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1

Downing, F. Gerald. "Reconciliation: Politics and Theology." Modern Believing 58, no. 1 (January 2017): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mb.2017.2.

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2

Carr, Wesley. "Politics, Theology and History." Theology 104, no. 822 (November 2001): 464–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0110400635.

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Kolodny, Debra. "Bisexuality—Theology and Politics." Tikkun 25, no. 4 (July 2010): 62–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/08879982-2010-4024.

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4

Haskell, John D. "Political Theology and International Law." Brill Research Perspectives in International Legal Theory and Practice 1, no. 2 (August 24, 2018): 1–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24522058-01020002.

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AbstractPolitical Theology and International Lawoffers an account of the intellectual debates surrounding the term “political theology” in academic literature concerning international law. Beneath these differences is a shared tradition, or genre, within the literature that reinforces particular styles of characterising and engaging predicaments in global politics. The text develops an argument toward another way of thinking about what political theology might offer international law scholarship – a politics of truth.
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Simon, Derek. "The New Political Theology of Metz: Confronting Schmitt's Decisionist Political Theology of Exclusion." Horizons 30, no. 2 (2003): 227–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900000517.

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ABSTRACTThe New Political Theology has always raised questions regarding the contrast implied by its qualification as “new.” The qualification “new” suggests a comparison resulting from an innovation, a departure. Precisely what comparison, is at stake? Various kinds of readings assume that the innovation of Metz's political theology is established in relation to Rahner's transcendental theology, in relation to left-Hegelian and neo-Marxist influences, or to the voices of Jewish testimony after Auschwitz. Taken alone, these lines of interpretation are valid yet insufficient, therefore potentially misleading in following the development of the New Political Theology. A different reading, therefore, proposes that Metz's New Political Theology is an effort to delegitimate and deliver an alternative to the antidemocratic and anti-Semitic political theology of Carl Schmitt. In diametric opposition to the violent identity politics of exclusion that defines Schmitt's decisionist political theology, the New Political Theology proposes an identity politics of difference, empowering responsibility for movements of justice and reconciliation in pluralistic societies through a deliberative social democracy oriented towards solidarity by the memory of the suffering of others.
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Kuljic, Todor. "Political theology: Possibility of comparison of the usage of death in theology and politics." Filozofija i drustvo 25, no. 1 (2014): 208–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1401208k.

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This paper considers the epistemological value of the concept of political theology in thanatopolitics. The concept can be useful if one wants to interpret political usage of death. In addition to blurred boundaries between politics and theology, there is a more general and deeper socially integrative affinity between the two. In addition, there have been various politicizations of salvation in the past and in the present. Every political theology accentuates obedience as an immanent condition of salvation, although interpretation of death in political theology has a different function than in secular ideologies. In the centre of politically theological ideas one can find crosscutting of the divisions between public friend and public enemy from political world with similar divisions from religious world. Finally, beside the theological influence on politics, this paper considers some analogies between theology and the secular judiciary.
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7

Shuangli, Zhang. "Why should one be interested in the theological dimension within the project of modern politics? On the Chinese acceptance of Carl Schmitt's political theology." Critical Research on Religion 2, no. 1 (March 24, 2014): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050303214520779.

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Why has Schmitt's political theology been influential among some Chinese scholars? It is pointed out in this article that this special phenomenon resulted from the Chinese awareness of the deep crisis within modern politics as well as the Chinese hope for the alternative model of modern politics. To these Chinese scholars, Schmitt, by making clear the hidden theological dimension of modern politics, seems to have offered both a sharp criticism of the tendency of mechanization of the state and a creative proposal to save modern politics. Based on the analysis of the reasons for these Chinese scholars' preference for Schmitt's political theology to Marx's criticism of modern politics, it is also argued that this acceptance of Schmitt's political theology could actually hamper the Chinese efforts toward new possibilities of modern politics.
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Cole, Jonathan. "The Addition of Orthodox Voices to (Western) Political Theology." Studies in Christian Ethics 33, no. 4 (July 16, 2020): 549–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946820942732.

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This review article examines the recent and welcome addition of Orthodox voices to a politico-theological discourse that has long been dominated by Catholic and Protestant perspectives. The value of Orthodox political theology to wider ecumenical discussion of politics and theology rests in the unique insights it is able to bring to common questions, such as the Orthodox Church’s place and role in liberal democracies, by virtue of its unique political contexts (post-Communism, Byzantine historical legacy) and theological paradigms ( theosis, symphonia). The article notes the explicit and implicit influence of Western political theology on the nature and shape of contemporary Orthodox political theology and suggests that, as such, the latter can be regarded as forming a new and integral part of the former.
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Lebech, Mette. "Book Reviews: Theology of Politics." Irish Theological Quarterly 67, no. 4 (December 2002): 396–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002114000206700414.

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10

Pitts, Jamie. "Renegotiating Power, Theology, and Politics." Political Theology 18, no. 4 (March 15, 2017): 373–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1462317x.2017.1303297.

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11

Farneth, Molly. "A Politics of Tending and Transformation." Studies in Christian Ethics 32, no. 1 (October 12, 2018): 113–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946818806787.

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In Awaiting the King: Reforming Public Theology, James K. A. Smith gives us a liturgical political theology. The question posed here is whether that political theology attends to how the work of tending to the goods held in common by diverse democratic publics can also surprise and transform Christians and the liturgies of the Church.
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BROCK, CORY C. "Bavinck as Public Theologian: Philosophy, Ethics, and Politics." Unio Cum Christo 6, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc6.2.2020.art6.

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As a result of the Enlightenment, the privatization of religion, and the dissociation of theology and the university, public theology has become a very pertinent topic. While public theology emerged as a discipline in the 1980s, the neo-Calvinist tradition, led by Abraham Kuyper and Herman Bavinck, was engaged in public-theological reasoning long before. Although not using the expression public theology, Bavinck offers a public theology in multiple ways. For him, it is a theology for and of the church. His main contribution, however, lies in his philosophical works, where he brings theo-logic to bear on the questions facing the various publics. Addressing current events, he sought to give answers founded on the Triune God. His essay “Ethics and Politics,” written during the Great War, is a primary example. KEYWORDS: Herman Bavinck, neo-Calvinism, public theology, philosophy, ethics, politics
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13

Kim, Myung Yong. "Ohn Theology (Holistic Theology)." Evangelische Theologie 75, no. 5 (October 1, 2015): 366–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2015-0507.

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AbstractThe theology that had the broadest and strongest influence in Korea was the fundamentalist theology, with HyungRyong Park being the representative figure. Yet Korean theology did not remain in fundamentalism. Cho developed a theology of life different from that of soul-focused fundamentalist theology, and this is seen clearly in his theology of three-fold blessing. He spread a theology that gave hope to the sick and poor in Korea and planted the Yeoido Church that eventually became the largest in the world. However, Cho’s theology has not developed into the theology of the kingdom of God that saves society and history. Minjung Theology, which appeared in the mid-1970, was a theology that fought for justice and democracy. It finally drove out dictatorship and left a major historical achievement of establishing democracy in Korea. A considerable number of Minjung theologians were actively involved in the center of the politics during President Daejung Kim’s administration. However, lacking the doctrines of trinity and atonement and teaching self-salvation, it failed to take root in Korean Churches. Ohn Theology derives from 130 years of Korean theology: it merged out of Park’s soul- and church-centered theology, Cho’s theology of life, and the Korean Minjung Theology’s historical responsible theology, and it blossomed at what is currently Presbyterian University and Theological Seminary. It was based on Luther and on Calvin's Reformed theology and strongly influenced by European theologians like Karl Barth and Jürgen Moltmann as well as the prominent Korean theologian, JongSung Rhee.
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Reich, Gary, and Pedro dos Santos. "The Rise (and Frequent Fall) of Evangelical Politicians: Organization, Theology, and Church Politics." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 04 (2013): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00209.x.

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Abstract Latin American evangelicals have become a common presence in legislative politics. Brazil exemplifies the potential clout of evangelical legislators and a troubling tendency toward political corruption. This article explains the quality of evangelical interest representation by focusing on church organization and theology, arguing that evangelicals approach electoral politics via three different modes: rejection; participation as individual, politically engaged believers; and engagement as church corporate project. While individual participation is unrelated to political corruption, the corporate model fosters machine politics, characterized in Brazil by resource-based politics, narrow voter bases, and frequent party switching. We link these characteristics to evangelical involvement in two corruption scandals that occurred during the administration of President Lula da Silva. The analysis shows the central role of evangelical organization and theology in shaping interest representation and suggests future duplication of the church-as-political-machine model, particularly where the “Prosperity Theology” variant of pentecostalism is strong.
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15

Schall, James V. "Transcendence and Political Philosophy." Review of Politics 55, no. 2 (1993): 247–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050001737x.

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Classical political philosophy does not claim to be superior to philosophy nor to revelation. Political philosophy is the highest of the practical sciences, itself a unique and legitimate source of specific knowledge that would limit politics to be politics. For the things beyond politics to be free to be confronted in their own nonpolitical order, the polity must itself be constructed in such a way as not to kill its saints or philosophers. Traditionally, theology has been its own science, not the queen of the practical sciences, but the queen of the sciences. This meant that theology, as an articulated statement of revelation, performed a needed check when politics itself became a substitute metaphysics. Since so much theology is itself modeled on the ideologies of modernity, classical political philosophy serves a double purpose, not only to limit the city to its own area, but to restrain those theologies based on modern ideologies. Thus political philosophy serves to allow revelation to be itself.
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16

Bradley, Arthur. "Without Negative Theology: Deconstruction and the Politics of Negative Theology." Heythrop Journal 42, no. 2 (April 2001): 133–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2265.00166.

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17

von Sinner, Rudolf. "Brazil: From Liberation Theology to a Theology of Citizenship as Public Theology." International Journal of Public Theology 1, no. 3 (2007): 338–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973207x231662.

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AbstractLiberation Theology has become known worldwide for its preferential option for the poor and its prophetic voice against economic and political oppression. Since the end of the military regime in Brazil (1985) and the fall of the Berlin wall (1989), theologians have been grappling with the continuously appalling poverty, exclusion and marginalization of very large sectors of society, within an ever more complex context and a diversity of theoretical positions. In civil society, politics and education, citizenship has become the central notion behind participatory democracy. By describing what have been the main assets of Liberation Theology and how the new situation is challenging them, this article explores theological proposals from Brazilian authors, who have taken up the concern for citizenship. Hence, it states the need for a theology of citizenship and maps the field for linking this to the growing international debate on public theology; a phrase not commonly used in Brazil thus far.
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18

Jamieson, Dale. "Theology and Politics in Laudato Si’." AJIL Unbound 109 (2015): 122–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s239877230000129x.

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Pope Francis has more epistemological and moral authority than any scientist, philosopher, lawyer, or politician. He has the second most popular twitter feed, and his messages are more likely to be retweeted than anyone else’s. The Pope has the power to order some and to persuade others. Most of all he has the power to affect the global agenda. When the Pope speaks, people listen.Pope Francis commands respect for many reasons. He sits atop a hierarchy with which 1.2 billion people are affiliated. Organized more like a multinational corporation than a nation-state, the Catholic Church and its members are spread across all the countries of the world. But it is not just Catholics who take his pronouncements seriously. As a man of the South, occupying an office in the North, with no national allegiance except to a country of 110 acres with a population of 842, he is uniquely situated to speak out on global issues. Laudato Si’ also commands respect because it is an astonishingly well-written argument for a powerful point of view, one that in various bits and pieces can be found in the small journals and ignored books of environmental philosophy and theology.
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19

Williams, Ian S. "Book Review: Theology, Politics and Peace." Pacifica: Australasian Theological Studies 4, no. 1 (February 1991): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1030570x9100400118.

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20

Clarke, Richard. "Book Review: Bishops, Theology and Politics." Irish Theological Quarterly 72, no. 4 (November 2007): 426–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00211400080720040715.

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21

Geyer, Alan. "Theology, Politics, and Peace. Theodore Runyon." Journal of Religion 71, no. 4 (October 1991): 609–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488749.

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22

Chaplin, Jonathan. "Book Review: Politics, Theology and History." Studies in Christian Ethics 16, no. 2 (August 2003): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095394680301600211.

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23

Moschos, Dimitrios. "Theology and Politics in Contemporary Greece." Ecumenical Review 70, no. 2 (July 2018): 309–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/erev.12359.

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24

Ullrich, Calvin D. "Theopoetics to Theopraxis." Forum Philosophicum 25, no. 1 (June 25, 2020): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/forphil.2020.2501.10.

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The theological turn in continental philosophy has beckoned several new possibilities for theoretical discourse. More recently, the question of the absence of a political theology has been raised: Can an ethics of alterity offer a more substantive politics? In pursuing this question, the article considers the late work of Jacques Derrida and John D. Caputo. It argues that, contrary to caricatures of Caputo’s “theology of event,” his notion of theopoetics evinces a “materialist turn” in his mature thought that can be considered the beginning of a “radical political theology.” This position is not without its challenges, however, raising concerns over deconstruction’s ability to navigate the immanent but necessary dangers of politics. In order to attempt to speak of a form of “radical political theology”—i.e. a movement from theopoetics to theopraxis—the article turns to some of the political writing of Simon Critchley. It is argued that a much desired “political viscerality” for a radical political theology is supplied by Critchley’s anarchic realism. The latter is neither conceived as utopian nor defeatist, but as a sustained program of inventive and creative political interventions, which act as responses to the singularity of the situation.
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Kuo, Cheng-tian. "One Heavenly Kingdom, Two Governments: Mainland China and Taiwan." International Journal of Public Theology 11, no. 4 (December 6, 2017): 405–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341510.

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Abstract Over the past three decades political relationships between mainland China and Taiwan have fluctuated precariously between warm peace and cold war. Instead of playing the role of the biblical peacemaker, Christian theologians on both sides have developed irreconcilable nationalist theologies in order to sanctify their respective nationalist programs: Chinese unification versus Taiwanese independence. For the purpose of constructing peace across the Taiwan Strait, a new political theology needs to be built on the centrality of religious freedom to be found in the Bible, democratic values, and the actual politics of both China and Taiwan. The second section of this article analyzes the biblical sources of a Chinese unification theology and a Taiwanese independence theology. The third and fourth sections introduce the historical development of nationalism and nationalist theology in both societies. The fifth section concludes by proposing a democratic union theology that builds on the centrality of religious freedom in the Bible, democratic values, and actual politics.
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Harvie, Timothy. "A Politics of Connected Flesh: Public Theology, Ecology, and Merleau-Ponty." International Journal of Public Theology 13, no. 4 (December 9, 2019): 494–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341592.

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AbstractAfter critically reviewing the ongoing development of various publics in public theology, this article attempts to develop an additional public in nonanthropocentric terms in order to ground adequately public theology’s approach to the current climate crisis. Seeking a path between an account of Earth as a commons, with its emphasis on similarity and the diffractive method’s emphasis on the separateness of biodiverse lives, it argues that Merleau-Ponty’s articulation of the flesh of the world provides material for a politically engaged public theology. In emphasizing the separateness of embodied selves in the perceptual fields of embodied flesh, it develops an account of the ecosphere as an ontologically grounding public to correct the limitations of various ‘publics’ as human-centered institutions. In doing so, the transcendence of Earth’s embodied inhabitants is emphasized that conceives of public in terms of the connective tissues of more-than-human bodies.
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Simon, Derek. "The pneumatic foundation of political theology in Voegelin." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 27, no. 2 (June 1998): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842989802700205.

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This article situates the foundation of Voegelin's political theology in the differentiation between noetic and pneumatic modes of human consciousness. The author establishes that Voegelin envisions the reconstructive science of politics as a political theology, amplifies Voegelin's ontology of human consciousness, then further delineates the specific difference Voegelin develops between the noetic and pneumatic differentiations of consciousness. He then identifies how Voegelin construes the critical implications of the pneumatic differentiation of consciousness for political theology in the fourth part. In light of this essential Voegelinian principle, the author concludes by amplifying some ramifications of Voegelin's political theology for the renewal of sustainable political communities.
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ROSALES, José M. "La crísis del paradigma político medieval. Una reflexión sobre el debate de la teología política." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 5 (October 1, 1998): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v5i.9686.

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The paper deals with the crisis of the medieval political paradigm as broken up in two different moments. The first, exemplified by the inner critique of William of Ockham, namely a theological revision of the Christian political theology in the fourteenth century, attempting to recover a secular basis for the theological doctrine. The second, advanced by Martin Luther and the Reformation movement two centuries later, that opposed the very legitimacy of a Christian politics and justified no conciliation at all between the canonical theology and secular politics.
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Papanikolaou, Aristotle. "Love, Life and Politics: Comparing Lutheran and Orthodox Political Theologies." Review of Ecumenical Studies Sibiu 10, no. 2 (August 1, 2018): 257–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ress-2018-0019.

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Abstract In this essay, I want to engage Luther’s political theology by engaging Michael Laffin’s recent book, The Promise of Martin Luther’s Political Theology. I am fully aware of the debates around Luther’s political theology and realize that Laffin’s is only one interpretation, but it is a very nuanced interpretation that offers compelling arguments. I then want to illustrate affinities between Laffin’s interpretation of Luther and my own Orthodox political theology based on the realism of divinehuman communion, or theosis. I then want to end by relating this comparison to what is arguably one of the most pressing questions of Christian political theology – the Christian’s relation to political liberalism.
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Dmitriev, Timofey. "The Political Theology of Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan." Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 17, no. 3 (2018): 56–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2018-3-56-89.

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The evolution of Thomas Hobbes’ political thought in the 1630s–1640s was marked by a considerable increase in an interest in the problems of the relations between politics and religion, and the state and the Church. This interest was expressed in his creation of the original conception of political theology, of which the most complete exposition is contained in his treatise Leviathan. In his concept of political theology, Hobbes saw an effective way to solve the theologico-political problem of modernity. At the heart of his political theology lays a new interpretation given by Hobbes to a number of doctrinal propositions of the Christian faith, which was designed to harmonize it with the absolute power of the temporal sovereign. Particular attention is paid to the consideration of those pragmatic strategies where Hobbes proposed to neutralize the explosive potential of the Christian religion for civil peace and the security of the state. It is also shown that the complete subordination of the Church to the State in the political theology of Hobbes served as a starting point for the impotent stage of the process of secularization of the Western world, which led to the separation of politics from religion, and the state from the Church.
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Fiaschi, Giovanni. "Hobbes and Theology." Hobbes Studies 26, no. 1 (2013): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750257-02601001.

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Going beyond the belief-unbelief controversy in the scholarly debate about Hobbes’s theological ideas, the essays in this issue look at the philosopher’s theology as a practical science for attaining particular ends, irrespective of his religious feelings. This approach is both to reassert the seriousness of Hobbes’s discourse on theology and to show how deeply political issues are involved in the development of his theological science. From this perspective his theses on heresy turn out to be the necessary corollary of his attempt to de-legitimate clerical control over politics; while in order to answer to the Foole and solve the legitimacy enigma, Almighty God appears to be the divine icon of earthly kings rather than the Lord of a transcendent world. Likewise this issue looks at the correspondence between political theology and materialism by investigating both the new meaning of ‘Potentia Dei’ in Hobbes’s theological thought and the radical outcomes he draws with his criticism of the Cartesian argument of the Deus deceptor. On the whole, all the essays converge in highlighting the strong connection between new ideas on nature and knowledge, theological nonconformity and political science in Hobbes’s thought.
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Herrero, Montserrat. "Laclau’s Revolutionary Political Theology." Síntesis. Revista de Filosofía 2, no. 2 (January 1, 2020): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15691/0718-5448vol2iss2a287.

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One of the ways of thinking God in contemporary philosophy is reflecting on violence. In fact, reflecting on violence implies always at the same time to refer to the difficulty of thinking about the co-implication of law and violence, a typical prerogative of divine action. From this perspec-tive, political theology is concerned with the status and the possibilities or impossibilities of rep-resenting violence in a given political order. Three are the classical texts in the backdrop of this reflection on the hiatus between law and violence: Walter Benjamin Critique of Violence of 1921, Carl Schmitt’s Political Theology of 1922 and Derrida’s Force of Law of 1989. The article exam-ines another paradigm, that of Ernesto Laclau. The article concludes that only a non-presentable idea of God as a negative fundament allows for a non-authoritarian political idea. But this non-presentable character is only made possible by revolutionary politics.
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Bedford-Strohm, Heinrich. "Public Theology and Political Ethics." International Journal of Public Theology 6, no. 3 (2012): 273–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15697320-12341235.

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Abstract The article explains the fundamental features of the Lutheran two kingdoms doctrine and the Reformed doctrine of the Lordship of Christ and finds strong convergences of both in addressing political realities without leaving the Gospel perspective aside. Since Catholic concepts show a similar profile, an ecumenical public theology emerges. Six guidelines for a public church are presented to describe the consequences of a public theological approach to politics for the churches. Authentic faith witness is as much part of these guidelines as ‘bilinguality’, that is, the capability to talk the language of secular discourse and prophetic speech, which is put in relationship to the necessity of concrete daily political processes. Thus, in the end the article explains the profile of public theology in relation to liberation theology and political theology.
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Ostovich, Steven. "Carl Schmitt, Political Theology, and Eschatology." KronoScope 7, no. 1 (2007): 49–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852407x164678.

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Abstract"Political Theology" is the rubric under which Carl Schmitt constructed his critique of liberalism and modern political culture. This critique remains influential even given the taint attached to Schmitt's name by his Nazi involvement. Schmitt's presupposition was that political concepts are secularized theological concepts, and his "political theology of the mortal god" was an attempt to formulate a political theological reason that could think through the paradox of sovereignty. This attempt founders on his inadequate understanding of the theological concept of time as eschatological. Reflecting on his failure provides a way to think anew about time as well as politics.
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Passos, Eduardo Schmidt. "The Blood of the Martyrs: Erik Peterson's Theology of Martyrdom and Carl Schmitt's Political Theology of Sovereignty." Review of Politics 80, no. 3 (2018): 487–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670518000220.

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AbstractThere is a growing literature on the theological roots of Schmitt's theory, however, such interpretations depart from the same position as Schmitt: from the political into the theological. In this quarrel between politics and theology, there is a less known contender, the theologian Erik Peterson, who developed a theological critique of Schmitt and shows the impossibility of a Christian political theology. InPolitical Theology II(1970), Schmitt criticizes the apolitical nature of Peterson's theology, but he ignores Peterson's theology of martyrdom. This paper recovers the centrality of martyrdom in Peterson's theology and argues that the martyr represents a counter model to Schmitt's sovereign. For Peterson, martyrdom is not apolitical act, but a public claim in which the martyrs testify in the public sphere that the highest human good is not political but eschatological. By recovering this eschatological dimension, Peterson shows the limits of Schmitt's interpretation of the political.
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36

Speck, Bruce W. "Augustine's Tale of Two Cities." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (1996): 105–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199681/27.

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St Augustine's The City of God has deeply influenced the development of Westem political thought. As a seminal thinker, Augustine provides important insights conceming the future of the city. However, Augustine's politics cannot be separated from his theology, particularly his teaching on original sin and predestination. Augustine's understanding of teleology or purpose, especially with respect to ethics, and eschatology---the end or consummation of all things--—form an integrated whole. Hence, to assess Augustine's politics, one must first grasp his theology. Notably, Augustine's theology invests history with meaning and provides a basis for the inevitable pluralism as well as cooperation between the citizens from the two cities living in the same world with diametrically opposed loves.
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Frahm-Arp, Maria. "Pentecostalism, Politics, and Prosperity in South Africa." Religions 9, no. 10 (October 3, 2018): 298. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100298.

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One of the fastest growing religious movements in South Africa is a form of Pentecostal Charismatic Evangelic (PCE) Christianity that has some version of prosperity theology as a central pillar. This paper, based on sermons and interviews with 97 PCE pastors in the area of Johannesburg, South Africa, argues that these churches form loose clusters defined by similar emphases along a continuum of prosperity theology. These clusters are “abilities prosperity,” “progress prosperity,” and “miracle prosperity.” Some churches fall neatly into one of the clusters, while others appear as more of a hybrid between two of these types. The paper shows that a relationship exists between the type of theology preached by PCE churches and the nature and extent of the political engagement that the pastors suggested that members in these churches should have.
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38

Wilding, Paul. "Christian Theology and the Politics of Imperfection." Modern Churchman 27, no. 2 (January 1985): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mc.27.2.3.

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39

Bagley, F. R. C. "Radical Islam: medieval theology and modern politics." International Affairs 62, no. 1 (1985): 150–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2618136.

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40

Gilsenan, Michael, Emmanuel Sivan, Gilles Kepel, and Jon Rothschild. "Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics." Middle East Report, no. 151 (March 1988): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3012158.

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41

Scott, Peter Manley. "Trinitarian Theology and the Politics of Nature." Ecotheology 9, no. 1 (April 2004): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/ecot.9.1.29.36236.

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42

Deneulin, Séverine, and James Sweeney. "Editorial: Faith's Public Role: Politics and Theology." Political Theology 7, no. 3 (February 10, 2006): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.2006.7.3.261.

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43

Elshtain, Jean. "How Does—or Should?—Theology Influence Politics?" Political Theology 5, no. 3 (February 10, 2004): 265–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.5.3.265.36719.

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44

Pipes, Daniel, and Emmanuel Sivan. "Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics." American Historical Review 91, no. 3 (June 1986): 712. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869253.

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45

Novak, David. "Goodman versus Rawls: Politics, Philosophy, and Theology." Political Theology 16, no. 6 (November 2, 2015): 521–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1462317x15z.000000000147.

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46

Brown, L. Carl, and Emmanuel Sivan. "Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics." Political Science Quarterly 101, no. 3 (1986): 503. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151648.

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47

Genovese, Eugene D. "Martin Luther King, Jr.: Theology, Politics, Scholarship." Reviews in American History 23, no. 1 (1995): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.1995.0028.

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48

Tavakol, Rahmat, and Emmanuel Sivan. "Radical Islam: Medieval Theology and Modern Politics." Sociological Analysis 47, no. 4 (1987): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3710955.

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49

Schuck, Michael J. "Theology and Politics by Duncan B. Forrester." Thomist: A Speculative Quarterly Review 54, no. 3 (1990): 558–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tho.1990.0024.

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50

Ruiz, Lester Edwin J. "Theology, Politics, and the Discourses of Transformation." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 13, no. 2 (April 1988): 155–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437548801300201.

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