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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Theology and politics'
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1
Omoera, S. I. "A THEOLOGY OF NIGERIAN POLITICS." Bulletin of Ecumenical Theology, 1989. http://digital.library.duq.edu/u?/bet,1392.
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Marples, Kevin. "Theology, prophecy and politics in Dante." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15762/.
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Principally this thesis will deal with defining, accounting for, and examining, the relationship between the theological and the political in Dante's use of prophecy. It will be demonstrated that it is an over-riding feature of Dante’s thought in both the Monarchia and the Commedia that the only remedy against cupidity, and the damage it does to the world, is ecclesiastical poverty combined with imperial power. This thesis will show that much of the urgency and passion with which Dante communicates his political and social message in the Commedia, which seems to advocate both ecclesiastical poverty and imperial power as prerequisites for the ideal human society, is through his use of prophecy and of prophetic language. I demonstrate the way in which contemporary responses to the Old Testament prophets and the book of Revelation seem to have influenced Dante’s prophetic manner, but also seeks to highlight the unique nature of Dante’s response to the currents of thought he encountered, in particular the adoption of religious prophecy as the means by which some of the most innovative aspects of his political thought are articulated.
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Shimray, Shimreingam. "Theology of human rights : a critique on politics /." Jorhat : Shimray, 2002. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/364478268.pdf.
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Mancini, Mark Ryan. "Liberation theology : politics and religion in Latin America /." Click for abstract, 1997. http://library.ctstateu.edu/ccsu%5Ftheses/1498.html.
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Thesis (M.S.)--Central Connecticut State University, 1997.Thesis advisor: Lilian Uribe. " ... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Studies." Includes bibliographical references.
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Van, Dyke Robert Todd. "Discerning the powerful reign Paul's political theology in Philippians /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.
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Billingham, Paul. "Justification to all : liberalism, legitimacy, and theology." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3c205a0e-3d43-4037-abd6-eeedd249670f.
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This thesis concerns the reason-giving aspect of legitimacy. What reasons must be used to justify coercive laws, if citizens are to be respected as morally free and equal, in the face of their many moral, religious, and philosophical disagreements? Many theorists endorse 'political liberalism', according to which laws must be justified to all citizens by reasons that they can accept. This claim has been interpreted in two conflicting ways. The dominant view, which I call 'public reason liberalism', holds that laws must be justified by appeal to a set of values that all citizens can share, despite their many disagreements. In the first part of the thesis, I argue that this view should be rejected in favour of 'justificatory liberalism', which holds that laws must be conclusively justified to each citizen on the basis of all of their reasons. I also respond to the challenge of the 'right reasons view', which rejects the claim that laws need to be justified to citizens by reasons they can accept. Several prominent objections to political liberalism claim that it is incompatible with committed religious belief. In the second part of the thesis I investigate whether this is the case with regard to Christianity, by engaging with Christian theology. I argue that many of the common objections to political liberalism fail, but so do certain arguments that aim to show that Christians ought to endorse public reason liberalism on the basis of their religious beliefs. Nonetheless, Christians can accept political liberalism, and justificatory liberalism in particular. The requirements of justificatory liberalism and individuals' Christian beliefs will sometimes conflict, however. Justificatory liberals should accept that individuals can sometimes justifiably prioritise the latter over the former. My overall argument is that justificatory liberalism offers the best account of the reason-giving aspect of legitimacy, and that this is partly shown by its compatibility with Christian theology.
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Dancer, Anthony. "Theology in the life of William Stringfellow." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391009.
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Brassloff, Audrey Mary. "The politics and theology of the Spanish church, 1962-1982." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261774.
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Cavanaugh, William T. "Torture and eucharist : theology, politics, and the Body of Christ /." Oxford (U.K.) : Blackwell, 1998. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb390106772.
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Gunnarsson, Gretar. "Theology of love and temporal justice." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/33119.
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The thesis addresses the problematic of the relationship between Christian love and justice as it regards political structures and institutions. In doing so we hope contribute to a better understanding of the relationship that ought to pertain between the Christian church and political authorities. We make a distinction within the concept of justice, distinguishing between a more general loving justice and temporal justice which belongs specifically to political authorities and is reactive to loving justice. We argue that it cannot be maintained that love simply becomes temporal justice, in the sense that the justice of temporal authorities should be the same as the loving justice Christians proclaim and hope for. Neither is there the opposite, a peaceful boundary between love and temporal justice. This is because there is another criterion for the interrelationship between love and justice to be deduced from what will be established in the thesis. Temporal justice is the space created that allows love to be actualized. The nature and limits of this interaction between love and temporal justice will be explained and the spaces of temporal justice argued to be neither negative nor positive but rather suggestive. The thesis provides a descriptive framework for how the interaction between love and temporal justice takes place and posits the criteria that should guide political action and political judgment. The entire argument of the thesis is substantiated by conversation with certain key interlocutors who are all participants in a broader conversation that is defined in the thesis.
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Thomson, Iain D. "The end of onto-theology : understanding Heidegger's turn, method, and politics /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9945778.
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Willowby, Nathan. "Sanctification as virtue and mission| The politics of holiness." Thesis, Marquette University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10101022.
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This dissertation considers the political implications of the doctrine of holiness. I proceed by demonstrating the neglect of holiness in political theology, the viability of the holiness movement as an embodied witness of the political implications of the doctrine of holiness, and a biblical trajectory in Leviticus that extends into the New Testament. I describe this scriptural holiness as vocation for all of God’s people through personal formation and outward societal action to extend God’s holiness.
With attention to the approaches of political theology and formation, I demonstrate that the holiness movement of the nineteenth century offers an example of holiness in practice that addresses societal problems (e.g., urban housing crisis, intemperance, and slavery). I then propose three theological issues that undermined the political vision of the holiness movement in the twentieth century. First, the scope of sin narrowed resulting in a less hopeful expectation of sanctification’s power. Second, most of the holiness movement adopted premillennial eschatology, which altered the way it viewed social structures. Third, the holiness movement was marginalized by its theological rejection of the Third Great Awakening, which served to influence religious and civil approaches to social problems in the twentieth century (e.g., the New Deal and Social Gospel).
Three case studies (race, global missions, and temperance) demonstrate the influence these respective theological shifts had on social action. I argue that a theological interpretation of Leviticus 17-26 guides the holiness movement to embody the vocation of holiness as an alternative vision to the formation of modern politics regarding social orderings. I extend Israel Knohl’s insight that Lev 17-26 responds to prophetic critiques of cultic practices and reconceives holiness to address social challenges. I argue that Jesus picks up this stream when he recites, “love your neighbor as yourself,” and that Christian embodiment of this Scriptural holiness sustains the political vocation of holiness in changing contexts (including the modern bifurcation of life into private and public spheres). I conclude that vocational holiness enables a Christian understanding of political community.
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Morris, R. C. "Process and politics : Towards a political theology based on the thought of A.N. Whitehead and C. Hartshorne." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375991.
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Reilly, Diane Joyce. "The Saint-Vaast Bible, politics and theology in eleventh-century Capetian France." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ41290.pdf.
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Cleveland, Thomas Joseph. "The Accounts of the Origin of Law in Plato's Laws." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107217.
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Thesis advisor: Robert C. BartlettThesis advisor: Nasser Behnegar
This dissertation presents the different accounts of the origin of law in Plato’s Laws and I seek to show how the question of the law’s origin relates to Plato’s political philosophy as a whole. For the early modern political philosophers, the concept of a pre-political “state of nature” plays a central role in their attempt to describe the sources and limits of legitimate political authority. The question of the origin and development of the city is given much less emphasis by the ancient philosophers and it is not clear how their opinions about this question relate to their understanding of politics. In Plato’s Laws, however, the question of whether law has a divine, natural, or conventional origin is at the center of the Athenian Stranger’s inquiry. I begin by arguing that the conventionalist view of law, religion, and morality as it is presented in Book X depends on a materialist natural science that the Athenian knows to be deficient. At the same time, the Athenian also knows that he does not possess demonstrative knowledge of the existence of providential gods. Because of his knowledge of his ignorance about these matters, he is compelled to consider the claim that certain laws have a divine origin. In order to evaluate these claims he turns the conversation toward the question of the purpose of law and shows that a divine law must be understood to perfect human beings by making them virtuous. I argue that the core of the Athenian’s confrontation with the claim that law has a divine origin is a dialectical inquiry into virtue and happiness. Although the Athenian does not carry out this inquiry in the conversation in the Laws itself, I argue that the results of such an inquiry are shown by his new beginning in Book III, which begins with the question of the origin of the regime. In Book III he breaks with the traditional claims about law’s divine origin and he offers his own account of the human origin of the city and its laws. Although the Athenian’s account is in some respects similar to that of the conventionalists, I argue that he departs from them in important respects due to his deeper understanding of the roots of our ignorance about the human good
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Hansford, Paul Anthony Harold. "Pluck the chicken : the symbiosis of politics and culture in Haitian liberation theology." Thesis, Heythrop College (University of London), 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.336282.
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Pabst, Adrian. "Creation and individuation : theology and politics in patristic, medieval and early modern thought." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614334.
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Fannin, Jordan Rowan. "Beyond Engaging and Resisting: Reclaiming the City's Moral Vision and Reimagining the Church's Politics." University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1292620694.
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Ozawa-de, Silva Brendan Richard. "The 'Church in socialism' : Protestant Church leaders and the East German State, 1969-1989." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273323.
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Shortall, Sarah Elizabeth. "Soldiers of God in a Secular World: The Politics of Catholic Theology, 1905-1962." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:23845484.
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This dissertation examines the impact of Catholic theology on French politics after the separation of Church and state in 1905, approaching this moment as a beginning rather than an endpoint in the political history of the Church. It argues for the productive relationship between secularization and theology, showing how the secularization of public institutions inspired new politico-theological configurations and opened up new modes of religious engagement in political life. As I demonstrate, the events of 1905 provided both the institutional and intellectual impetus for one of the most important movements in twentieth-century Catholic theology, known as the “nouvelle théologie,” which would eventually become the leading theological force behind the Second Vatican Council.
This dissertation tells the story of that movement, which was elaborated in part by a group of French Jesuits around Henri de Lubac. These theologians sought to develop a new approach to Catholic politics—one that would allow the Church to be in the newly secular public sphere, but not of it. Rejecting both secular party politics and the royalist dream of restoring the confessional state, they looked to the Church as an alternative site of collective mobilization capable of transcending the limitations of political ideologies and warring nation-states. It was this vision which inspired these Jesuits to lead the “spiritual resistance” to Nazism in France during the Second World War, just as it led them to oppose Communism in the postwar period. But despite their staunch anti-totalitarianism, these priests also rejected the basic premises of liberal politics, including the distinction between the private and public spheres, the primacy of the individual, and the sovereignty of the state. Instead, I show how de Lubac’s circle deployed the resources ecclesiology, eschatology, theological anthropology, and biblical studies to fashion what I call a “counter-politics”—a way of intervening in questions traditionally classified as political while engaging in a critique of politics itself. As a result, I argue, their work requires us to re-imagine what constitutes a political act and where the boundaries of the political lie, by revealing a dimension of modern European politics beyond the remit of secular parties and ideologies.History
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Taylor, Benjamin Bradley. "Becoming Otherwise: Sovereign Authorship in a World of Multiplicity." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83507.
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This thesis explores the theory and practice of sovereignty. I begin with a conceptual analysis of sovereignty, examining its theological roots in contrast with its later influence in contestations over political authority. Theological debates surrounding God’s sovereignty dealt not with the question of legitimacy, which would become important for political sovereignty, but instead with the limits of his ability. Read as an ontological capacity, sovereignty is coterminous with an existent’s activity in the world. As lived, this capacity is regularly limited by the ways in which space is produced via its representations, its symbols, and its practices. All collective appropriations of space have a nomos that characterizes their practice. Foucault’s account of “biopolitics” provides an account of how contemporary materiality is distributed, an account that can be supplemented by sociological typologies of how city space is typically produced. The collective biopolitical distribution of space expands the range of practices that representationally legibilize activity in the world, thereby expanding the conceptual limits of existents and what it means for them to act up to the borders of their capacity, i.e., to practice sovereignty. The desire for total authorial capacity expresses itself in relations of domination and subordination that never erase the fundamental precarity of subjects, even as these expressions seek to disguise it. I conclude with a close reading of narratives recounting the lives of residents in Chicago’s Englewood, reading their activity as practices of sovereignty which manifest variously as they master and produce space.Master of Arts
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Wyatt, Andrew. "The politics of caste in India with special reference to the Dalit Christian campaign for scheduled caste reservations." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337699.
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Davis, Richard Arthur. "Political church and the profane state in John Milbank and William Cavanaugh." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/8216.
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Contemporary political and public theology is predominantly statist, with a view of the state as the solver of human problems, and with the church urging the state to do more to bring about social justice and peace. This practice of politics as statecraft has been forcefully challenged by a number of recent theologians, such as those within the theological movement known as Radical Orthodoxy. Against such a backdrop, this thesis examines the work of two of Radical Orthodoxy’s most political writers: John Milbank and William Cavanaugh. Their characterization of the state, as based in nominalist philosophy and violence, is highly negative. This negative assessment renders statist theologies and the practice of statecraft profane and deeply problematic for Christians. They prefer instead to see the church as the only true politics. Yet this move places their ecclesial and sacramental politics in the overall modern movement of the politicization of Christianity. This thesis argues that the state is neither sacred nor profane, but if accepted as mundane, it is something that can be freely engaged with by the church as part of its overall witness to politics and society. In order to outline and assess the political theology of Milbank and Cavanaugh three biblical and doctrinal lenses – creation, preservation, and redemption – are used to judge their work. From the viewpoint of creation we see where Milbank and Cavanaugh find the origins of the state in comparison with other theological positions. This carries through to the commonly held view that the state is in the order of preservation, as an ordinance of God preserving human society from the chaos caused by human sinfulness. Finally, in redemption we see how in both Milbank and Cavanaugh the state becomes an anti-redeemer in competition with the political salvation found in the church and voluntary associations. The thesis concludes by drawing on the work of Jacques Ellul in advocating the desacralization of the state from being either sacred or profane. Such a perspective enables the Church to freely engage in statecraft as just one tactic in its political advocacy without corrupting itself.
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Awad, Nader. "The trumpet's blast : the political theology of John Knox." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79820.
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The goal of this research is to show that the Scottish reformer, John Knox, while seen by many as a political figure, was religiously motivated in his thought, writings, and ministry. Knox saw himself as an Old Testament style prophet who sought to blow his Master's trumpet by proclaiming an unpopular message to the realms of both Scotland and England. Knox was deeply rooted in the Old Testament theology of the covenant. He believed that following an idolatrous path, most notably in the continuing practice of the Catholic Mass, meant the breaking of the covenant with God, as with the transgression of the people of Israel in the Old Testament. He proposed that an aristocratic resistance by the lesser magistrates would result in deposing the idolatrous rulers and restore the realms of Scotland and England to a genuinely covenanted relationship with God.
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Nelson, Holly Faith. "The scriptural texture of Henry Vaughan's Silex Scintillans, the poetics, politics and theology of intertextuality." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ51908.pdf.
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Watson, Peter Anthony. "Anarchy, order, and the politics of moral theology : censuring the French confessional right, 1924-1934." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271054.
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Sabella, Jeremy Luis. "The Politics of Original Sin: Reinhold Niebuhr's Christian Realism and its Cold War Realist Reception." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104410.
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Thesis advisor: Michael J. HimesReinhold Niebuhr is among the most politically and theologically influential--and most misunderstood--American thinkers of the twentieth century. This misunderstanding is the product of a tendency among Niebuhr's admirers and critics alike to overlook the elaborate interplay of the theology and politics in Niebuhr's thought. I argue that Niebuhr understood himself as a preacher to religion's "cultured despisers," and that Niebuhr construed this role in fundamentally theological terms. As a consequence, there is a dynamic theology underlying his political engagement with the broader culture. Chief among the "cultured despisers" drawn to Niebuhr's thought were the political realists who dominated early Cold War politics. They were particularly compelled by the political insights of Niebuhr's Christian Realism, and proceeded to incorporate these insights into own realist visions. I argue that in the act of appropriating Niebuhr the political realists unwittingly absorbed much of his theology; and in neglecting to recognize the theological underpinnings to Niebuhr's political insights, they ended up misconstruing Niebuhr in important ways. I seek to demonstrate that fully appreciating Niebuhr's contributions to political discourse requires an awareness of how theology suffuses even his most overtly political writings. This project consists of two parts. Part One examines the theological formation of the concept at the heart of Niebuhr's Christian Realism: namely, the doctrine of original sin. From the outset, Niebuhr maintained that elaborating the full political implications of original sin required a theological structure. Through sustained conversations with theological contemporaries Karl Barth, Paul Tillich, Emil Brunner, and his brother H. Richard Niebuhr, Reinhold elaborated the distinctive theological anthropology, understanding of grace and redemption, and account of the dynamic interplay between faith and history underlying his exploration of original sin and its political implications. Niebuhr's Christian Realism, I suggest, is inextricably theological. Part Two analyses Niebuhr's reception among three of the most prominent midcentury political realists: Hans Morgenthau, George Kennan, and Arthur Schlesinger. Although they were among Niebuhr's most astute interpreters, all three figures wrongly presumed that they could extricate the political elements of Niebuhr's thinking on original sin from the theological structure in which this thinking was embedded, and import only these political elements into their own realist visions. Their uses of the concept of original sin indicate that they both adopt far more of Niebuhr's theology than they ever intended to, and misconstrue some of his most profound insights. I close by considering what a theologically grounded Christian Realism has to offer political discourse
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Theology
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Tshaka, Rothney Stok. "Confessional theology? : a critical analysis of the theology of Karl Barth and its significance for the Belhar confession." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/16522.
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Thesis (D. Th.)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Christian confessions are frequently seen as Christian documents that have nothing to do with the subject of politics. This study endeavours to investigate the relationship between Christian confessions and politics, looking particularly at how the relationship between them has been construed in the theology of Karl Barth, the Barmen Declaration and the Belhar Confession. It concludes that a relationship between confession and politics is unavoidable, yet this relationship is only best comprehended when one looks at it in a confessional manner. A ‘confessional manner’ of reading Karl Barth’s theology is explained. Issues such as the primacy of the Word of God, the church as the subject of theology, the public witness of Christ to the world, the political context in which this theology takes place, as well as the ethical implications which emanates from this theology characterises confessional theology. The usage of the concept “confession” is informed by Barth’s observation that as Christians we are obliged to speak about God, but we are human beings and therefore cannot speak about God in an manner that suggest that God is fully comprehensible. By confining itself not merely to his monumental work – the Church Dogmatics – but also to Barth’s preceding and succeeding works, this research is able to render a detailed illustration of how Barth viewed the relationship of confessions to politics. Chapter 1 establishes the confessional nature of his theology. This chapter traces the most influential people and events that shaped the confessional nature of Barth’s theology. These include Luther, Kant, the Blumhardts, as well as Calvin and the Reformed theology in particular. Chapter 2 investigates whether Barth was true to his 1925 understanding of what constituted a Reformed confession when he was confronted with the need to confess in 1934. The historicity of the Barmen Theological Declaration is explored to illustrate that Barth continued to view theology in a confessional manner. Chapter 3 deals with Barth’s Church Dogmatics, illustrating that Barth never wanted his work to be seen as a complete event, but preferred to see it as a process. It argues that contrary to the 1930s where Barth’s theology insisted on the essence of confessional theology, the entire Church Dogmatics (especially the parts that proceeds the era indicated) should be read as confessional theology. Chapter 4 deals with the Belhar Confession that was adopted in South African in 1986. Admitting that the Belhar Confession was influenced by the theology of Barth, the characteristics of confessional theology are also explored in this Confession. It is argued that many have failed to see the Belhar Confession’s call for embodiment, because they have interpreted this Confession without regard for the new church order. Finally, it is argued that the confessional nature of Belhar allows this Confession to contribute positively to the current democratic dispensation in South Africa. It is admitted that the Belhar Confession is a confession of its time and. It is also argued that a confessional theology can be a suitable theological alternative that can contribute to the current theological deliberations. Additionally a confessional theology can provide a platform of discussing ways in which theology and politics, which remain intertwined, can both exist side by side, without the one dictating to the other.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Christelike belydenisse word dikwels beskou as Christelike verklarings wat geen verband met die politiek het nie. Gevolglik is daar 'n neiging om hierdie dokumente bloot te sien as teologies maar nie polities nie. Hierdie navorsing bespreek dié siening, maar voer aan dat, hoewel hierdie dokumente nie as sodanig polities is nie, ons tog nie die politieke kontekste waaruit hulle voortspruit, kan ignoreer nie. Twee belydenisse word gebruik om hierdie punt te illustreer, naamlik die Barmen Teologiese Verklaring (1934) in Nazi-Duitsland, en die Belharbelydenis (1986) gedurende die apartheidsregering in Suid-Afrika. Die gevolgtrekking van hierdie studie is dat daar in die teologie van Karl Barth én die Belhar Belydenis 'n onvermydelike verhouding tussen die Christelike belydenis en politiek bestaan. Die woord ”belydenis” word hier in verband gebring met Barth se interpretasie van die opdrag om oor God te praat uit hoofde van ons Christelike oortuigings, en ons onvermoë om oor God te praat weens ons menslike feilbaarheid. Hiervolgens is belydende teologie gekant teen neigings om oor God te praat op 'n manier wat voorgee dat God in sy volheid aan ons bekend is. Vyf opsigtelike kenmerke in die teologie van Barth word ondersoek. Hierdie kenmerke illustreer die mate waartoe teologie en politiek aan mekaar verwant is, en dat politiek altyd in Barth se teologie geïmpliseer word. Die studie voer ook aan dat Barth se teologie relevant is omdat dit probeer om die Woord op 'n ander manier te interpreteer na aanleiding van die spesifieke konteks waarbinne daar oor God gepraat word. Die studie beweer verder dat Barth se hele teologie as belydende teologie gelees moet word. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat belydende teologie verskil van “konfessionalisme” en altyd die beliggaming van dít wat bely word, impliseer. Deur hierdie kenmerke van belydende teologie in die teologie van Barth waar te neem, word daar besef dat sy teologie steeds ‘n deurslaggewende rol in ander teologiese kontekste speel. Om hierdie rede word daar aangevoer dat die Belharbelydenis grootliks deur die teologie van Barth beïnvloed is. Die debat oor die Belharbelydenis bring ook belangrike vrae oor die teologiese situasie in Suid-Afrika na vore. Ten slotte word daar aangevoer dat belydende teologie 'n nuttige teologie is wat teologie in die algemeen kan beskerm teen die kloue van “geteologiseerde politiek”. Hierdie teologie kan dus steeds 'n konstruktiewe bydrae tot die huidige teologiese debatte in 'n demokratiese Suid-Afrika lewer.
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Mattord, Carola Louise. "Lay Writers and the Politics of Theology in Medieval England From the Twelfth to Fifteenth Centuries." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/english_diss/44.
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This dissertation is a critical analysis of identity in literature within the historical context of the theopolitical climate in England between the twelfth and fifteenth centuries. The narratives under consideration are the Lais of Marie de France, The Canterbury Tales, and The Book of Margery Kempe. A focus on the business of theology and the Church’s political influence on identity will highlight these lay writers’ artistic shaping of theopolitical ideas into literature. Conducting a literary analysis on the application of theopolitical ideas by these lay writers encourages movement beyond the traditional exegetical interpretation of their narratives and furthers our determination of lay intellectual attitudes toward theology and its political purposes in the development of identity and society.
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Humphrey, Meredith. "Corporeal theology and the politics of pregnancy : abortion and the pregnant body in eastern Christian thought." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=112399.
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This thesis examines the theology of pregnancy within the Eastern Orthodox Church. In particular, it explores the understanding of the pregnant body as an image of the church, as well as the Orthodox view of biological pregnancy. Drawing upon some patristic sources, as well as the writings of contemporary Orthodox theologians including John Zizioulas, John Breck and Vigen Guroian, it reveals that, though the Orthodox Church opposes abortion, this opposition cannot be grounded in an appeal to the idea of the "rights of the foetus." This is because an emphasis upon the individual's "rights" undermines much of the Eastern Church's understanding of personhood. Rather, the Orthodox Church's opposition to abortion is grounded in a eucharistic approach to justice, and in its positive theology of pregnancy, wherein particular pregnancies within the church are contextualized by the pregnancy of Mary the mother of Christ, and therefore stand as an icon of the larger church body.
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Chavez-Segura, Alejandro. "A theology of international relations : a Buddhist approach to religion and politics in an interdependent world." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2091.
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For many decades, Buddhism in the West has been conceived as an ‘other-worldly’ religion with very little or –at least—limited authority in the public arena. This partial view of the Buddhist path overlooks the potential of Buddhism to interpret reality and help establish new causes and conditions to improve it. This thesis is rooted in Buddhism and seeks to develop a Buddhist theology in order to understand how international relations, as part of the contingent reality, are subject to change. Thus there is the possibility of reconstructing reality through the sum of individual will expressed in social groups, institutions and states. This Theology of International Relations follows a methodology of causality rooted in the dependent origination found in Buddhist theology. Thus, relative reality is conceived as the result of the interaction of different causes and conditions; individuals, through their thoughts and actions, provide new conditions which will be crystallized in particular social arrangements through an inter-subjective consensus. This arrangement is highly influenced by the individual’s allegiance with the sacred, however this is conceived, and thus establishes an ethical guideline in the individual’s relationship with other sentient beings and the ultimate level of existence. This dependent construction of reality goes from the individual level of analysis to the social, state, interstate and global levels in a chain of contingent reality. Therefore I suggest that states, institutions and society are the reflection of shared ideas, beliefs, goals and perceptions of reality between individuals. The human capacity to shape reality is rooted in the premise that they face a relative reality, one that is contingent on several causes and conditions. In Buddhism, all sentient beings play a key role in shaping reality but human beings play a unique role because they can overcome suffering when they recognize the interdependent relation of causes and conditions in a relative reality. If this is achieved, then absolute reality can be experienced, wherein the individual goes beyond all conceptions and senses in a state of emptiness of the self. These core ideas of a contingent reality, its construction through an inter-subjective consensus and the need to experience an absolute reality are premises which Buddhist theology developed and which this thesis explores. In chapter one this thesis considers the basis of Buddhist theology and how it explains the experience of the sacred, the role of religion and the potential for the construction of a relative reality. This thesis argues that religion is at the core of human existence as a vessel of faith which follows a particular theological path toward a communion with the divine. The Buddhist path, aware of the interaction of different levels of reality—relative and absolute—also conceives inner development and social change as key elements of an interdependent transformation. The idea of ‘world peace through inner peace’ is one advocated by ‘engaged Buddhists’ and found in the ethical code of Buddha’s message. Chapter two examines how international relations became the arena where individuals, institutions and states converge and reflect the basic premises of their world-views, whether rooted in anger, hatred and ignorance of the interdependent nature of all phenomena, or based in compassion and awareness of a shared common good. In addition, it addresses the issue of the resurgence of religion in international relations and how it is present or absent from political science theories and policy making. Through this analysis, several established elements such as the concept of the state, secularism and religion as a source of war, are challenged in a new era of multi-agency and mutual influence through religious ideas, groups and communities. Following this inter-subjective construction of the world, the thesis presents two case studies which argue that religious leaders exercise political influence through their actions, ideas and beliefs. The first is the life and works of Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama in chapter three and the second is the life of Archbishop Desmond Tutu in chapter four. The former having suffered the violent occupation of Tibet and the continuous attacks on Tibetan culture that led him into exile, and the latter having faced the policies of hatred under apartheid, the Dalai Lama and Tutu managed to suggest a world where forgiveness is rooted in compassion and were human beings share the responsibility of creating a compassionate reality. The final chapter develops a new approach to the study of religion and politics providing new variables of study and new categories to understand how international relations are influenced by religious ideas and movements. This thesis argues that there is a need to study and understand this interdependent relation between religious and secular actors through theoretical approaches in international relations and opens the discipline to new paradigms such as the Buddhist theological approach. The outcome of this partnership depends on the individual’s decision to engage, whether in negative causation that leads to violence, fear, terror and the perpetuation of suffering or in a positive one which opens the possibility of peace and liberation from suffering through compassion, forgiveness and reconciliation, recognizing our common humanity and shared universal responsibility.
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Carter, Benjamin Huw. "Politics, theology, and Cambridge Platonism : the Trinity and ethical community in the thought of Ralph Cudworth." Thesis, Middlesex University, 2004. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/13445/.
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This thesis is an examination of the influence of theological ideas on the development of liberal political philosophy in the seventeenth century. The basis of this account will be a detailed exanlination of the ethical and political ideas in the published and unpublished writings of the Cambridge Platonist, Ralph Cudworth. As the reputation of the Cambridge Platonists as other-worldly thinkers is well established in intellectual history, this thesis, in rejecting this common view, will examine how this image of the Cambridge Platonists came to prevail. I will argue that, when the Cambridge Platonists are viewed within their philosophical, theological and historical context, their thought contains a powerful critique of contemporary theological and political ideas. By a detailed analysis of Cudworth's theology, in particular his Trinitarianism, I will argue that Cudworth creates a sophisticated defence of political society based on the moral self-deternlination and political responsibility of the individual. Cudworth's defence of the political realm is deflned by his belief in the democratic revelation made to all men, in the form of reason, through the active power of a Neoplatonically understood Trinity. Cudworth allows for a political society (what I term an ethical community) in which the individual must make the most of his God-given potential, and in which the eternal and immutable truths in the intellect of God, and not the will of the sovereign, underpin the legitimacy and efficacy of that society. Cudworth's thought, far from being the apolitical system it is often assumed to be, provided ethical and political arguments which were, I argue, very influential on the late-seventeenth century debates for toleration and comprehension, and in particular the role played by the Latitudinarian divines in those debates. What we find in Cudworth's thought is a defence of the self-determining power of the individual which is defined by, and grows directly out of, a Trinitarian understanding of reality. This thesis will therefore show the way in which liberal political principles can be identified as growing positively out of the theological debates of tlle late-seventeenth century.
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Kinman, Brent. "Jesus' entry into Jerusalem : in the context of Lukan theology and the politics of his days /." Leiden ; New York ; Köln : E. J. Brill, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36685795j.
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Patel, Sachi (Sunit). "Politics and religion in eighteenth-century North India : the rise of public theology in Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d58d52d0-b6aa-4274-a4ae-8ff5cb5aac38.
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Despite the prolific authorship within the Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava tradition, it had not produced a single text that addresses the theological basis for engagement with public or social systems, nor any that offer guidance or insight into how a practitioner might behave or integrate into such environments. Nor have they in any substantial way referred to politically orientated texts such as the Dharma-śāstras. The tradition's most prominent texts relate instead to philosophical expositions on themes such as bhakti rasa or devotional aesthetic sentiments. However, in the early-eighteenth century, we notice an intriguing phenomenon, suddenly a series of works are fashioned to rationalize and promote a system of integration with the socio-political circumstances of their time. This fascinating period within Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava history witnesses the production of specialized treatises that provide theological foundations to endorse and encourage responsible public conduct grounded on notions such as karma and varṇāśrama. This thesis adopts a two-fold approach, the close reading and examination of this new genre of Sanskrit based works, alongside reviewing the contemporary context these works emerge in. The political maneuverings of this historical era became a critical factor in invoking the production of these texts, and consequently these works reflect the interests and concerns of Jaisingh II, the ruler of a precolonial North Indian polity, the Kachvāhā dynasty. The texts were specific tools employed by the tradition to address the apparently contradictory mandate to reconcile responsible public engagement with the esoteric transcendent nature of bhakti practices, formulating a public theology which placed at its center bhakti practice. Through examining this innovation, I extract the perspectives from four critical figures in this period, king Jaisingh II, and Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇava scholars Viśvanātha, Kṛṣṇadeva and Baladeva, enabling me to gain a comprehensive understanding of the exact nature of public theology for this tradition in this compelling era.
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Elich, Steven T. "A theology of citizenship Paul as a model of the Christian citizen /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.
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Bialecki, Jon. "The kingdom and its subjects charisms, language, economy, and the birth of a progressive politics in the vineyard /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2009. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3359874.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 23, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 305-327).
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Sutherland, Callum William. "Theography and postsecular politics in the geographies of postchristendom communities." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/27782.
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Studying the overlaps between religion and politics in human geography is no longer a niche pursuit. Now, a plethora of literature in the discipline covers various facets of the topic, analysing the role of religion in contexts ranging from welfare contracts to geopolitical imaginations. Furthermore, investigating the religion/politics interface has been enhanced in recent years by increasing theoretical innovation in religious geography, incorporating poststructural epistemologies into the subdiscipline. This shift has directed geographers to the fluid construction of practices and places through the everyday lives of religious subjects and communities. Despite these developments, I argue that studies at the religion/politics interface still lack an epistemology that can adequately comprehend emerging empirical work in geography and associated disciplines that highlights the blurring of religious praxis into activism. Geographers have rarely represented the mechanisms that produce the heterogeneity of religious involvement in politics, putting the new poststructural epistemologies in the subdiscipline to work by categorising religious subjects and communities as homogeneously progressive or regressive, or focussing instead on the affective atmospheres and internal dynamics of faith communities. In this thesis I argue that in order to understand religious involvement in activism, geographers of religion need to begin to blend poststructural epistemologies that attend to the everyday fluidity of religion with epistemological work on networks in activist geographies. This is necessary work because these two realms are beginning to intermingle on the ground, consequently highlighting the production of religious subjectivities between religious and activist practices. In response to this gap between theory and empirics, I turn my attention to faith communities that embody elements of a postchristendom ethos, flattening religious hierarchies, welcoming difference, and engaging beyond themselves through social justice activism. By addressing this context I can underscore the knowledges that geographies of the religion/politics interface have missed so far, examining the multiple factors at play in the formation of faith community raison d’êtres, the accommodation of difference in faith communities, and how religious subjects negotiate their praxis between religious and activist spaces. By drawing attention to these issues and developing an epistemology to deal with them, this thesis develops more nuanced ways of producing knowledge about religious subjectivities and communities as they relate to activism.
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Russell-Jones, Iwan. "The relationship between theology and politics in the writings of John Lilburne, Richard Overton and William Walwyn." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a6106d7e-a6bd-4ab1-8597-f2c77f4d3ac3.
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In assessing the relationship between theology and politics in the writings of the three major Leveller pamphleteers of the 17th century, scholars have tended to search for, and focus upon, individual aspects of one or other of the Levellers' respective theological positions which they consider to have had democratic implications - as, for example, the notion of congregational church government, or a universalist understanding of salvation - which are then deemed to have been foundational to their political theories. But this approach is too abstract. The development of the Leveller platform can best be understood if it is seen as the attempt to answer a question posed by the Presbyterian opponents of religious liberty, and in particular, by William Prynne. In effect, the question was this: how can a society avoid anarchy and continue to exist in any civilised form if the social cement of established religion is removed? Prynne asked this of the Independents and sectaries in civil war England in the belief that there could be no satisfactory answer. Lilburne, Overton and Walwyn sought to provide one by appealing to principles drawn from the law of nature. The major influence on the development of their political thinking was the revolutionary theory of natural rights which underpinned Parliament's struggle against the King Theology was but a secondary factor. It was the fundamental secularity of the Levellers' approach which led to its rejection in 1649 by leading Independents and sectaries, whose own separatism was modified by millennialism and notions of 'godly rule'. Thus, while the Levellers' political platform developed as an attempt to translate into reality the separation of church and state that was at the heart of separatist ecclesiology, it failed because of the opposition of the very people whose ideas it was intended to reflect and embody.
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Hollowell, Adam Edward. "This side of the ploughshares : concepts of covenant and repentance in Paul Ramsey's political theology." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5801.
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When it comes to moral political endeavors, the good eventually achieved is never identical to the good initially pursued. This is true if for no other reason than the fact that time passes with every new political moment. We move from goods intended to goods achieved. At the same time such movement is not simply a product of the temporal character of our lives. Occupying a middle ground between accounts of human agency as wholly determined or wholly ambiguous there is a sense in which any exercise of the will is fundamentally indeterminate. Said more simply, we are contingent beings. Thus, while it may be possible to speak conceptually of a determinate or atemporal political good, the possibility of a moral political endeavor – that is, a purposive movement toward some political good – rests upon the inescapably contingent and temporal character of our lives. If political endeavors are never entirely under (or out of) our control and always take shape temporally then it is important to insist that the discrepancy between intended goods and actual goods need not be interpreted negatively. That is to say, the indeterminate character of our moral lives need not be seen as a tragic disruption to what would otherwise be seamless political existence. Rather, the indeterminacy is a deliberate (read: good) feature of created existence in time. This allows for recognition of a structure to political morality. Agents seize the opportunity afforded by contingency to pursue identified political goods with purpose and direction. At the same time moral pursuits are always highly conditioned by contingencies of delimited authority, responsibilities of representation, demands of process, etc. The constantly changing political landscape perpetually requires both reactive and anticipatory adjustments of the political good in sight. If contingency and temporality shape and limit any political pursuit of the good, then a chief task of political theology is to illuminate the theological significance of those features of created existence. Political theology bears the burden of articulating the divine origin and purpose of the structures which make political morality possible. In this way contingency comes into view not as an incidental feature of humanity but as the gift of a good creator making possible faithful creaturely response. Similarly, political goods take shape not merely in time but in a particular time between creation and eschaton. This thesis is a study in the theological significance of indeterminacy and temporality in the pursuit of political goods by way of an analysis of the political writings of 20th century moral theologian Paul Ramsey. His reflections on the unique moral structure of political actions provide the theological and analytical resources to animate such a study. Close attention to his work pursues an understanding of how theological language describes, interprets and accounts for the nature of political morality and the function that such descriptions have in defining and shaping concepts of the political good.
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Shin, Rebecca C. "The Christian Influence Over Secular Understandings of Marriage in the United States: A Critical Analysis of Augustinian Theology." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/516.
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In this thesis, I seek to contextualize the exclusivity of traditional marriage in the United States. I investigate the use of Christian beliefs applied to the American legal system, consequently becoming the foundation of American commonsense. I draw out the ways in which Augustinian thoughts on marriage have inadvertently been used to justify institutional favoritism toward heterosexual, monogamous couples. Through examining the Christian-American lens that shapes our understanding of traditional marriage, I argue that previous and current secular opposition to non-traditional marriage is fundamentally grounded in Christian faith, furthermore, American cultural understanding of marriage is unconsciously lined with Augustinian thought.
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Klingen, Henning. "Gefährdete Öffentlichkeit : zur Verhältnisbestimmung von politischer Theologie und medialer Öffentlichkeit /." Berlin ; Münster : Lit, 2008. http://d-nb.info/988537540/04.
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Peet, John Christopher. "The politics of the crucified : a study of the political theology of John Howard Yoder, Leonardo Boff and Jon Sobrino with special reference to the crucifixion." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1029/.
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Jesus died violently on the cross, the form of execution imposed on those who threatened the Roman imperial order. What difference does this make to Christian political theology? What is the revelatory value of Jesus’ death with regard to political theology? This thesis explores these questions, using a Christocentric methodology and taking three theologians in particular as interlocutors -– the Mennonite theologian John Yoder and the Latin American liberation theologians Leonardo Boff and Jon Sobrino – with special reference to an examination of the ways in which their political theologies are shaped by the cross. The first part of the thesis consists of a close analysis and comparison of the writings of the above theologians concerning the cross. In Yoder, the theme of a cruciform, non-violent and non-resistant church is emphasised. In Boff and Sobrino the cross is seen to represent a protest against suffering in the name of a crucified God in solidarity with a crucified people. In the second part of the thesis the perspective widens to examine two issues which particularly arise from this analysis – how a Christian doctrine of political power is affected by the crucifixion, and how the contemporary church, particularly in Britain, might adopt a ‘cruciform’ political praxis. The conclusion is drawn that the chief Christian criterion for analysing political power is victimological – i.e. from the perspective of the victims of power, rather than those who exercise it. In the light of this, and given its increasingly marginalised status, the church in Britain should abandon any pretensions to ‘Christendom’, formulate a cruciform political theology and willingly live out a cruciform status.
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McVicar, Michael Joseph. "Reconstructing America: Religion, American Conservatism, and the Political Theology of Rousas John Rushdoony." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1284987530.
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Cholee, Jin Sung. "Gender Analysis of Politics, Economics and Culture of Korean Reunification: Toward a Feminist Theological Foundation for Reunified Society." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/64.
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In this study, I have focused on the process for an eventual reunification of North and South Korea. In this process, Korean political, economic, cultural and religious issues are necessarily present. My study focuses on cultural and religious factors. I adopt the German reunification as a case study. The German reunification process provides Koreans with lessons about the negative changes in the status of German women since the German reunification caused extreme instances of the loss of status and economic opportunity for women. German reunification shows that the unequal situation and systems in society were not only due to political positions. Strong religious factors deeply influenced the German mentality.
A similar religion-factor is at work in North Korean society which is influenced by Confucianism and in South Korean society which is influenced by Confucianism and conservative Christianity. I argue that religion is one of the major factors in the political culture of Korea, and religion can either assist a fair and equal process for both women and men or it can in a biased way maintain a male-oriented form of reunification. Consequently, the cultural and religious factors in this process of reunification must include an equalization of women and men. This can only take place if Korean women are major participants in the entire reunification process. There is a serious need for a reunification theology which incorporate gender into Korean theology, thus providing a 'feminist reunification theology.' A 'feminist reunification theology' presents basic theological principles that will help build an egalitarian community. There are three important ways to include women's concern for true reunification: 1) The creation of an egalitarian community in work, family and society; 2) The restoration of humanity by healing love and forgiveness through the power of Cross; and 3) The need for religion to be reformed in which a women can be a co-leader in family, church and nation.
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Erwin, Scott Robert. "The theological vision of Reinhold Niebuhr's "The Irony of American history"." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:839082ac-d9a8-454c-96b7-3e2385fd5b39.
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Reinhold Niebuhr remains at the center of a national conversation about America's role in the world, and commentators with divergent political and religious positions look to his 1952 work, The Irony of American History, in support of their views. In this study, Scott R. Erwin argues that an appreciation of Niebuhr's theological vision is necessary for understanding the full measure of Irony and his perspective on life more broadly. Such a study is important because many individuals reading Irony today fail to acknowledge the central role that his Christian beliefs played in his writings. Niebuhr described his theological vision as being 'in the battle and above it,' and, it was this perspective that led Niebuhr, in Irony, to assert that America must both take 'morally hazardous action' in combating the aggression of the Soviet Union and engage in critical self-evaluation to prevent the country from assuming the most odious traits of its Cold War foe. Niebuhr developed his theological vision over the course of the 1930s and 1940s through engagement with Christian doctrine, as most readily seen in his academic works such as The Nature and Destiny of Man, and engagement with current events, as seen in his many journalistic writings during this period. By focusing primarily on Niebuhr's writings between 1931 and 1951, Erwin traces the development of his Christian interpretation of human nature and history, establishes how it informed his theological vision, and reveals how that theological vision underlay his writings on current affairs.
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Fischer, Tahlia G. M. B. "(Re)membering a Christian nation: Christian nationalism, biblical literalism, and the politics of public memory." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/4629.
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This dissertation explores the manner in which theological elements from a biblical literalist perspective undergird and authorize the historical memory texts produced by Christian nationalist advocates in support of conservative Protestant religious establishment. Christian nationalist discourses exploit notions of divine warrant, public remembrance, and "historical evidence" as means to read the nation and contemporary far right ideological commitments as biblically founded, and hence, as binding upon the nation. Focusing on the rhetoric of David Barton, Christian nationalist par excellence and Republican Party operative, I argue that discourses of Christian nationhood mobilize the theologies of providence, inerrancy, inspiration, and literalism as rhetorical strategies to situate God's law as the definitive legal standard through which American law and cultural values are (de)authorized. Drawing upon the presumptions of biblical literalism to present the textual "proof' of a Christian nation, the politics of this memory work (and the many ways these discourses presume to furnish textual proofs of a biblical nation) aims to influence and to shape public memory, opinion, political behavior, and policy formation in favor of far right Protestant hegemonic interests.
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ALVES, ANTONIO APARECIDO. "FAITH AND POLITICS FORMATION SCHOOLS: A THEOLOGICAL STUDY BASED ON THE SOCIAL TEACHING OF THE CHURCH AND IN LATIN AMERICAN THEOLOGY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=15625@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORAs Escolas de Formação Fé e Política são uma feição contemporânea da formação política dos cristãos na Igreja do Brasil. Conhecer a origem desse novo modelo de formação, mapear essas escolas e socializar suas experiências têm grande relevância pastoral, sendo que neste trabalho são apresentadas treze escolas. A tese que se defende nesta pesquisa é a de que existe uma teologia subjacente a estas escolas e, por isto, seu objetivo principal é o de fazer um estudo teológico dos objetivos, programas e conteúdos de formação das escolas, tendo como parâmetro o Ensino Social da Igreja e a Teologia latino-americana. No que se refere ao Ensino Social da Igreja, será seguida a indicação da Evangelii Nuntiandi, tendo como base a Constituição Pastoral Gaudium et Spes e demais documentos da Doutrina Social da Igreja. No que tange a Teologia latino-americana, serão consideradas sua metodologia e sua reflexão teológica, bem como os modelos teológicos de relação Fé e Política engendrados por teólogos deste continente. A conclusão a que se chegou é que existem ênfases teológicas diversas, presentes nas Escolas de Formação Fé e Política.
The Faith and Politics Formation Schools are a contemporary expression of the Christian political formation at the Brazilian Catholic Church. To know the source of this new formation model, to map these schools and socialize their experiences is a very important pastoral task, so this work presents thirteen schools. The proposed thesis in this research is that there is a theology that underlies these schools and, therefore, in this work, the main objective is to develop a theological study of its objectives, programs and content related to the formation, based on the Social Teaching of the Church and in Latin American theology, as a perspective. Regarding the Social Teaching of the Church, it will be followed an indication of Evangelii Nuntiandi, based on the Pastoral Constitution Gaudium et Spes, and other documents of the Social Doctrine of the Church. As far as Latin American Theology, it will be considered its methodology and its theological reflection, as well as the theological models of the relationship between Faith and Politics`, engendered by theologians of this continent. The conclusion reached is that there are different theological emphasis present in Faith and Politics Formation Schools.
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Van, Wyk Alan. "Becoming Otherwise: Politics, Metaphysics and Power in Judith Butler and Alfred North Whitehead." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cgu_etd/12.
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The post-secular event within which we live is occasioned as the limit of the secular project. The secular project meets its limit in attempting to separate a religious private sphere from a public sphere while at the same time repeating as a demand a religious subjectivation of the public sphere: demanding conformity to a simple subjectivity, producing a world of simple subjects through a theologically determined metaphysics of conversion. In this latter demand secularism enforces a simplicity of its subjects and its world. Yet this simplicity cannot be taken up into or as life. To genuinely live and think the post-secular requires, then, not simply a resistance to the secular but a resistance to simplicity, developing ways of becoming otherwise than simply and of producing a world other than that which conforms to a metaphysics of conversion.
This dissertation proposes to meet the requirements of the post-secular event by developing a post-secular political ontology drawn from the work of Judith Butler and Alfred North Whitehead. Read through and out of these two philosophers of becoming is a post-secular political ontology that is embedded within a metaphysics of creativity, a metaphysic that is itself already infected by the political. At the intersection of the work of Butler and Whitehead a metaphysic arises that is a systematic discourse of the political.
From this metaphysic a political ontology is developed. This political ontology begins with a suspicion of grammar as a suspicion of a subject-predicate form of thought that grounds ontologies of substance. With this suspicion, being is allowed to unfold as its becoming, particularly as a becoming material, so that actuality is a becoming materiality. This is also a relational becoming of feeling, becoming as a process of intensive feeling that can never be finalized for itself, always suffering its own continual downfall. Finally, but without finality, actuality is a becoming of creativity, opened by a divine violence that ruptures history by the possible, leading to a post-secular political ontology of the future.
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Bas, Bilal. "Ecclesiastical politics during the Iconoclastic controversy (726-843) : the impact of Eusebian "Imperial Theology" on the justification of imperial policies." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=115638.
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As a debate over the legitimacy of the liturgical use of images, the Byzantine Iconoclastic controversy (ca. 726-843) had important political and theological implications, which modern scholarship generally tends to treat unconnectedly. The primary object of this study is to explicate the relationship between the political and theological dimensions of the controversy and to reconstruct the debate over images in a comprehensive approach that accounts for both its political and theological dimensions.The main argument of the thesis is that the question of images was a politico-theological problem and the prospects of 'political expediency' and 'theological propriety' were correlated in the minds of both the Iconoclastic reformers and their Iconodule rivals. Indeed, it was through their respective soteriologies that the two parties gave meaning to the theological and political dimensions of the debate in relationship with their respective theological first principles. Therefore, the Iconoclastic debate is explained as a soteriological dispute where the worldview represented by the traditional Byzantine religio-political ideology and the worldview represented by the proponents of images were set over against each other.
The main contribution of our thesis to modern scholarship of the Byzantine Iconoclastic controversy is to reconstruct the debate in the light of the contending theological paradigms of the two parties, which shaped not only their attitudes towards images but also their political stands in relation to the Byzantine Empire's involvement in ecclesiastical politics. This new synthetic reading explains the debate in reference to two essential theological cornerstones of the Byzantine tradition---the Eusebian "Imperial Theology" and the Christological definition of the council of Chalcedon---both taken as key reference points, against which the political and doctrinal stands of both parties were constructed and interpreted.
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Engström, Joel. "Musikdramatiska möten : tankar kring arbetet med kammaroperan Mayday Payday." Thesis, Kungl. Musikhögskolan, Institutionen för komposition, dirigering och musikteori, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kmh:diva-1651.
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