Relevant bibliographies by topics / Theory of nationalism

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
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Academic literature on the topic 'Theory of nationalism'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Theory of nationalism"

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Fox, Jon E. "Just how rooted is Grounded Nationalisms?" Irish Journal of Sociology 27, no. 3 (July 23, 2019): 298–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0791603519862746.

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Grounded Nationalisms provides its readers with a clear, cogent, and comprehensive theory for understanding nationalism in its many evolving forms. Maleševič presents us with a flexible yet durable nationalism; a nationalism that can and does assume multiple forms precisely because it is grounded in its more stable organisations, ideologies, and interactions. His is a theory for the mechanics of nationalism, its machinery – the processes and practices, ideas and structures that drive nationalism and churn out nations in different bespoke forms. It is a toolkit that gives us an elastic, shape-shifting nationalism. The same forms – organisations, ideologies, and interactions – can be and are used to produce different national content. The durability of these mechanical forms gives rise to, and indeed explains, the elasticity of its nationalism's shifting empirical content. There are no new nationalisms, Maleševič pointedly reminds us, only old ones reinvented and creatively adapted to new circumstances. But: this thing we made, can it be unmade? What are the limits of nationalism's elasticity? How far can it be stretched, conceptually, structurally, ideationally, and temporally before it ceases to be something we can convincingly call ‘nationalism’? Perhaps the only weakness of Maleševič's approach is that it has no weakness – no weakness built into the model for predicting nationalism's demise, no escape hatch for jettisoning nationalism, no flaw in the system for unravelling nationalism. In developing such a compelling theory for nationalism s strength, Maleševič has inadvertently revealed his theory's weakness: Grounded Nationalisms have no exit strategy.
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VALLS, ANDREW. "A Liberal Defense of Black Nationalism." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 467–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000249.

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This article brings together work on liberal political theory and black nationalism in an attempt to both strengthen the case for black nationalism and enrich and extend liberal theory. I begin by arguing that for much of U.S. history, the classical black nationalist case for an independent state finds substantial support in recent liberal theories of secession. In the post–civil rights era, black nationalists in the Black Power movement argued for more limited forms of black autonomy, a position known as “community nationalism.” Community black nationalism makes claims similar to minority nationalist claims for limited self-determination, yet liberal multiculturalists like Will Kymlicka defend the latter while withholding support for black nationalism. I argue that black nationalism raises fundamental issues of justice and that liberal multicultural theory can be extended to support black nationalist claims.
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Miller, David. "Crooked Timber or Bent Twig? Isaiah Berlin's Nationalism." Political Studies 53, no. 1 (March 2005): 100–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2005.00519.x.

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Isaiah Berlin is often regarded as one of the sources of contemporary liberal nationalism. Yet his own attitude to nationalism, and its relation to his liberalism, remains unexplored. He gave conflicting definitions of nationalism in different places, and although he frequently contrasts more benign with more malign forms of nationalism, the terms in which he draws the contrast also vary. In Berlin's most explicit account, nationalist doctrine is presented as political, unitary, morally unrestricted and particularist, but these four dimensions are separate, and on each of them alternative nationalist positions are available. Berlin's account of the sources of nationalism is also ambiguous: his analysis of the Jewish condition in European societies and his support for Zionism contrasts with his diagnosis of the origins of German nationalism. Comparing Berlin with later liberal nationalists, we see that his liberalism prevented him from presenting a normative political theory in which liberal and nationalist commitments were successfully combined. Such a theory can indeed be developed, but the challenge that emerges from Berlin's writing is to explain how real-world nationalism can be kept within liberal limits.
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Bacon, Edwin. "Reflexive and Reasoned Religious Nationalism: The Exploratory Case of Russia." Politics and Religion 11, no. 2 (March 26, 2018): 396–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000019.

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AbstractNationalism theory has long acknowledged that in its relation to nationalism, “religion” can refer both to a reflexive identity attached to a people group, and to a reasoned value-based position articulated by an élite. Even this bifurcation remains insufficiently precise. Religio-nationalisms reasoned ex patria—that is, beginning with the nationalist and proceeding from there to incorporate religion—tend toward values of exclusivity and animosity toward “the other”. They have been charged with hijacking religion as an identity while being at odds with those who actively practice that religion or lead its practicing community. The exploratory case of the relationship between Russian Orthodoxy and Russian nationalism allows a comparison of ex patria religio-nationalism with its ex religio counterpart. It supports the hypothesis that when reasoned religio-nationalism begins with the religious and proceeds to the nationalist, emphases such as inclusivity and benevolence—rather than exclusivity and animosity—are to the fore.
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Wells, K. M. "The Rationale of Korean Economic Nationalism Under Japanese Colonial Rule, 1922–1932: The Case of Cho Man-sik's Products Promotion Society." Modern Asian Studies 19, no. 4 (October 1985): 823–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015481.

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Economic nationalism may seem rather too grand a term for the contents of this paper. And indeed, I have not attempted any analysis of the economics of economic nationalism. My concern is with the nationalist element in the equation, in particular the basic perceptions of nationalists inside Korea who responded to the plight of their colonially oppressed nation. The question, ‘Is economic nationalism viable under colonial occupation?’ may be answered negatively in Korea's case. But one may equally assert that all nationalist movements and all economic action, of left or right, were not viable in Korea at this time. Even if a certain theory of the determinative role of economic superstructures is employed, I suspect this question of viability may generate only fruitless dispute over whether we strictly mean non-viability or simply failure. Hence I willingly leave the theoretical aspects of the case to those equipped to deal with them.
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Kukathas, Chandran. "The Ethics of Nationalism By Margaret Moore. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. 272p. $45.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 618–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402310360.

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This fine study purports to offer “a normative theory of nationalism.” Such a theory is needed, the author claims, because most of the literature on the ethics of secession proceeds on the mistaken assumption that the normative problem of state breakup is best addressed by applying established liberal arguments or values to the issue at hand. In fact, however, it makes little sense to derive a theory of secession in this way, rather than by considering directly the kinds of normative claims secessionists make. These are nationalist claims. We need, moreover, to recognize that well-known accounts of nationalism, such as those offered by Ernest Gellner, for whom nationalism is a political principle that holds that the political and national unit should be congruent, are inadequate—either because they include too much, or because, as in the case of Gellner (Nations and Nationalism, 1983), they associate it with a particular set of demands or principles. Nationalism, according to Margaret Moore, should be understood as “a normative argument that confers moral value on national membership, and on the past and future existence of the nation, and identifies the nation with a particular homeland or part of the globe” (p. 5). Once we have understood this, we will be in a better position to understand the key policies and demands of nationalists, including their occasional (and only occasional) demands for national self-determination, and to understand the normative limits of nationalism. And we will then be in a better position to understand the nature, and defensibility, of national self-determination, and of secession in particular.
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Harty, Siobhan. "The Nation as a Communal Good: A Nationalist Response to the Liberal Conception of Community." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 4 (December 1999): 665–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900016942.

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AbstractRecent work in the field of liberal political philosophy has focused on the value of cultural communities for the individual. The claim that liberal theory can give explicit recognition to the fact that individuals are rooted in a social context has produced an important debate about the preservation of minority cultures and a liberal defence of nationalism. This literature should be of interest to scholars of nationalism because liberal theorists have used concepts related to the nation, such as self-determination, in ways that go against conventional usage, and liberal theorists have made claims about the relationship of the right and the good with which some students of nationalism would disagree. This article presents a nationalist response to the liberal conception of community by developing one possible nationalist argument for the priority of the good over the right by claiming that the nation is a communal good. The author illustrates this argument with examples of the political projects of nationalists-in-government in the developed West. Liberals need not be concerned with this reality since democratic institutions will set some limits on nationalist projects by ensuring that they are the outcome of democratic processes. On this view, the importance of self-determination is that it provides the context for the creation of institutions for a debate about the relationship of the right and the good. Self-determination does not, as some liberal nationalists argue, constitute an automatic right to cultural preservation.
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Treanor, P. "Structures of Nationalism." Sociological Research Online 2, no. 1 (March 1997): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.70.

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The article reviews briefly the theory of nationalism, and introduces (yet another) definition of nations and nationalism. Starting from this definition of nationalism as a world order with specific characteristics, oppositions such as core and periphery, globalism/nationalism, and realism/idealism are formally rejected. Nationalism is considered as a purely global structure. Within this, it is suggested, the number of states tends to fall to an equilibrium number which is itself falling, this number of states being the current best approximation to a single world state. Within nationalism variants are associated with different equilibrium numbers: these variants compete. Together, as the nationalist structure, they formally exclude other world orders. Such a structure appears to have the function of blocking change, and it is tentatively suggested that it derives directly from an innate human conservatism. The article attempts to show how characteristics of classic nationalism, and more recent identity politics, are part of nationalist structures. They involve either the exclusion of other forms of state, or of other orders of states, or the intensification of identity as it exists.
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Maxwell, Alexander. "Primordialism for Scholars Who Ought to Know Better: Anthony D. Smith’s Critique of Modernization Theory." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 5 (March 25, 2020): 826–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.93.

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AbstractA theory of nationalism should explain the evidence provided by the historical record, but also provide unexpected insight. The modernist theory of nationalism, espoused among others by Benedict Anderson and Eric Hobsbawm, provides a surprising chronology of nationalism’s modernity. The modernization theory of nationalism has attracted extensive criticism from Anthony Smith, who proposed instead a theory he called “ethnosymbolism.” This article considers Smith’s critique of Anderson and then his critique of Hobsbawm, finding that Smith’s objections to modernist theorists rest on mischaracterizations, fallacies, and contradictions. Smith’s approach caters to the primordialism rampant in public opinion, providing scholarly respectability to popular misconceptions. Scholars of nationalism should look instead to Rogers Brubaker for guidance.
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Patil, Tejaswini. "The Politics of Race, Nationhood and Hindu Nationalism." Asian Journal of Social Science 45, no. 1-2 (2017): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04501002.

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The discussion on Hindu-Muslim conflict in India has revolved around religious or ethno-nationalist explanations. Employing the Gujarat riots of 2002 as a case study, I argue that dominant (Hindu) nationalism is linked to the ideas of “race” and has its roots in Brahminical notions of Aryanism and colonial racism. The categories of “foreign, hypermasculine, terrorist Other” widely prevalent in the characterisation of the Muslim Other, are not necessarily produced due to religious differences. Instead, social and cultural cleavages propagated by Hindu nationalists have their origins in race theory that accommodates purity, lineage, classification and hierarchy as part of the democratic discourses that pervade the modern nation-state. It focuses on how the state and non-state actors create discursive silences and normalise violence against minority communities by embodying emotions of fear, hate and anger among its participants to protect Hindu nationalism.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Theory of nationalism"

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Leith, Murray Stewart. "Nationalism and national identity in Scottish politics." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2924/.

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Scotland has long been a nation within a wider state, but only within the last four decades has a political party dedicated to the establishment of a Scottish state emerged as an electoral force. Yet, since that time the political landscape within the United Kingdom has changed rapidly. While some see devolution as a step towards the separation of Scotland from the United Kingdom, others argue it is a strengthening of that relationship. This thesis argues that only by acknowledging the ethnic and mass influences on the nature of Scottish national identity will an understanding of Scottish nationalism be possible. After considering the theoretical arguments surrounding nationalism, and specifically Scottish nationalism, the work shifts to an empirical analysis of Scotland. To examine the nature of Scottish nationalism and national identity, this research considers the manifestos of the political parties over the past thirty-five years, examining how they have employed a sense of Scotland the nation, and Scottishness. This consideration is then linked to an analysis of mass perceptions of national belonging and identity, which are themselves contrasted with elite perceptions, gleaned through interviews conducted amongst MPs and MSPs. The results indicate the need to recognise that ethnic aspects of Scottish national identity are more significant than the foremost theoretical considerations of nationalism and national identity allow. Furthermore, this case study illustrates that the impact that mass perceptions have on national identity also requires greater recognition within the field.
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Kikuchi, Yuko. "Mingei theory and Japanese modernisation : cultural nationalism and 'oriental orientalism'." Thesis, Open University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287011.

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Helldahl, Per. "The Challenge from Nationalism : Problems of Community in Democracy." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-188820.

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The dissertation examines the relationship between democracy and nationalism from a normative standpoint. A point of departure is the assumption that any democracy requires a referent community, or demos. Nationalism has, in practice, frequently provided democracies with this sense of community during the last two centuries. The author argues, firstly, that this connection has led to an entanglement of the concepts of democracy and nationalism, so that democrats tend to rely, often unknowingly, on the thought structures of nationalism as they seek to make explicit the identity of their respective communities. The mechanism by which this connection is upheld is demonstrated through two contextualized studies of discourse on common society-wide identity in, respectively, the contemporary United States of America and the contemporary Federal Republic of Germany. Secondly, it is argued (also on the basis of these contextualized studies) that the nationalist features which tend to ‘leak’ into the overarching, society-wide identities that are constructed in these debates contain an inherently exclusionary potential; however, this leakage is often glossed over by superficial anti-nationalism and phrases such as ‘civic nationalism’, which is contrasted with ‘ethnic nationalism’. Rather than hidden behind such rhetoric, the author argues, the nationalist thought structures that democrats tend to rely on should be brought into the light of day, so that the potentially destructive features of nationalism can be handled in the best way possible. Thirdly, it is claimed that deliberative models (such as that of Jürgen Habermas) are better suited than liberal nationalist models (such as that of David Miller) for this task.
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Swerhun, Bryce. "Social and natural reality : prospects for a consilient theory of nationalism." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3107.

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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.
Nationalism is quite easy to understand, but somewhat difficult to explain. In terms of understanding nationalism, we do not need to know anything more about society and sentiment than what is taken for granted in everyday life. An individual who ‘drops’ into a foreign culture may know absolutely nothing about its people’s songs, rituals, amusements and traditions: why some customs evoke tears, and others, bravado. This person would feel no sense of collective awe or inspiration when touring historic battlefields and monuments of an unfamiliar country. Nevertheless, he or she would likely understand and appreciate that all of these things are steeped in meaning and identity. These instances of meaning and identity may not be felt, shared or even fully known, but their role as expressions of nationalism can be readily appreciated. The global spread of nations entails an array of mutually unfamiliar national identities, but the actual phenomenon nationalism is rarely foreign to anyone. From an outsider’s perspective we do not know how certain expressions are significant to a particular group, but we do understand that they are expressions of national belonging. Explaining nationalism is more difficult for the simple reason that experiencing and recognizing a phenomenon is not sufficient to account for its existence. Customs and rituals are two suggested properties of nationalism, but what is the causal relationship between such properties and the end phenomenon (how does custom actually lead to nationalism, if at all)? The answers to these questions are still a matter of debate. The situation is only made worse by the fact that most theories explaining nationalism seem to rest on a tower of abstractions. For instance, it may seem uncontroversial for some to argue that nationalism is an outgrowth of ethnic identity. However, this just begs the question. What is ethnicity? The potential for regress to abstraction is a major impediment to theory. This thesis will examine the problem of explanation: the reasons why theories of nationalism have struggled with explaining nationalism, and a discussion on how to overcome these difficulties. Specifically, this thesis will show that: 1) The problem of explaining nationalism is due in part to the ‘classical’ problem found in the literature: whether nationalism is an ‘ancient’ social phenomenon, or a ‘modern’ phenomenon which can be dated (roughly) to the late eighteenth century. 2) Debates regarding the classical problem are closely affected by philosophical issues in the social sciences. 3) The incorporation of a consilient methodology (i.e. a research program that unifies theories of social science with theories of natural science) can provide a new strategy for future theories of nationalism and work to solve the classical problem.
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Basave, Benítez Agustín Francisco. "A current of Mexican nationalism : Andrés Molina Enriquez's theory of miscegenation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:323ace75-06f1-4a41-a284-645f3375db5f.

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The thesis deals with Andrés Molina Enriquez's pro-miscegenation theory. Molina (1868-1940), a Spencirian evolutionist who believed race struggle is history's driving force, departs from the premise that Mexico will not be a cohesive, progressive nation until all Mexicans become Mestizos - i.e., the product of racial intermingling between Spaniards and Indians. Thus, the analysis of this theory is the main objective of the thesis. In order to analyse Molina's theory within its historical context, however, the preliminary section of the thesis briefly describes the thoughts of those Mexican intellectuals who had previously proclaimed ethnic homogeneity -via miscegenation- the key to national stability and development. Similarly, the last part of the thesis presents the ideas of some of Molina's successors, those who were in favor of miscegenation - not only a racial one but also a cultural one - in postrevolutionary Mexico. The first and last parts of the thesis allow us to see pro-miscegenation as a current of the Mexican intelligentsia's quest for national identity. The central part of it - the one devoted to Molina's theory, undoubtedly the most important and sophisticated contribution in the field - gives us a general picture of the contradictory nature of this current of thought. Even though it is clear that a pervasive miscegenation made ever more Mexican intellectuals endorse the idea that Mestizos are the real people of Mexico. The analysis of Molina's writings shows that he attempted to predict the supremacy of Mestizos with a theoretical framework that leads him to the opposite direction. Indeed, no matter how much he twisted it, Spencerian evolutionism did not serve him (or his contemporary pro-miscegenationists) to prove white-racism wrong. The conclusion is that Molina, as most of his fellow "Mestizophilia" supporters, chose to hail the ethnic group that represented an ever-growing majority of the Mexican population, and tried to build a scientific theory to prove the supremacy of that group. But in doing so he had to use the only methodological tools he had learned at the positivist schools of Porfirian Mexico. The result is a contradictory theory that, nevertheless, sheds light on the path to national identity in Mexico.
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Zevgolis, Dimitrios G. "Socialism, nationalism and European integration : the development of theory and practice." Thesis, Durham University, 1999. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4365/.

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The late twentieth century has seen a triple crisis on the left: a crisis of socialism in all its mainstream expressions, a crisis of the state, but also a reaffirmation of the appeals of nationalism. The thesis is an attempt to examine the relationship between these developments in the context of the process of European integration. It starts with the difficult relation between socialism and nationalism, from the founding fathers of scientific socialism, through to their followers in the so-called golden age of socialism, and the practice of the Internationals, It looks briefly at the way the German SPD and the French Socialists reacted to the process of European integration, showing the predominance of national interests, which combined with the internal party problems and socialist beliefs, resulted m a confusion manifested in their rhetoric and vocabulary. An account is offered of some socialist thinkers who paid attention to European integration in the 1970s. The French Rocardians, Ernest Mandel and Johan Galtung are shown to have failed to understand the importance of nationalism and remained preoccupied with statism. The exception is Altiero Spinelli, who, as both thinker and practitioner, developed a unique non-doctrinaire vision of socialism, coupled with an understanding of national differences. His federalism and his pro-European stance incorporated notions and ideas that were to dominate the socialist discourse of today. Finally there is an examination of issues that currently dominate the discussion about the future of socialism. These can be divided into arguments about the state, the working class and the new radicalism, and democracy and the ideas of choice, rights, autonomy and the market. Spinelli had touched upon all these issues with a particular reference to European integration and opened up for socialists the European horizon. In conclusion, it is argued that while European integration is not a socialist enterprise, it might be used to further its aims.
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Chernilo, Daniel. "Sociology and the nation-state : beyond methodological nationalism." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3656/.

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The equation between society and the nation-state in sociology has been subject to severe criticisms in recent times. This equation has been given the name of ‘methodological nationalism’ and is underpinned by a reading of the history of sociology in which the discipline’s key concept, society, and modernity’s major sociopolitical referent, the nation-state, allegedly converge. At the critical level, my thesis argues that this is too restrictive a view of the history of the discipline and at the positive level it reconstructs the conventional version of sociology’s canon in relation to nation-states. The first part of the thesis surveys the main trends in the current sociological mainstream, reviews the rise of the critique of methodological nationalism and establishes a distinction between a referential and a regulative role of the idea of society in sociology. The body of the thesis constructs a history of the sociology of the nation-state in its classical (K. Marx, M. Weber and E. Durkheim), modernist (T. Parsons and historical sociology) and cosmopolitan (U. Beck and M. Castells) moments. As an essay on the history of sociology, this thesis seeks to uncover how the conceptual ambivalences of sociology reflect the actual ambivalences in the position and legacy of nation-states in modernity.
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Danielson, John Taylor. "Migration, Nationalism, and the Welfare State." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/613316.

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Immigration and its impact on aggregate welfare state preferences and welfare state reform has been the subject of numerous academic and political debates. Despite prolonged attention to these issues, however, empirical research has yielded mixed results concerning what effect, if any, immigration has the structure and generosity of the welfare state. This issue is further exacerbated by the absence of concerted conceptual cross-germination between the various theoretical literatures that examine immigration's effect on various social, economic, and political outcomes, making it difficult to identify the mechanisms through which immigration may shape the welfare state. To address these issues, I draw on social psychological research, theories of the welfare state, research on radical right-wing parties, and case studies from the United States to argue that changes in both the volume and characteristics of immigrants entering Western Europe might: 1) undermine the cross-class alliances necessary for maintaining the welfare state, 2) reduce public support for welfare programs, and 3) provide politicians on the far-right with a symbolic resource that can be used to justify cutting/restructuring welfare state programs believed to benefit immigrants. Empirical examinations of these arguments using a wide range of data sources indicate that immigration may be directly and indirectly related to welfare state spending. With regard to the former, the data indicate that the influx of migrants from less-developed countries into social and Christian democratic countries has contributed to rising program demand and corresponding increases in expenditures on more reactive welfare state programs (i.e., unemployment benefits). With regard to the indirect impact of immigration on the welfare state, analyses of voting and public opinion data demonstrate that changes in immigration have contributed to the electoral success of predominantly neoliberal, far-right, nationalist parties and contributed to rising levels of anti-immigrant sentiment over time. These factors, in turn, resulted in: 1) declines in popular support for those social and Christian democratic parties that are dedicated to the maintenance and/or expansion of the welfare state, and 2) reductions in average levels of support for welfare state programs designed to address issues of unemployment, making the welfare state more vulnerable to future retrenchment.
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Alves, de Brito Paulo José Homem de Sousa. "A theory of international law in the face of nationalism : a study in political and legal theory." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.404094.

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Al-Abbood, Muhammed Noor. "The cultural politics of resistance : Frantz Fanon and postcolonial literary theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310373.

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Books on the topic "Theory of nationalism"

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Nationalism: History and theory. Harlow, England: Pearson Education, 2005.

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Lawrence, Paul. Nationalism: History and theory. Harlow, England: Pearson Education, 2005.

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Dingley, James. Nationalism, social theory and Durkheim. Basingstoke [England]: Palgrave Macmilan, 2008.

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Dingley, James. Nationalism, Social Theory and Durkheim. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230593107.

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Ethnicity and nationalism: Theory and comparison. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1991.

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Theories of nationalism: A critical introduction. 2nd ed. Basingstoke, Hampshire [England]: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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David, Simpson. Romanticism, nationalism, and the revolt against theory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.

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Nationalism, ethnocentrismand personality: Social science and critical theory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985.

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The national question: Decolonizing the theory of nationalism. London: ZED Books, 1987.

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Nationhood and political theory. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar, 1996.

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Book chapters on the topic "Theory of nationalism"

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Birnbaum, Pierre. "Social Theory and Nationalism." In Revisiting Nationalism, 78–99. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10326-0_4.

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Jaffrelot, Christophe. "For a Theory of Nationalism." In Revisiting Nationalism, 10–61. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10326-0_2.

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Johnston, Hank. "Nationalism, Nationalist Movements, and Social Movement Theory." In The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, 635–50. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781119168577.ch36.

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Özkirimli, Umut. "Nationalism: Theory and Practice." In Theories of Nationalism, 228–45. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-41116-7_7.

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Özkırımlı, Umut. "The Theory of Nationalism." In Contemporary Debates on Nationalism, 34–62. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-06147-8_3.

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Grosby, Steven. "Nationalism and social theory." In Routledge International Handbook of Contemporary Social and Political Theory, 304–14. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003111399-25.

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Tibi, Bassam. "The Foundations of Sati’ al-Husri’s Political Theory." In Arab Nationalism, 142–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230376540_8.

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Dingley, James. "Nations and Nationalism." In Nationalism, Social Theory and Durkheim, 45–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230593107_3.

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Day, Graham, Andrew Thompson, and Jo Campling. "Theorizing Nationalism: Contrasting ‘Classical’ and ‘Post-Classical’ Social Theory." In Theorizing Nationalism, 1–17. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-07120-0_1.

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Fabry, Mikulas. "Theory of State Recognition." In Nationalism, Referendums and Democracy, 47–72. 2nd edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Democratization studies: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429277382-6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Theory of nationalism"

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Yerznkyan, Bagrat, and Natalia Vinokurova. "HAS HOMO ECONOMICUS NATIONALITY?" In Theory and Practice of Institutional Reforms in Russia [Text]: Collection of Scientific Works. CEMI RAS, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33276/978-5-8211-0779-4-58-68.

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Lee, Jinhyuk, Hyunjae Kim, Miyoung Ko, Donghee Choi, Jaehoon Choi, and Jaewoo Kang. "Name Nationality Classification with Recurrent Neural Networks." In Twenty-Sixth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2017/289.

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Personal names tend to have many variations differing from country to country. Though there exists a large amount of personal names on the Web, nationality prediction solely based on names has not been fully studied due to its difficulties in extracting subtle character level features. We propose a recurrent neural network based model which predicts nationalities of each name using automatic feature extraction. Evaluation of Olympic record data shows that our model achieves greater accuracy than previous feature based approaches in nationality prediction tasks. We also evaluate our proposed model and baseline models on name ethnicity classification task, again achieving better or comparable performances. We further investigate the effectiveness of character embeddings used in our proposed model.
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ÖZTUNÇ, Müge, and Umur BEDİR. "NEW MEDIA AND NATIONAL IDENTITY: THE REPRESENTATION OF ATATURK ON NGO’s NOVEMBER 10th INSTAGRAM POSTS." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctc.2021/ctc21.049.

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National symbols, traditions, and rituals emerge as the most influential signifiers of national identity and nationalism. These symbols and images that embody the basic concepts of nationalism, make them visible to other members of society, help to make abstract ideologies more socially concrete, strengthen the sense of national loyalty and strengthen the awareness of the members of the community that they belong to the same nation. On the other hand, Atatürk appears as a symbol of both Turkey’s modernization process and Turkish unity and solidarity. Focusing on the representations of Atatürk as one of the national symbols on the internet and social media, this research examines symbolic construction of national identity of NGOs that represent different social groups in Turkey through the “November 10, Atatürk Commemoration Day”. In this context, the 10 November 2019 posts of 38 Non-Governmental Organizations, which operate in different fields, are the most followed and have social, cultural, and economic activity on the society, were analyzed on Instagram. Shared visuals were used to categorize with the help of various codes assigned to them. Thematization method was used to characterize the types of photos posted on Instagram with embedded coding. Then, by combining very close codes, they were also subjected to clustering analysis in order to see which symbols are frequently used together and which meaning patterns they form. The findings of the study show that social media, which is often depicted as the space of global identities and flows, is a space where national identities are eclectically reconstructed by subjects and social groups that make up the nation and circulated through symbols.
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Öztunç, Müge, and Umur Bedir. "New Media and National Identity: The Representatıon of Atatürk on Ngo’s November 10th Instagram Posts." In COMMUNICATION AND TECHNOLOGY CONGRESS. ISTANBUL AYDIN UNIVERSITY, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.17932/ctcspc.21/ctc21.018.

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National symbols, traditions, and rituals emerge as the most influential signifiers of national identity and nationalism. These symbols and images that embody the basic concepts of nationalism, make them visible to the members of society, help to make abstract ideologies more socially concrete, strengthen the sense of national loyalty and strengthen the awareness of the community members that belong to the same nation. On the other hand, Atatürk appears as a symbol of both Turkey's modernization process and Turkish unity and solidarity. Focusing on the representations of Atatürk as one of the national symbols on the internet and social media, this research examines the symbolic construction of the national identity of NGOs that represent different social groups in Turkey through the "November 10th, Atatürk Commemoration Day”. In this context, the November 10, 2019, posts of 38 Non-Governmental Organizations, which operate in different fields, are the most followed and have social, cultural, and economic activity on the society, were analyzed on Instagram. Shared visuals were used to categorize with the help of various codes assigned to them. The thematization method was used to characterize the types of photos posted on Instagram with embedded coding. Then, by combining very close codes, they were also subjected to clustering analysis to see which symbols are frequently used together and which meaning patterns they form. The findings of the study show that social media, which is often depicted as the space of global identities and flows, is a space where national identities are eclectically reconstructed by subjects and social groups that make up the nation and circulated through symbols.
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Yu, Xiaolei, and Kyung Hoon Kim. "BRAND EXPERIENCE, BRAND TRUST AND CUSTOMER EQUITY IN SNS : A COMPARATIVE STUDY ON NATIONALITY AND BRAND." In Bridging Asia and the World: Globalization of Marketing & Management Theory and Practice. Global Alliance of Marketing & Management Associations, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.15444/gmc2014.11.07.02.

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Barut, Yaşar, Murat Gökalp, Mürsel Akdenk, and Agamurat Nazarov. "An Evaluation of Percepctives of Students Studing in Turkey from Turkish Republics and Relative Communities about Instructional Progams." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00491.

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In this study, relative communications and Turk Republics’ students thought about instructional programs according to their sex, age, departments, marriage and nationality who attended Samsun Education Faculty In 19 May University were investigated The sample and universe of research consists 106 students who attended in different departments of Samsun Education Faculty. Data required a questionnaire developed by researcher with 5 Likert type with 20 items. Data was analyzed in terms of frequencies, percentages, t-Test, One way Anova, Post Hoch (LSD). The results of research show that there are meaningful differences between of variables about instructional programs. (p<0.05).
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OUMERACI, Hocine, Tijl STAAL, Saskia PFÖRTNER, and Gisa LUDWIGS. "Hydraulic performance, wave loading and response of ELASTOCOAST revetments and their foundations." In Journées Nationales Génie Côtier - Génie Civil. Editions Paralia, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5150/jngcgc.2010.082-o.

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Aksu, Muharrem, Ali Rıza Aktaş, Onur Oku, and Faruk Kerem Şentürk. "Analysis of Security Perceptions of Foreign Tourists: The Case of Alanya." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00759.

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High risk perception of the tourists affects tourism demand and causes serious declines in the number of tourists to destinations. With this respect, data collected from 500 randomly chosen foreign tourists were analyzed in order to identify their safety perception levels of Alanya town center and in which circumstances and places they have risk perceptions. Factors such as country of origin (nationality), gender, age, travel companion, education level, and duration of stay were tested in order to find out if they have an effect on safety/risk perceptions. Analysis included frequency tables and chi-squared tests. According to the main findings, majority of foreign tourists visiting Alanya find the destination safe (90,6%). There were significant differences in tourists’ perception of risk and safety among issues like traffic and criminal cases such as theft, purse-snatching, sexual harassment, crimes. Additionally, correlation was detected between one of the factors affecting risk perception, -gender and risk types such as -going out at nights, theft and sexual harassment; and foreign tourists’ showed different risk perceptions according to their gender.
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Ярычев, Муса Увайсович. "NEW COMMUNICATIVE CULTURE AS A UNIVERSAL INFORMATION SPACE." In Социально-экономические и гуманитарные науки: сборник избранных статей по материалам Международной научной конференции (Санкт-Петербург, Апрель 2020). Crossref, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/seh290.2020.41.87.012.

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В статье отмечается, что в современной коммуникативной культуре появляются новые смыслы, деонтологические и аксиологические оценки, универсальные и понятные для любой общности и национальности. Пока существует диалог, то конфронтации по религиозным, расовым и национальным признакам можно избежать. The article notes that new meanings, deontological and axiological assessments that are universal and understandable for any community and nationality appear in the modern communicative culture. As long as there is a dialogue, confrontations on religious, racial and national grounds can be avoided.
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Casani, Vinicius, Rafael Gomes Mantovani, Alinne Cristinne Correa Souza, and Francisco Carlos Monteiro Souza. "Identificação de Perfis Depressivos em Redes Sociais Utilizando Aprendizado de Máquina: um Mapeamento Sistemático." In Computer on the Beach. Itajaí: Universidade do Vale do Itajaí, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/cotb.v11n1.p183-190.

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Depression is a psychological disorder that affects millions of peoplein theworld, regardless of their age, social class or nationality. In theliterature, different techniques have been studying to analyze andrecognize this disease such as Natural Language Processing, SentimentAnalysis, and Machine Learning. In this paper, we describe asystematic mapping to identify evidence regarding techniques thatare often used to identify depressive profiles.We analyzed 472 studiesand we selected 25 primary studies. These studies indicate thatthe SVM and NB techniques have been most used to detect possibledepressive profiles in social networks. Furthermore, Twitter andFacebook with 35,5% and 22,6%, respectively were the social mediamost have been used by users’ express their feelings regarding themost varied subjects.
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Reports on the topic "Theory of nationalism"

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Terzyan, Aram. The Rise of Nationalism and Xenophobia in Putin’s Russia: Implications for Immigrants from Central Asia and Caucasus. Eurasia Institutes, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/psprp-1-2019.

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This paper explores rising nationalism and xenophobia in Putin’s Russia, focusing on their implications for immigrants from Central Asia and Caucasus. There is a broad consensus among the students of the Russian politics, that Vladimir Putin’s presidency has led to new Russian national identity construction and rising nationalism. The major shift in Orthodox nationalism during Putin’s presidency has taken its toll on immigrants, particularly from Central Asia and Caucasus. While the Kremlin would consistently strive to style the Russian nationalism as “anti-fascist,” it has not done much to address mounting concerns over significant overlaps between nationalism and xenophobia. Rather, the nationalist rhetoric has well resonated with many Russians, who would take to the streets with slogans of “White Power” or "Russia for the Russians."
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Hendrik M. Wendland, Hendrik M. Wendland. Does the judge's nationality affect their judicial decision making in the European Union? Experiment, January 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18258/6522.

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Durand-Lasserve, Olivier. Policies to Nationalize the Private Sector Labor Force in a Matching Model with Public Jobs and Quotas. King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30573/ks--2021-dp05.

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Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries aim to employ more of their nationals in the private sector to absorb the inflow of new entrants into the labor force. They have put in place workforce nationalization policies to revert two peculiar features of their labor markets: the preference of nationals for public sector careers, and the crowding out of nationals by expatriate workers in the private sector.
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Haider, Huma. Scalability of Transitional Justice and Reconciliation Interventions: Moving Toward Wider Socio-political Change. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.080.

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Literature focusing on the aftermath of conflict in the Western Balkans, notes that many people remain focused on stereotypes and prejudices between different ethnic groups stoking fear of a return to conflict. This rapid review examines evidence focussing on various interventions that seek to promote inter-group relations that are greatly elusive in the political realm in the Western Balkan. Socio-political change requires a growing critical mass that sees the merit in progressive and conciliatory ethnic politics and is capable of side-lining divisive ethno-nationalist forces. This review provides an evidence synthesis of pathways through which micro-level, civil-society-based interventions can produce ‘ripple effects’ in society and scale up to affect larger geographic areas and macro-level socio-political outcomes. These interventions help in the provision of alternative platforms for dealing with divisive nationalism in post-conflict societies. There is need to ensure that the different players participating in reconciliation activities are able to scale up and attain broader reach to ensure efficacy and hence enabling them to become ‘multiplier of peace.’ One such way is by providing tools for activism. The involvement of key people and institutions, who are respected and play an important role in the everyday life of communities and participants is an important factor in the design and success of reconciliation initiatives. These include the youth, objective media, and journalists. The transformation of conflict identities through reconciliation-related activities is theorised as leading to the creation of peace constituencies that support non-violent approaches to conflict resolution and sustainable peace The success of reconciliation interventions largely depends on whether it contributes to redefining otherwise antagonistic identities and hostile relationships within a community or society.
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Zwetsloot, Remco, Jacob Feldgoise, and James Dunham. Trends in U.S. Intention-to-Stay Rates of International Ph.D. Graduates Across Nationality and STEM Fields. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, April 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/20200001.

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Policymakers continue to debate the ability of the United States to attract and retain top international talent. This Issue Brief assesses how many international Ph.D. graduates across various STEM fields and nationalities intend to stay in the United States after completing their degrees.
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Feldgoise, Jacob, and Remco Zwetsloot. Estimating the Number of Chinese STEM Students in the United States. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/20200023.

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In recent years, concern has grown about the risks of Chinese nationals studying science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) subjects at U.S. universities. This data brief estimates the number of Chinese students in the United States in detail, according to their fields of study and degree level. Among its findings: Chinese nationals comprise 16 percent of all graduate STEM students and 2 percent of undergraduate STEM students, lower proportions than were previously suggested in U.S. government reports.
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Rohwerder, Brigitte. The Right to Protection of Forcibly Displaced Persons During the Covid-19 Pandemic. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2021.052.

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The unprecedented shutdown of borders and restrictions on migration in response to the Covid-19 pandemic have put the core principles of refugee protection to test and resulted in the erosion of the right to asylum and violations of the principle of non-refoulment (no one should be returned to a country where they would face torture; cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; or punishment and other irreparable harm). Covid-19 is being used by some governments as an excuse to block people from the right to seek asylum and implement their nationalist agendas of border closures and anti-immigration policies.
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Berger, J. M. A Paler Shade of White: Identity & In-group Critique in James Mason’s Siege. RESOLVE Network, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/remve2021.1.

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Discussions of extremist ideologies naturally focus on how in-groups criticize and attack out-groups. But many important extremist ideological texts are disproportionately focused criticizing their own in-group. This research report will use linkage-based analysis to examine Siege, a White nationalist tract that has played an important role shaping modern neo-Nazi movements, including such violent organizations as Atomwaffen Division and The Base. While Siege strongly attacks out-groups, including Jewish and Black people, the book is overwhelmingly a critique of how the White people of its in-group fall short of Nazi ideals. Siege’s central proposition—that the White in-group is disappointing, deeply corrupt, and complacent—shapes its argument for an “accelerationist” strategy to hasten the collapse of society in order to build something entirely new. Finally, this report briefly reviews comparable extremist texts from other movements to draw insights about how in-group critiques shape extremist strategies. These insights offer policymakers and law enforcement tools to anticipate and counter violent extremist strategies. They also highlight less-obvious avenues for potential counter-extremist interventions and messaging campaigns.
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Sheridan, Anne. Annual report on migration and asylum 2016: Ireland. ESRI, November 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/sustat65.

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The Annual Report on Migration and Asylum 2016 provides an overview of trends, policy developments and significant debates in the area of asylum and migration during 2016 in Ireland. Some important developments in 2016 included: The International Protection Act 2015 was commenced throughout 2016. The single application procedure under the Act came into operation from 31 December 2016. The International Protection Office (IPO) replaced the Office of the Refugee Applications Commissioner (ORAC) from 31 December 2016. The first instance appeals body, the International Protection Appeals Tribunal (IPAT), replacing the Refugee Appeals Tribunal (RAT), was established on 31 December 2016. An online appointments system for all registrations at the Registration Office in Dublin was introduced. An electronic Employment Permits Online System (EPOS) was introduced. The Irish Short Stay Visa Waiver Programme was extended for a further five years to October 2021. The Second National Action Plan to Prevent and Combat Human Trafficking was published. 2016 was the first full year of implementation of the Irish Refugee Protection Programme (IRPP). A total of 240 persons were relocated to Ireland from Greece under the relocation strand of the programme and 356 persons were resettled to Ireland. Following an Oireachtas motion, the Government agreed to allocate up to 200 places to unaccompanied minors who had been living in the former migrant camp in Calais and who expressed a wish to come to Ireland. This figure is included in the overall total under the IRPP. Ireland and Jordan were appointed as co-facilitators in February 2016 to conduct preparatory negotiations for the UN high level Summit for Refugees and Migrants. The New York Declaration, of September 2016, sets out plans to start negotiations for a global compact for safe, orderly and regular migration and a global compact for refugees to be adopted in 2018. Key figures for 2016: There were approximately 115,000 non-EEA nationals with permission to remain in Ireland in 2016 compared to 114,000 at the end of 2015. Net inward migration for non-EU nationals is estimated to be 15,700. The number of newly arriving immigrants increased year-on-year to 84,600 at April 2017 from 82,300 at end April 2016. Non-EU nationals represented 34.8 per cent of this total at end April 2017. A total of 104,572 visas, both long stay and short stay, were issued in 2016. Approximately 4,127 persons were refused entry to Ireland at the external borders. Of these, 396 were subsequently admitted to pursue a protection application. 428 persons were returned from Ireland as part of forced return measures, with 187 availing of voluntary return, of which 143 were assisted by the International Organization for Migration Assisted Voluntary Return Programme. There were 532 permissions of leave to remain granted under section 3 of the Immigration Act 1999 during 2016. A total of 2,244 applications for refugee status were received in 2016, a drop of 32 per cent from 2015 (3,276). 641 subsidiary protection cases were processed and 431 new applications for subsidiary protection were submitted. 358 applications for family reunification in respect of recognised refugees were received. A total of 95 alleged trafficking victims were identified, compared with 78 in 2015.
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Lyzanchuk, Vasyl. COMMUNICATIVE SYNERGY OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL VALUES IN THE CONTEXT OF THE RUSSIAN HYBRID WAR. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11077.

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The author characterized the Ukrainian national values, national interests and national goals. It is emphasized that national values are conceptual, ideological bases, consolidating factors, important life guidelines on the way to effective protection of Ukraine from Russian aggression and building a democratic, united Ukrainian state. Author analyzes the functioning of the mass media in the context of educational propaganda of individual, social and state values, the dominant core of which are patriotism, human rights and freedoms, social justice, material and spiritual wealth of Ukrainians, natural resources, morality, peace, religiosity, benevolence, national security, constitutional order. These key national values are a strong moral and civic core, a life-giving element, a self-affirming synergy, which on the basis of homogeneity binds the current Ukrainian society with the ancestors and their centuries-old material and spiritual heritage. Attention is focused on the fact that the current problem of building the Ukrainian state and protecting it from the brutal Moscow invaders is directly dependent on the awareness of all citizens of the essence of national values, national interests, national goals and filling them with the meaning of life, charitable socio-political life. It is emphasized that the missionary vocation of journalists to orient readers and listeners to the meaningful choice of basic national values, on the basis of which Ukrainian citizens, regardless of nationality together they will overcome the external Moscow and internal aggression of the pro-Russian fifth column, achieve peace, return the Ukrainian territories seized by the Kremlin imperialists and, in agreement will build Ukrainian Ukraine.
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