Journal articles: 'The women's political engagement'

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Kim, Jeong Hyun. "Direct Democracy and Women's Political Engagement." American Journal of Political Science 63, no. 3 (March 12, 2019): 594–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12420.

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Mohamad *, Maznah. "Women's engagement with political Islam in Malaysia." Global Change, Peace & Security 16, no. 2 (June 2004): 133–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0951274042000233350.

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Wolak, Jennifer. "Descriptive Representation and the Political Engagement of Women." Politics & Gender 16, no. 2 (February 26, 2019): 339–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000910.

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AbstractWhen women are represented on the campaign trail and in elected office, women in the electorate have been shown to report greater engagement in politics. However, most evidence of the effects of descriptive representation on women's empowerment is drawn from surveys from the 1980s and 1990s. I update these studies to consider how women candidates and officeholders affect the political knowledge, interest, and participation of other women in the electorate. Using responses from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study from 2006 to 2014, I find that both men and women are more politically knowledgeable when represented by women in Congress and in state government. Considering political engagement, I find little evidence that women are more politically interested or participatory when residing in places with more female officeholders or candidates. Women's political presence as candidates and officeholders does not uniquely encourage other women to engage in political life.

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Bahar, Moh Syaeful, Dodik Harnadi, and Zaimatus Sa’diyah. "The Patriarchal Interpretation and the Political Participation of Rural Women in Bondowoso East Java." Karsa: Journal of Social and Islamic Culture 30, no. 1 (June 28, 2022): 184–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.19105/karsa.v30i1.5179.

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This study aims to oversee the practice of gender injustice that affects rural women's lack of substantive political participation in Bondowoso Regency. During the Legislative General Election in 2014-2019 and 2019-2024, women's political participation was complimentary for the registration and administrative requirements rather than substantial involvement. This situation continues to happen even after the release of regulations that require the fulfillment of a quota of 30 percent of women’s representation in a political party. This study uses a qualitative approach. Furthermore, this study also uses a feminist approach. By using that feminist approach, this study aims to discover (1) how rural women in Bondowoso respond to political engagement and (2) how religious arguments are interpreted concerning the role of women in political engagement. This study found that (1) women’s involvement in politics is high in quantity rather than quality. Women’s political participation does not directly guarantee their active role in the political world. Instead of making a maximum contribution to the development of politics, women’s participation is stigmatized. (2) One circumstance that hinders women’s participation relates to the misogynistic interpretation of religious teachings in Bondowoso’s rural society. It refers to patriarchal domination in understanding the concept of leadership in Islam that eventually stigmatizes women’s involvement in politics.

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Kim, Jeong Hyun. "Erratum to Direct Democracy and Women's Political Engagement." American Journal of Political Science 65, no. 3 (June 17, 2021): 770–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12540.

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Adefemi, A. D. "BREAKING BARRIERS: WOMEN'S POLITICAL EMPOWERMENT IN SOUTHWEST NIGERIA'S LEGISLATIVE LANDSCAPE." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 6, no. 1 (January 1, 2024): 11–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue01-03.

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This study delves into the dynamic landscape of women's political participation and representation in the legislatures of Southwest Nigeria. Recognizing the importance of fostering gender inclusivity in democratic processes, the research investigates the barriers that hinder women's active involvement in politics and explores strategies to enhance their empowerment. Through a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, including interviews, surveys, and data analysis, the study provides insights into the current status of women's political engagement, highlights successful interventions, and proposes recommendations for breaking barriers andadvancing women's political empowerment in the Southwest Nigerian context.

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Jiang, Xiaodi, Yuanyuan Guo, and Peng Dong. "Factors Affecting the Institutionalized Political Participation of Chinese Women." International Journal of Electronic Government Research 20, no. 1 (November 1, 2023): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.333055.

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This study utilizes the CGSS2021 dataset to explore institutionalized political engagement among Chinese women. Key findings include positive correlations with social circle involvement, housing area, and traditional media consumption. Interestingly, younger women are less politically engaged. Cross-tabulation reveals that daily social interactions and disagreement with prioritizing marriage over career boost institutionalized political involvement, particularly in Beijing. By contrast, women from Inner Mongolia show the least engagement. Surprisingly, frequent internet usage has limited influence on political participation, whereas traditional media use boosts it. Women in their first marriage also show higher engagement. The study offers policy recommendations to enhance Chinese women's political participation.

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Liu, Shan-Jan Sarah, and Lee Ann Banaszak. "Do Government Positions Held by Women Matter? A Cross-National Examination of Female Ministers' Impacts on Women's Political Participation." Politics & Gender 13, no. 01 (July 19, 2016): 132–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000490.

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Current research shows that female legislators serve as role models for women. Understudied is how and the extent to which female ministers inspire women to participate in politics. We argue that with their high visibility and greater ability to influence policy, female ministers also serve as role models, but their influence differs depending on the form of political engagement. Using the World Values Survey and additional national-level variables, we employ multilevel modeling techniques to explore how women in the cabinet influence various forms of women's political engagement. We find that the proportion of women in the cabinet has a stronger effect on participation than the proportion of women in parliament. All else being equal, a higher proportion of women in the cabinet increases women's conventional participation (voting and party membership), petition signing, and engagement in peaceful demonstrations, but it does not influence women's participation in strikes or boycotts. Our findings add to current studies of women's political representation, in which ministerial representation is often underexplored or not differentiated from parliamentary representation, and help distinguish various forms of participation. Future research should consider examining a wider variety of women's political roles in other areas of the political arena.

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Spence, Jean, and Carol Stephenson. "Female Involvement in the Miners’ Strike 1984-1985: Trajectories of Activism." Sociological Research Online 12, no. 1 (January 2007): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1461.

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This paper is based on recent primary research interviews with women who were active in the 1984-1985 miners’ strike. The paper claims that one depiction of women's engagement in the strike has been privileged above others: activist women were miners’ wives who embarked on a linear passage from domesticity and political passivity into politicisation and then retreated from political engagement following the defeat. This depiction is based on a masculinist view which sees political action as organisationally based and which fails to recognise the importance of small scale and emotional political work which women did and continue to undertake within their communities. In reality many women were politically active and aware prior to the dispute though not necessarily in a traditional sense. Women's activism is characterised by continuity: those women who have maintained activism were likely to have been socially and/or politically active prior to the dispute.

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Nallaballi, Vimala, and B. Ananda Naidu. "A Study on Women's Political Activism in a Grampanchayat, Anantapuramu District, Andhra Pradesh." RESEARCH REVIEW International Journal of Multidisciplinary 7, no. 5 (May 16, 2022): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31305/rrijm.2022.v07.i05.010.

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The current research focuses on how these local government units are run and how elections are conducted to learn more about women's political engagement in Panchayati raj. 95 women from Vepulaparthy Gram Panchayat of Brahmasamudram Mandal in Anantapuramu District were surveyed as part of the research in January 2022. The study found that women's political engagement in the Panchayat election process was adequate. Still, women lack interest in politics regarding assembly and parliamentary elections. Women's sluggishness may be mainly attributed to the patriarchal nature of society, culture, and education.

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Khatoon, Sahera, and Abdul Majid. "Examining Political Representation of Women in Pakistan through Liberal Feminist Perspective: A Case Study of 2024 General Elections." Summer 2023 VIII, no. III (August 30, 2023): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gsr.2023(viii-iii).01.

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Despite comprising half of Pakistan's population, women face significant hurdles in political engagement due to entrenched gender inequality and patriarchal structures. Despite measures like quotas, genuine participation remains limited. Liberal feminist theory advocates for addressing the root causes of gender disparity, advocating for gender-inclusive politics by removing institutional barriers. This paper examines structural impediments to women's political involvement in Pakistan, using a liberal feminist lens. It illuminates systemic challenges hindering gender parity in politics, evident in the 2024 general election despite reserved seats in parliament. Cultural norms, social constraints, and violence perpetuate gender inequalities, impeding women's active participation in political processes. This analysis underscores the persistent gender gap in political representation, urging comprehensive reforms to dismantle barriers obstructing women's full engagement in politics.

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UDDIN, MOHAMMAD JASIM. "MICROCREDIT, CIVIC NETWORKS AND WOMEN'S POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT IN BANGLADESH." Hong Kong Journal of Social Work 47, no. 01n02 (January 2013): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s021924621300003x.

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The social capital school has proposed that one of the key mechanisms for generating good democratic outcomes is participation in voluntary associations. Of late, group-based microcredit programmes are considered as effective policy instruments for generating and strengthening civic networks of the community. However, on the micro-level we do not know enough about how membership in microcredit programmes promotes civic engagement, nurtures democratic learning process and makes their members more cooperative. In this paper I investigate whether microcredit providing NGOs have run through and nurtured democratic practices at the local level and whether they mobilize citizens politically and promote leadership among the women. The results indicate that microcredit organizations in the area that I studied failed to promote women's political capabilities or civic engagement since these organizations mainly concentrate on the services of credit distribution and installments collection, and have deviated or shifted away from community mobilization.

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Eshiet, Idongesit. "Voice and Accountability." International Journal of Political Activism and Engagement 6, no. 3 (July 2019): 10–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijpae.2019070102.

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The article assesses the importance of citizen engagement in engendering good governance in the health sector. However, citizens need an effective ‘voice' in order to be heard. Thus, the article argues for the need to utilise existing civic organizations like the rural women's associations as platforms of civic engagements. Using Akwa Ibom state as a study location, the article investigated the role of rural women's associations in citizen engagement in the primary health sector. Findings reveal that although rural women's associations are engaged in diverse socio-economic and political activities, they however do not engage in socially accountable activities. Nevertheless, findings further reveal that associations have the potentials of becoming platforms for social accountability if harnessed by development partners. The argument of the study is anchored on the participatory development approach which argues about the need for beneficiaries of development to become active participants in the development process.

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Westfall, Aubrey, Özge Çelik Russell, Bozena Welborne, and Sarah Tobin. "Islamic Headcovering and Political Engagement: The Power of Social Networks." Politics and Religion 10, no. 1 (February 3, 2017): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048316000754.

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AbstractThis article explores the relationship between headcovering and women's political participation through an original online survey of 1,917 Muslim-American women. As a visible marker of religious group identity, wearing the headscarf can orient the integration of Muslim women into the American political system via its impact on the openness of their associational life. Our survey respondents who cover are more likely to form insular, strong ties with predominantly Muslim friend networks, which decreased their likelihood of voting and affiliating with a political party. Interestingly, frequency of mosque attendance across both covered and uncovered respondents is associated with a higher probability of political participation, an effect noted in other religious institutions in the United States. Yet, mosque attendance can simultaneously decrease the political engagement of congregants if they are steered into exclusively religious friend groups. This discovery reveals a tension within American Muslim religious life and elaborates on the role of religious institutions vs. social networks in politically mobilizing Muslim-Americans.

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Arscott, Jane. "Opening Doors Wider: Women's Political Engagement in Canadaedited by Sylvia Bashevkin." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 32, no. 3 (July 2011): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2011.589298.

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Nikolayenko, Olena, and Maria DeCasper. "Why Women Protest: Insights from Ukraine's EuroMaidan." Slavic Review 77, no. 3 (2018): 726–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.207.

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This article examines why Ukrainian women participated in the 2013–14 anti-government protests, widely known as the EuroMaidan. Based upon in-depth interviews with female protesters, the study uncovers a wide range of motivations for women's engagement in the revolution, including dissatisfaction with the government, solidarity with protesters, motherhood, civic duty, and professional service. Political discontent was the most cited reason for protesting. Solidarity with protesters was another major catalyst for political engagement. In addition, women who were mothers invoked the notion of mothering to provide a rationale for activism. The study contributes to the growing literature on women's participation in contentious politics in non-democracies.

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Arat, Yeşim. "Violence, Resistance, and Gezi Park." International Journal of Middle East Studies 45, no. 4 (October 15, 2013): 807–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813000962.

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As a student of politics whose primary research interest is in women's political participation in Turkey, my engagement with the study of violence is through the lens of gender. In gender studies, “violence” is arguably the most important critical concept for the articulation of the personal as the political. Women's recognition that violence in their personal lives and intimate relationships needed to be problematized in the political realm and transformed through public debate was a revolutionary development. Bringing this recognition into the canon of political thought has been a major contribution of feminist theorists.

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Cornett, Natalie. "God and State Above All." Polish Review 69, no. 1 (April 1, 2024): 8–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/23300841.69.1.02.

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Abstract This article explores how politically active Polish women starting in the late nineteenth century until the start of World War II viewed themselves and their duties vis-a-vis the Polish nation. It traces the women's movement in Poland from the first calls for women's right to work, to their eventual enfranchisement under a newly independent Polish state in 1918. Challenges to women's equality took many forms: men from both sides of the political spectrum viewed women's entry into the salaried workforce and the public sphere as largely undesirable and deployed a variety of arguments to reinforce traditional gender hierarchy. Yet many educated Polish women, even from conservative, Catholic perspectives, viewed their engagement in the public sphere as necessary work for the good of the Polish nation. This article uses letters, political pamphlets, and published works to explore how modern Polish women attempted to strike a balance between breaking and preserving traditional notions of gender in order to secure new rights for themselves in a volatile political atmosphere. While Polish women's groups differed on their vision of the ideal Polish state, they generally agreed that women's roles as mothers provided the moral legitimacy required to act in the public sphere. They successfully carved a space for themselves in the new Polish state of 1918 but remained marginalized in a separate and unequal status in the interwar period.

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Bashir, Nadia, Farmanullah, Alamgir Khan, and Shumaila Ihtisham. "Unlocking Women's Electoral Participation: Exploring the Impact of Education on Voter Participation in the General Elections of 2018 in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Pakistan)." Journal of Asian Development Studies 13, no. 1 (February 28, 2024): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.62345/jads.2024.13.1.8.

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This research paper investigates the multifaceted relationship between education and women's participation in electoral processes as voters. Through a comprehensive synthesis of existing literature, empirical studies, and theoretical frameworks, the study aims to unravel the intricate mechanisms by which education shapes women's engagement in elections. Furthermore, the research explores the mediating role of contextual factors including socio-economic development, gender norms, and political institutions in moderating the impact of education on women's voter turnout. By shedding light on these dynamics, the paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the complex interplay between education, socio-political contexts, and women's electoral behavior. This research holds implications for policy interventions aimed at promoting gender equality and fostering inclusive democratic practices worldwide.

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Gidengil, Elisabeth, Brenda O'Neill, and Lisa Young. "Her Mother's Daughter? The Influence of Childhood Socialization on Women's Political Engagement." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 31, no. 4 (October 29, 2010): 334–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2010.533590.

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Al-Billeh, Tareq, and Hamzeh Abu Issa. "Jordanian Women’s Political Participation in The Nineteenth Parliament Elections (2020): The Beginning of the Political Rise of Jordanian Women?" Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 50, no. 5 (October 30, 2023): 244–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.35516/hum.v50i5.961.

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Objectives: This study seeks to elucidate the significance of Jordanian women's political engagement in parliamentary elections by assessing their participation rights, examining the process of women's candidacy within the quota system, and evaluating their representation in open electoral competition. Methods: The research used the descriptive analytical method to identify the nature of Jordanian women's participation in the elections of the nineteenth parliament for (2020). This was conducted by analyzing the texts of the Jordanian Constitution and those of the Election Law for the parliament as well as identifying their contents, implications and objectives to find appropriate solutions to ensure the participation of Jordanian women in the parliamentary elections in addition to the study and analysis of statistical tables. Results: The results indicated that the Parliament’s Election Law granted Jordanian women the right to vote for membership in the Parliament while the Jordanian women participated as voters and candidates in the 19th Parliament elections for the year (2020). Yet, the results showed that the Election Law specified a mechanism for Jordanian women's candidacy for the women's quota and determined the extent of Jordanian women's representation through free competition for the electoral district. Conclusions: The study recommended the necessity that the competent authorities in Jordan shall review the Election Law for the Parliament periodically together with the need to amend the Election Law to specify a quota for women in the seats allocated to the Circassians, Chechens and Christians to ensure real equality in rights and duties between men and women

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Sapkota, Keshab Raj. "Participation and Challenges Faced by The women's Elected in Local Level Government at Bharatpur Metropolitan City, Chitwan, Nepal." BMC Journal of Scientific Research 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/bmcjsr.v2i1.42733.

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The study aimed to find out the women’s representation at the local governance level. The paper is a qualitative analysis of participation and challenges of women in local Government in Chitwan, Nepal. This study explored the factors that facilitate women’s access to political and participation in local level governments. This study was based on Interview methods, focus group discussion and key informant interview. The primary information was collected from the 61 elected women who told the story of their journey to political participation and present status at different local level governments. This study was limited within only one Bharatpur Metropolitan City of Chitwan, Nepal. Majority of women lack resources and knowledge of their rights, have to face corrupt political culture and double burden of family role that restrict their effective participation in political processes. Inclusion Policy is the good practices that help advance women’s representation at the local level. The role of family and political parties help in supporting women’s engagement in local politics. The factors to women's political participation that they are mainly linked to low levels of female literacy and training, traditional gender roles and stereotypes, low self-esteem. Women are subject to strong discrimination coming from deeply rooted patriarchal attitudes and practices. There is a widespread belief that the public space is not meant for women and that by nature they cannot be good leaders. These perceptions are stronger in local level politics, making it hard for women to contest and take up leadership positions. The women's participation in local level government has been done to reduce or improve barriers and to analyze the political empowerment of women .

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Johnson, Cathryn Evangeline. "Why rural Malian women want to be candidates for local office: changes in social and political life and the arrival of a gender quota." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 3 (September 2019): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000296.

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AbstractWhy would rural Malian women express interest in political participation? Mali implemented a gender quota during the 2016 local elections. In a rural village where I conducted immersive research, the majority of women I interviewed following the 2016 poll expressed interest in running for local office in the future. Scholars of women's political participation theorise that quotas bring women to elected office and increase women's political participation. These theoretical perspectives cannot fully explain why women in rural Mali would express enthusiastic interest in political participation. These women participate extensively in savings and credit associations. Drawing on data generated through engagement with women in their daily lives, I explore how economic advancement can shape women's participatory aspirations. Examining longer-term changes in the local political economy of this rural village provides a deeper understanding of why women responded positively to a new institutional opening for political participation.

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Jiang, Xiaodi, Yuanyuan Guo, and Peng Dong. "Determinants of Institutionalized Political Participation in Elderly Women." International Journal of Electronic Government Research 20, no. 1 (May 29, 2024): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijegr.345398.

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This study explores the factors affecting elderly women's institutional political participation. The inverse relationship between economic status and participation may be attributed to poverty constraining the political engagement capabilities of elderly women, while traditional media, especially television, enhances it by providing easily accessible information resources. In contrast, new media shows minimal influence, hinting at a generational digital divide or preference for traditional information channels. Surprisingly, close social circles, notably neighbors and friends, deter participation, possibly reflecting deep-rooted norms or localized echo chambers. These findings highlight the complex interplay of factors shaping political engagement among elderly women and suggest a need for tailored strategies to promote their active involvement in institutional politics.

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Awan, Shehzadi Zamurrad. "Women's political participation in the socio-cultural environment of Pakistan: A critical review of mainstream political parties (2018-2022)." Simulacra 6, no. 2 (November 22, 2023): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v6i2.22741.

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Although women make up half of Pakistan's population, their participation in politics has historically been limited. While women today are more politically active and articulate than in the past, their involvement is still hindered by various factors, including patriarchal structures, a genderbiased socio-cultural environment, and a conservative interpretation of Islam. This study utilizes qualitative methods to assess the participation of women as voters and candidates by examining the roles of far-right (Jamaate-Islami), central (Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz and Pakistan Tehreek-eInsaf) and left (Pakistan People Party Parliamentarian) political parties in the 2008, 2013, and 2018 elections. Relevant secondary sources, including the selected parties' manifestos, have been analyzed through content analysis to establish the appropriate context. The research findings indicate that although regulatory efforts aim to increase women's representation, political parties frequently prioritize female candidates with preexisting political backgrounds. Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that the parties' ideological positions significantly impact their dedication to female political participation and representation. Although political parties have made some progress in improving women's representation and participation in elections, it is clear that a significant and ongoing dedication is necessary to close the gender gap in political engagement.

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Popov-Momčinović, Zlatiborka. "Political socialization of women: Experiences of women's movement." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 5 (2010): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1005229p.

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In this work it was tried to point out the forms and contents of political engagements of women within women's movements both old and new, as well as the contemporary obstacles and challenges in globalizing world. The significance of women's movement is not only in its endurance and successfulness, yet also in the fact that it expanded the framework of what is considered political and offered different political sensibility within the movement's activists and general public were socialized politically.

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Moulton, Mo. "“You Have Votes and Power”: Women's Political Engagement with the Irish Question in Britain, 1919–23." Journal of British Studies 52, no. 1 (January 2013): 179–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2012.4.

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AbstractThe Anglo-Irish War of 1919–21 spurred organized political activity among women in Britain, including former suffragists who campaigned against coercion in Ireland and members of the Irish minority in Britain who supported more radical republican efforts to achieve Irish independence. Their efforts are particularly significant because they occurred immediately after the granting of partial suffrage to women in 1918. This article argues that the advent of female suffrage changed the landscape of women's political mobilization in distinct ways that were made visible by advocacy on Ireland, including the regendering of the discourse of citizenship and the creation of new opportunities beyond the vote for women to exercise political power. At the same time, the use of women's auxiliary organizations and special meetings and the strategic blurring of the public and private spheres through the political use of domestic spaces all indicate the strength of continuities with nineteenth-century antecedents. The article further situates women's political advocacy on Ireland in an imperial and transnational context, arguing that it was part of the process of reconceptualizing Britain's postwar global role whether through outright anti-imperialism, in the case of Irish republicans, or through humanitarianism and the new internationalism, in the case of most former suffragists. Finally, the article examines the failure of these two groups of women to forge alliances with each other, underscoring the ways in which both class and nationality challenged a notional common interest based on sex.

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Yoganandham, G., G. Usha, M. Kalaivani, D. Varalakshmi, E. Mohammed Imran Khan, and G. Elanchezhian. "Political Preferences, Voting Patterns, Affiliations, and Views of Women Workers in Tamil Nadu's Construction Sector - An Assessment." International Journal of Religion 5, no. 2 (February 11, 2024): 57–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/cygd8z49.

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India's informal sector faces issues like irregular work schedules, wage theft, and sexual harassment, particularly among women in construction. Rapid industrialization and urbanization accelerate women's migration, resulting in inadequate remuneration and health hazards. Women's empowerment and the fight against poverty depend heavily on education and empowerment. This research looks at women's political knowledge and engagement in the Vellore District of Tamil Nadu. It focuses on issues related to money and career, political preferences, voting behavior, and perspectives from the construction sector. The major driver of India's economy, the informal sector employs 46.5 crore people, yet it suffers difficulties like isolation, substandard housing, low wages, hard labor, and a lack of occupational health care. Examining 60 Tamil Nadu families' election participation, the study highlights the ethical, legal, and democratic ramifications of gender discrimination in Indian society by showing that demanding behaviors frequently result in less demanding ones. The study explores women's political engagement in the construction industry in Vellore District, focusing on voting, running for office, and organizing activities, influenced by internet campaign news. All parties are welcome to join research organizations, however workers of the government and semi-government are not allowed to join political parties. Tamil Nadu encourages gender equality, yet there are barriers for women in the areas of work, education, and empowerment. This research article aims to analyze the political awareness and participation of women construction workers in Vellore District, Tamil Nadu, focusing on issues like political preferences, voting patterns, and construction sector opinions, using secondary sources and statistical data. According to this point of view, the current situation is both critically important and relevant in terms of both the economy and society.

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Karp, Jeffrey A., and Susan A. Banducci. "When politics is not just a man's game: Women's representation and political engagement." Electoral Studies 27, no. 1 (March 2008): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2007.11.009.

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Robnett, Belinda, and James A. Bany. "Gender, Church Involvement, and African-American Political Participation." Sociological Perspectives 54, no. 4 (December 2011): 689–712. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sop.2011.54.4.689.

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While numerous studies discuss the political implications of class divisions among African-Americans, few analyze gender differences in political participation. This study assesses the extent to which church activity similarly facilitates men's and women's political participation. Employing data from a national cross-sectional survey of 1,205 adult African-American respondents from the 1993 National Black Politics Study, the authors conclude that black church involvement more highly facilitates the political participation of black men than black women. Increasing levels of individual black church involvement and political activity on the part of black churches increases the gender gap in political participation and creates a gender participation gap for some political activities. These findings suggest that while institutional engagement increases political participation, the gendered nature of the institutional context also influences political engagement outcomes.

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Chishti, Maliha. "The International Women's Movement and the Politics of Participation for Muslim Women." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 4 (October 1, 2002): 80–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i4.1917.

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This article explores the potential for Muslim women's political engagement in the international women's movement. irrespective of the barriers that exist to deny and undermine the agency of Muslim women in the movement, this article calls for a more sustained involvement of Muslim women in global feminist thought and praxis. By articulating a faith-centered approach to social justice, Muslim women have important contributions to make in order to push forward a collective agenda against all forms of violence and oppressions affecting women, in both Muslim and non-Muslim societies. This article suggests that Muslim women implement a strategic-integrative approach to our involvement based on creating our own independent and integrated analyses and political frames, and engaging in solidarity and alliance-building with women across our diversity and difference based on mutually defined goals ...

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Zetterberg, Pär. "Do Gender Quotas Foster Women’s Political Engagement?" Political Research Quarterly 62, no. 4 (September 9, 2008): 715–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912908322411.

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VARGHESE, TITTY. "Women’s Political Participation and Leadership in India: Examining the Challenges." Public Policy And Administration 19, no. 1 (May 6, 2020): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.19.1.25228.

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Women's political participation regarded as an essential element in all forms of development; however, gender equality policies of India remain under scrutiny. After independence in 1947, there have been many initiatives to increase the political representation of women by decentralization of power in various local self-government institutions of India. The act of Panchayati Raj Institutions has increased the engagement of marginalized segments of society, including women, into the decision-making role in political institutions. Hence, this study is trying to explore the political leadership of women in Local Self Government institutions. Through the use of qualitative methods such as document analysis of the Panchayati Raj Institutions amendment act and the expert interviews with elected women representatives in one district of Kerala state, the paper seeks to identify the challenges of women in political leadership positions in India, the largest democratic nation. Findings from the study reveal that there is considerable progress in women’s equality in the leadership role; however, there are certain crucial obstacles still exist for women to be active in the political realm.

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Ben Shitrit, Lihi. "Gender and the (In)divisibility of Contested Sacred Places: The Case of Women for the Temple." Politics and Religion 10, no. 04 (May 2, 2017): 812–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000281.

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Abstract Contested sacred sites, over which different religious groups assert claims to exclusivity, have drawn scholarly attention to the spatial interaction between religion and politics. However, the gendered dimensions of inter-communal religious-political disputes over sacred space, and women's roles in these site-specific conflicts, have been largely neglected. Using a case study of Orthodox Jewish women's activism for access to Temple Mount al-Haram al-Sharif, this article demonstrates how attention to gender and to women's engagement in inter-communal conflict over sacred places can illuminate unique intra-communal processes that aim to make a contested sacred site increasingly indivisible for parties to the conflict.

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Hern, Erin. "The Trouble with Institutions: How Women's Policy Machineries Can Undermine Women's Mass Participation." Politics & Gender 13, no. 03 (September 14, 2016): 405–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000519.

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It is no secret that men and women continue to have unequal access in democratic systems. In nearly every country for which data exist, women participate less in politics and hold fewer government positions than men (Beauregard 2014). In recent years, analysis of this ongoing problem has taken an institutional turn: feminist institutionalism examines how the formal and informal “rules of the game” create persistent bias against women in office and the advancement of feminist policy agendas (e.g., Krook and Mackay 2011). Such analysis is important and enlightening, but it illuminates only part of the story. An ongoing problem in most democracies is women's lower level of participation: women are less interested in politics, less likely to be active in campaigning, and less likely to contact officials. While women often vote at the same rate as men, their lower rates of political engagement and higher-intensity forms of participation remains to be explained (Coffe and Bolzendahl 2011; Verba, Burns, and Schlozman 1997).

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Alonso, Alba. "Thriving or Dividing? The Women's Movement and the Independence Referenda in Scotland and Catalonia." Politics & Gender 14, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 460–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000235.

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AbstractTerritorial debates have recently shaken the political systems in Scotland and Catalonia, leading to referenda on independence. This article engages with questions concerning whether this extraordinary process has affected the women's movement and why. Specifically, feminist scholars have often expressed concern regarding how strong territorial identities and nationalist projects might prove detrimental to the movement's unity and success. Here, I look for indications of engagement and revival within the frames of the Scottish and Catalan referendum campaigns. A comparative approach revealed the mobilizing potential of these contexts when certain conditions were present. While the women's movement in Scotland has thrived in the last couple of years, territorial debates in Catalonia have not provided fertile ground for feminist campaigning and have shown divisive potential. The specific dynamics of the women's movement in each setting and the presence of political and discursive opportunity structures account for the different outcomes.

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Kakar, Muhammad Makki, Muhammad Rahim, and Farooq Abdullah. "The Politics of Marginalization: Assessing the Influence of Inter-Party Marginalization on Women’s Political Empowerment in Balochistan, Pakistan." Spring 2023 3, no. 2 (June 30, 2023): 676–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.54183/jssr.v3i2.307.

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This research paper delves into the dynamics of marginalization in politics by examining the impact of inter-party marginalization on the political empowerment of women in Balochistan, Pakistan. Given that women make up half of the population, their involvement in various spheres, particularly political development, holds significant importance. The study specifically focuses on women who are active in the political arena, representing eight political parties in Balochistan: ANP, BNP-Mengal, NP, HDP, PkMAP, PML-N, PPPP, and PTI. A sample of 400 respondents was carefully selected from these parties to gather insights into the political participation and empowerment of women in the region. The findings demonstrate a relationship between women's political affiliation with political parties in Balochistan and their marginalization within the realm of party politics. Furthermore, the study highlights the necessity for political parties to provide equal opportunities for women to participate in party politics and emphasizes the importance of fair and unrestricted political engagement. This research sheds light on the level of women's involvement in politics in Balochistan and underscores the potential for further advancements in empowering women through equal representation.

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Yu, Haiqing, and Lili Cui. "China's E-Commerce: Empowering Rural Women?" China Quarterly 238 (February 7, 2019): 418–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741018001819.

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AbstractThis article employs a feminist political economy perspective to explore the connection between e-commerce, entrepreneurship and gender in rural China. It discusses gendered engagement with, and discourses of, the new digital economy represented by Taobao villages, and asks: how has the success of rural e-commerce impacted the evolving gender mandate and hierarchy in a competitive market economy in rural China? Has rural women's participation in digital economic activities changed their gendered roles and the patriarchal structure in their family and village? This article argues that women's socioeconomic enablement does not necessarily translate into cultural and political empowerment. The enabling potential of female entrepreneurship is tempered by traditional constraints on women and digital capitalist exploitation of their cheap, flexible and docile labour.

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Oghenevwoke Anthony, Agbegbedia. "Gender Inequality and Political Participation in International Politics." African Journal of Gender, Society and Development (formerly Journal of Gender, Information and Development in Africa) 12, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): Agbegbedia—Oghenevwoke Anthony. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-3622/2022/v11n4a4.

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The study's primary goal is to explore gender inequality, women's political participation in world politics, and the difficulties they encounter. The study also looked at whether women's engagement in politics has risen in any way as a result of conferences and conventions for gender equality in politics and offered suggestions for ways to address the obstacles and problems that women experience in international politics. The data was sourced through primary and secondary methods of gathering data. The secondary data entailed the use of journals, internet materials and relevant textbooks. The primary data involved the use of questionnaires administered randomly on 50 selected respondents with knowledge on the topic of study. However 28 respondents supplied relevant information used in the analysis. Data selected was analyzed through the use of descriptive method such as tables and frequency distribution. The causes of gender inequality as discussed in the course of this study include but are not limited to gender roles (patriarchy), virility deficiency syndrome, lack of economic incentives, etcetera.Women around the world have demonstrated the huge contribution they can make when given the opportunity to participate equally in politics.

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Jamal Elatrash, Radwan, Sri Tuti Rahmawati, and Ziyad Alhaq. "Women Empowerment from Quranic perspective." AL-BURHĀN: JOURNAL OF QURʾĀN AND SUNNAH STUDIES 7, no. 2 (December 10, 2023): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/alburhn.v7i2.291.

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Despite the teachings of Islam that advocate for women's rights and empowerment, a substantial disparity persists between the ideal principles and the actual conditions in numerous Muslim communities. Women in many Muslim-majority nations encounter diverse challenges hindering their empowerment and complete societal involvement. Key factors contributing to the predicament of women's empowerment in Islam encompass patriarchal attitudes and cultural norms that confine women's roles and opportunities, as well as limited access to education and training, restricting their active participation in economic and political spheres. Present-day concerns include workplace discrimination and bias against women, encompassing unequal pay and limited advancement opportunities. Additionally, insufficient access to healthcare, education, societal engagement, and reproductive rights adversely affect women's health and well-being. Gender-based violence and harassment, encompassing domestic violence, sexual assault, and trafficking, exacerbate these challenges. Legal inadequacies in protecting and enforcing women's rights regarding marriage, divorce, inheritance, and property ownership further compound the issue. Misinterpretation and misapplication of religious teachings contribute to harmful practices such as forced marriage and female genital mutilation. Addressing these challenges necessitates targeted interventions and policy changes to dismantle significant barriers to women's empowerment in Muslim communities. The researcher employed an inductive approach, tracing research components from exegetical, hadith, and jurisprudential books to derive general rulings. Subsequently, an analytical method was utilized to categorize and discuss scientific material, yielding specific rulings about the subject. The research reached certain significant results, emphasizing the promotion of women's rights, equality, and comprehensive societal participation to foster just and equitable societies. A focus on women's rights to education, societal engagement, economic independence, fair treatment in marriage, and protection from violence and discrimination is crucial. Quranic teachings offer valuable guidance for Muslims to contribute to women's empowerment in their societies actively.

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Chege, Juliah N. "REGIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS AND ORGANIZATIONS OF GOVERNANCE." Reviewed Journal International of Business Management [ISSN 2663-127X] 2, no. 1 (November 21, 2020): 22–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.61426/business.v2i1.11.

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Regional institution building is today a wide spread phenomenon as it is a major part of international relations. Regional organizations have been portrayed as complementary to international organizations, to concerts of great powers in dealing with array of issues. A process of socialization of regional institutions has been taking place since the 1990s. Equal representation of women in political life has a positive influence on the incorporation of gender into different policies. Under the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the United Nations has set a dedicated target specifically dealing with women's access to leadership. Despite the undeniable strides in legal and systemic change towards more women in decision-making, widespread cultural forces continue to obstruct the full exercise of women's political rights. Women continue to be under-represented in public life in many countries worldwide, particularly in the political sphere. The wave of changes in Latin America to institute gender quotas started in 1991. The region's quotas have had a huge effect on rising both the number of women standing as candidates and the number of women being elected. Change in women's political engagement in Africa has not been uniformly spread across Africa. Despite strides made in empowering women politically, sexism against women and a lack of women's meaningful involvement in decision-making continue. This article explored the issues relating to women participation and representation in regional and international governance, a global perspective. The study concluded that the inclusion of women in political decision making had been on the rise worldwide. It also concluded that solutions to the different issues facing women in power include not only building on current methods, but also moving beyond them. The study recommended that there was a need for women interested in coming into political life to have capacity-building programmes. The research also recommended that reasonable qualitative and quantitative metrics should continue to be developed and used by regional organizations to report on progress and to conduct a regional assessment of the status of women.

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Andrews, Abigail. "Women’s Political Engagement in a Mexican Sending Community." Gender & Society 28, no. 4 (February 21, 2014): 583–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243214523124.

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Clayton, Amanda. "Women’s Political Engagement Under Quota-Mandated Female Representation." Comparative Political Studies 48, no. 3 (September 11, 2014): 333–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414014548104.

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Iftikhar, Dr Ifra, Mudassar Hussain, and Humayun Sattar. "Exploring the Complexity of Feminist Beliefs: Gender, Education, and Mother's Work Status as Predictors." Journal of Professional Research in Social Sciences 10, no. 01 (June 30, 2023): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.58932/mula0003.

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This study examines how age, education, gender, and mother's employment position affect feminist ideals, gender equality in political leadership, gender stereotypes, and women's political engagement. Higher education levels indicate stronger feminist views, indicating that education shapes feminist beliefs. Working mothers are more likely to support feminist principles than housewives. Moreover, the findings revealed that women are more likely than males to oppose gender conventions and pursue gender balance in political leadership and institutions. However, relationships may not always be statistically significant, therefore further study is needed to understand the reasons and frequency of these attitudes across both genders. This study illuminates feminist attitudes' complexity, impacted by education, gender, and the mother's job position. The findings highlight the need for further research into the relationship between gender norms, cultural expectations, and feminist ideas, as well as the potential influence of political motivations on individuals' engagement with feminist concepts.

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Gornick, Janet C., and David S. Meyer. "Changing Political Opportunity: The Anti-Rape Movement and Public Policy." Journal of Policy History 10, no. 4 (October 1998): 367–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600007132.

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Both the legal definition of rape and the social responses to it have changed dramatically over the last twenty-five years. The sorts of assaults classified as criminal, the willingness of women who have been raped to turn to the criminal justice system, the rules of prosecution, and the penalties imposed on those found guilty have all been the explicit subjects of public debates initiated in the early 1970s by activists who broke the silence of earlier decades. Activists' engagement with the policy process throughout the 1970s altered institutions and policy at the local, state, and federal levels, and also affected the development and claims of the broader women's movement.

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Priyanshi . "Constitutional Amendment 106 Women Reservation - What can be Learned from 1/3rd PRI Reservation?" International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 12, no. 4 (April 30, 2024): 3161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2024.60550.

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Abstract: Attaining gender inclusion and political empowerment is the goal of the historic Constitutional Amendment for Women's Reservation, which calls for a one-third reservation for women in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs). The dynamics of women's participation in grassroots governance can be better understood by looking at the lessons learned from PRIs' implementation of the 1/3rd reservation. In rural local bodies, like as Panchayats, women were required to occupy one-third of the seats under the 73rd Amendment Act of 1992. In an effort to rectify past gender inequalities, increase women's representation in decision-making bodies, and boost their social and political standing, this proactive policy was put in place. The revolutionary effect on women's political engagement is one important takeaway from the one-third reservation in PRIs. Women were able to take part in local administration through the reserved seats, which helped them develop their leadership abilities and increase their visibility in public service. As a result, women's status in communities was enhanced, and decisionmaking became more inclusive and equal. The importance of prioritizing health, education, and social welfare issues is positively correlated with women's political representation, which is another lesson. To address pressing social issues, women PRI officials frequently fought for policies that would have a direct positive effect on women's and marginalized communities' quality of life. In addition, the 1/3rd reservation effort highlighted the significance of initiatives that strengthen the abilities of female leaders. To help women successfully carry out their responsibilities as leaders, educational and training programs were crucial in providing them with the information and abilities they needed to understand and handle the many facets of government. Even with these good results, there are still problems. In many cases, women are unable to reach their full leadership potential due to cultural biases, patriarchal attitudes, and resistance from established power structures. If we want women to have an impact in politics, we need to break down these entrenched stereotypes and create conditions where they feel comfortable taking an active role

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Kumari, Sweta, Sireesha Nanduri, Harshita Sharma, and Sourabh Batar. "Women in politics: examining their impact on policy development — A comprehensive review." Multidisciplinary Reviews 6 (March 25, 2024): 2023ss034. http://dx.doi.org/10.31893/multirev.2023ss034.

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The representation of women in political offices has expanded in every country over the last few decades. Commencing with a historical overview, this review underscores the persistent obstacles and cultural constraints that have hindered women's political engagement. The primary focus is on identifying and dissecting impediments such as ingrained gender prejudices, unequal access to education, and sociocultural constraints. This comprehensive examination explores the crucial role of women in politics and their profound impact on policy formulation. Global attention has increased on gender equity and women's political representation, emphasizing the importance of understanding how women's participation in political decision-making processes influences policy outcomes. The involvement of women in politics, particularly in poorer countries where health and education are priority sectors, has led to improvements in the delivery of public services. The review delves into the political empowerment of women, highlighting the positive social change and role modeling that women in politics can provide in their local areas. Recent studies suggest that the makeup of public expenditure may not necessarily reflect the impact of female representation on legislative debates and specific policy decisions. Female participation has enhanced institutional quality by reducing corruption and yielding benefits for those in positions of responsibility. The review advocates for greater gender diversity in political decision-making by examining obstacles, proposing solutions, and emphasizing the ongoing need for research and advocacy to support and promote the invaluable contributions of women to global policy development.

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Weiss, Nerina. "Falling from grace: Gender norms and gender strategies in Eastern Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 42 (2010): 55–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005574.

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AbstractThis article calls for a critical scholarly engagement with women's participation in the Kurdish movement. Since the 1980s, women have appropriated the political sphere in different gender roles, and their activism is mostly seen as a way of empowerment and emancipation. Albeit legitimate, such a claim often fails to account for the social and political control mechanisms inherent in the new political gender roles. This article presents the life stories of four Kurdish women. Although politically active, these women do not necessarily define themselves through their political activity. Thus they do not present their life story according to the party line, but dwell on the different social and political expectations, state violence and the contradicting role models with whom they have to deal on a daily basis. Therefore, the status associated with their roles, especially those of the “new” and emancipated woman, does not necessarily represent their own experiences and subjectivities. Women who openly criticize the social and political constraints by transgressing the boundaries of accepted conduct face social as well as political sanctions.

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Ketelaars, Elise. "Geographical value spaces and gender norms in post-Maidan Ukraine: the failed ratification of the Istanbul Convention." Review of International Studies 45, no. 5 (October 1, 2019): 731–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210519000287.

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AbstractWith RRW populist actors’ discovery of gender norms as a useful foreign policy tool, narratives constructed in terms of geographical value spaces have become central to the struggle for women's rights. Through a detailed examination of international and domestic actors’ engagement with the failed ratification process of the Istanbul Convention in Ukraine, this article aims to enhance understanding of the appropriateness of the use of these geographical value spaces when describing the struggle to combat GBV in Ukraine, and how connecting gender justice issues to geographically restricted value spaces impacts this fight. It finds that in practice neither the EU – despite Russia's allegations to the contrary – nor domestic political elites in favour of closer cooperation with Europe have provided meaningful support to the ratification of the Istanbul Convention. Faced with this situation, some Ukrainian feminists have increasingly sought to present the struggle to combat gender-based violence in a locally acceptable vernacular. This article, however, concludes that framing the struggle for women's rights in any type of geographical terms – be they of an international or domestic nature – increases the risk of either instrumentalisation of or selective engagement with the feminist agenda.

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Greenwood, Dara N., Paula R. Pietromonaco, and Christopher R. Long. "Young women's attachment style and interpersonal engagement with female TV stars." Journal of Social and Personal Relationships 25, no. 3 (June 2008): 387–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265407507087964.

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Journal articles on the topic 'The women's political engagement'

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