic traits during socialistic modernization in the USSR. Practical value of the research is a creation of background for studying Soviet ideology from new point of view. Type of article: empirical research.

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Boehme, Olivier. "Economisch nationalisme. Naar een historisch gefunderd theoretisch kader." WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 71, no. 1 (March 21, 2012): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v71i1.12271.

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Economic Nationalism. Towards a Historically Founded Theoretical FrameworkThis article is meant as a contribution to a historically founded framework for the study of economic nationalism. For an interpretation of economic nationalism the existing literature offers dispersed elements, but no coherent theoretical basis nor a uniform definition.Economic nationalism can follow an outward and an inward way and both ways are mutually dependent. This includes the paradox that economic nationalism can be combined with cross-border, continental or even global integration, especially if this supports the viability of the national autonomy. There is as much interaction between economy and nation: the latter can provide an appropriate functional framework for the first, but this in turn is able to create a single national reference and/or strengthen nationalism.Economic nationalism is essentially nationalism with economic means, nationalism being the starting point of (socio-)economic analysis, target identification and deployment of resources, which serve the nationalist agenda and for which not only a materialistic definition of ‘profit’ is used. As a consequence of the instrumental nature of economics in relation to nationalism, economic nationalism isn’t founded on one exclusive economic theory and is in this respect pluralistic. This doesn’t prevent economic nationalism from showing a strong tendency in the name of a unified national identity to conceal socio-economic, ideological and/or other cleavages within its own ‘identity’-group. The instrumental nature of economic and non-material definition of profit associated with nationalism can even show an anti-economistic way of thinking.However, the definition of economic nationalism as nationalism with economic means does not exclude societal actors actually using nationalistic arguments in pursuing their economic interests. So there seems to exist a hard, fundamental, as well as a soft, more opportunistic, type of economic nationalism.

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Roberts, John W. "Grand Theory, Nationalism, and American Folklore." Journal of Folklore Research: An International Journal of Folklore and Ethnomusicology 45, no. 1 (January 2008): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/jfr.2008.45.1.45.

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Nandi, Proshanta K., and Paul R. Brass. "Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison." International Migration Review 29, no. 2 (1995): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2546808.

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Nandi, Proshanta K., and Paul R. Brass. "Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison." International Migration Review 29, no. 4 (1995): 1062. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2547741.

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MEADWELL, HUDSON. "Ethnic Nationalism and Collective Choice Theory." Comparative Political Studies 22, no. 2 (July 1989): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414089022002001.

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Ward, Lee. "Republican Political Theory and Irish Nationalism." European Legacy 21, no. 1 (October 26, 2015): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2015.1097137.

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Sager, Alex. "Methodological Nationalism, Migration and Political Theory." Political Studies 64, no. 1 (October 28, 2014): 42–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12167.

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Pryke, Sam. "Economic Nationalism: Theory, History and Prospects." Global Policy 3, no. 3 (September 2012): 281–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-5899.2011.00146.x.

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Morris-Jones, W. H., and Paul R. Brass. "Ethnicity and Nationalism: Theory and Comparison." Pacific Affairs 66, no. 1 (1993): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760037.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Theory of nationalism'

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