Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'The women's political engagement'
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1
Welham, Deborah. "Delight and instruction : women's political engagement in the works of Penelope Aubin." Thesis, University of Winchester, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.515813.
Abstract:
This research presents a literary and political biography for Penelope Aubin. Aubin, the natural daughter of Sir Richard Temple and Anne Charleton (who was the daughter of Walter Charleton, Royal physician and natural philosopher), was a poet, novelist, translator, Orator and playwright. Penelope Charleton married clandestinely and young, like the heroines of her novels. On her marriage Penelope Aubin joined a family of merchants trading from Jersey and the City of London, and with family members in Barbados and Jamaica. Within five years of entering the mercantile world Aubin's expertise of trading ventures was being sought by investors, and she was called to give evidence to the Board of Trade. Aubin's early poetry is a statement of her Royalist and Anglican heritage, but her novels of the early 1720s are a reflection of her knowledge of trade, the threat of piracy and of the natural disasters that occur at sea. However, by the later 1720s Aubin's works were more obviously politically engaged, reflecting the changing hopes of the Tory party and its supporters under a Hanoverian monarchy. Then, in 1729, when she opened her Lady's Oratory, intending from the outset to discuss ':Ministers of State' and how they behave in office, Aubin very publicly added her voice to the wave of political opposition to Robert Walpole.
2
Lonie, Kate Margaret. "Hillary, Hashtags and Hermione: Young women's political engagement, celebrity and the new media landscape." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20479.
Abstract:
This interdisciplinary thesis advances existing debates regarding the importance of understanding the complex and contradictory nature of young women’s engagement with an increasingly mediatised and celebritised political landscape. Based on interviews with young women aged between 18-30 years and living in either London or Sydney in 2015, the thesis demonstrates how the changing media sphere – in terms of both medium and message – has reshaped young women’s political engagement (as it can be broadly understood). For these women, evolving interaction with various new media platforms, as well as the deployment and influence of a diverse range of celebrified politicians and politically-engaged celebrities, has played a significant role in redefining that engagement. The primacy of new media and celebrity to understanding young women’s political activities – both in terms of their own characterisations, and my subjective reading – also emphasises how these two factors are thoroughly, and increasingly, intertwined. By demonstrating the (often complementary) relationship between parliamentary-based and online forms of political engagement, the cross-platform circulation of pervasive ideologies regarding gender, race and sexuality, as well as the enduring relevance of characteristics associated with post-feminism (and within a climate of a "renewed" feminist movement), this thesis also disrupts the traditional, stereotypical and largely redundant binaries of "old" and "new" politics, "old" and "new" media and, similarly, "old" and "new" conceptions of feminism. Drawing on the interrelated fields of gender studies, media studies, youth studies and celebrity studies, this thesis clearly emphasises that the nexus between politics, media and celebrity not only increasingly dictates how politics is (quite literally) performed among this particular demographic, but also how feminist activism and identification are generally expressed and enacted in contemporary Western contexts.
3
Weston, Sarah Elizabeth. "Political voice as embodied performance : young women, politics and engagement." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2018. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/21546/.
Abstract:
In this thesis I argue that a focus on the embodied voice can be used as a tool of political intervention. Specifically focusing on how young women engage politically, I explore to what extent voice training can help young women notice the relationship between physiological tensions in their voice and repressive social and political structures. Furthermore, I argue that voice training can support young women in creating political performances that resist these repressions. I identify that in both practices that engage young women in the political and in much applied theatre work the embodied voice is largely unconsidered. Instead these fields focus on voice in its metaphoric sense. I demonstrate the term ‘political voice’ must also consider the way the voice can be repressed or liberated physiologically. This is a theorisation of political voice drawing together the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu with the practices of voice technique. I designed and delivered a series of workshops with young women combining technique, drama exercises and political discussion, from which I draw several conclusions relevant to how we practice voice with young women. Firstly, voice training can be used to help young women understand the concept of habitus. This is important as I argue this is a process of political ‘noticing’, where young women can see that any perceived deficiencies in their voices are not the result of personal failure, but because of the ways in which the social has structured their voice. Secondly, voice training can help young people articulate these repressions and furthermore use the voice to vocalise against these repressions. This was clear in how aspects of the tensionless voice that my participants discovered through training manifested in how they represented political engagement in their devised performances. Accordingly, I argue that voice training is an act of political intervention.
4
Horvath, Laszlo. "Role model effects on women's political engagement : observational and experimental approaches to measurement & two studies on mediation." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/33373.
Abstract:
Contributing to a growing debate about `symbolic' or non-policy effects of gender-balanced legislatures, my thesis sets out to tackle issues of (a) measurement, combining experimental and observational evidence of the effect of female politicians as role models on women's political engagement; and (b) mediation, considering the underlying mechanisms convincing on the individual-level of voter psychology, explaining why role models are powerful in engaging fellow women in the electorate. Firstly, I triangulate results from an eye-tracking experiment investigating attentional bias to gender balance in manipulated picture stimuli of political groups; an online experiment investigating measures of psychological engagement with politics as a function of gender balance in the same picture stimuli; and British Election Study panel data investigating campaign effects on psychological engagement with politics as a function of the gender balance among candidates running in the 2010 and 2015 UK parliamentary constituencies. My results suggest two general types of role model effects: one of `tokenism' where women's striking minority presence impacts political attention and the probability of learning about politics, and one of `linear' effects where a gradual increase in women's presence in political groups towards parity translates into a gradual increase in political self-efficacy and confidence about political knowledge. Secondly, I develop and test hypotheses about mediation in terms of implicit mechanisms not requiring that citizens consider the policy output of their representatives, drawing heavily on the stereotype threat literature especially on the role of affect. Using a more classical, regression-based approach to mediation analysis, along with a novel crossover experiment or `design-based' mediation analysis, I present preliminary evidence that, following exposure to role models, women experienced fewer self-evaluative threats as evidenced by anxiety, explaining effects on self-efficacy in politics. I present an additional study scrutinising affect, and show that the action-oriented anger may result in approach of the source of threat, reversing stereotype threat effects under `men-only' politics. Thirdly, I develop and test hypotheses about mediation in terms of instrumental mechanisms that do require expectations or associations about policy output. Through similar approaches to mediation analysis, I show that though women expect better policy across two domains with more female politicians on board, greater competency attributed to elites is, if anything, negatively related to self-efficacy in politics. In a full-experimental study, I find no evidence that women's greater self-efficacy is due to expectations about women-friendly policy pursued by role models.
5
Mathews-Gardner, Anne Lanethea Andersen Kristi. "From woman's club to NGO: the changing terrain of women's civic engagement in the mid-twentieth century United States." Related Electronic Resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
6
Diagne, Rokhaya. "La loi sur la parité de 2010 à 2022 : étude de la participation politique des femmes dans les institutions de représentation au Sénégal." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Montpellier (2022-....), 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024UMOND003.
Abstract:
Le 28 mai 2010, le Sénégal a adopté la loi n° 2010-11 du 28 mai 2010 instituant la parité absolue dans les instances totalement ou partiellement électives. La nouvelle loi, qui constitue une grande avancée dans la lutte contre la sous- représentation politique des femmes, a pour objectif de rééquilibrer l'espace politique dominé par les hommes et de favoriser l'élaboration de politiques sensibles aux femmes. Cependant, malgré l'existence de la loi assortie de l'obligation d'alternance de sexe sur les listes de candidatures, les hommes continuent de dominer la vie politique. Cette thèse se propose d'interroger les logiques explicatives du contrôle masculin de l'espace politique sénégalais, mais aussi les réponses que les femmes apportent à cette situation. Elle s'intéresse également à la place que celles-ci accordent à la prise en compte des principaux besoins des femmes sénégalaises. Cette dernière considération constituait l'un des arguments majeurs des défenseurs de la parité lors de la mobilisation pour l'adoption de la loi. Ce faisant, nous montrons que la domination masculine de la vie politique date de la période coloniale et a été consolidée durant les premières années de l'indépendance du Sénégal. Par ailleurs, les femmes, qui ont toujours soutenu les hommes en politique, ont tardivement acquis la citoyenneté sous la colonisation, leur permettant de participer officiellement à la vie politique. Nonobstant, à chaque fois qu'elles tentent de se faire une place sur la place publique, elles se sont vues contraintes par les hommes qui limitent leurs actions à la mobilisation électorale pour leur profit. Saisissant le contexte international et la volonté du chef de l'Etat, Abdoulaye Wade, favorables à l'amélioration de leur représentation politique, les femmes ont obtenu la loi sur la parité qui instaure l'égalité de sexe dans les mandats électifs. De même, la thèse revient sur le contenu de la loi, ses sources mais aussi sur les différentes oppositions et entraves qui affectent son effectivité. Elle revient aussi sur les résistances développées par les hommes, leur permettant de contourner la parité et de dominer les instances de décision des institutions de représentation. Enfin, à travers les entretiens menés auprès des élues de l'Assemblée nationale, du HCCT, du conseil départemental de Mbacké et du conseil municipal de Saint-Louis, la recherche revient sur les stratégies et les ressources que les femmes ont développé pour se légitimer en politique et tenter d'échapper au contrôle des hommes. Elle s'intéresse aussi à l'identité et à la trajectoire politique des élues et montre que l'organisation et le fonctionnement des institutions ainsi que la dépendance politique de ces femmes envers les leaders politiques, notamment au niveau local, constituent des difficultés à la représentation substantielle des femmes dans les institutions représentatives au SénégalOn May 28, 2010, Senegal adopted Law No. 2010-11 of May 28, 2010, instituting absolute parity in fully or partially elective bodies. The new law, a significant advancement in the fight against the political under-representation of women, aims to rebalance the political landscape dominated by men and to promote the development of policies sensitive to women. However, despite the existence of the law requiring gender alternation on candidate lists, men continue to dominate the political sphere.This thesis aims to examine the explanatory logics behind male control of the Senegalese political space, as well as the responses that women offer to this situation and the importance they place on addressing the primary needs of Senegalese women. The latter consideration was one of the major arguments put forth by advocates of parity during the mobilization for the adoption of the law. In doing so, we demonstrate that male dominance in politics dates back to the colonial period and was reinforced during the early years of Senegal's independence.Moreover, women, who have historically supported men in politics, only obtained citizenship late in the colonial period, allowing them to participate officially in political life. However, whenever they attempted to assert themselves in the public sphere, they were constrained by men who limited their actions to electoral mobilization for their benefit. Seizing the international context and the will of the Head of State, Abdoulaye Wade, in favor of improving their political representation, women secured the parity law that establishes gender equality in elective mandates.Similarly, the thesis revisits the content of the law, its sources, as well as the various oppositions and obstacles affecting its effectiveness. It also revisits the resistance developed by men, enabling them to bypass parity and dominate the decision-making bodies of representative institutions. Lastly, through interviews conducted with elected officials from the National Assembly, the HCCT, the departmental council of Mbacké, and the municipal council of Saint-Louis, the research examines the strategies and resources that women have developed to legitimize themselves in politics and attempt to escape male control. It also examines the identity and political trajectory of female elected officials, highlighting that the organization and functioning of institutions, as well as the political dependence of these women on political leaders, particularly at the local level, pose challenges to substantial female representation in representative institutions in Senegal
7
Amir, Rohma. "Pellets, Stones, and Contemporary Kashmiri Women's Resistance: A Politics Beyond Respectability." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1115.
Abstract:
This thesis seeks to explain, via four key reasons, the shifting role that women have played in the self-determination movement in Kashmir over time. It focuses on the rise of young women in stone-pelting protests, analyzed through the lens of recent events that have triggered protests, the role of Islamism with regards to women in Kashmir, and the role of young women in the conflict generation. More importantly, the author analyzes the protests of women who have lost family members to enforced disappearances at the hands of the state. It is found that these women use a political strategy that upholds the politics of respectability and relies on the visual, which young women in stone pelting protests also rely on to highlight their cause.
8
Guemar, Latefa Narriman. "Highly skilled Algerian women displaced during the 'Black Decade' : online networks, transnational belonging and political engagement." Thesis, University of East London, 2016. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/5871/.
Abstract:
The contemporary era of global transformations has re-oriented academic debates on the growth of non-nation-based solidarities and transnational cultural constructions. Despite this, social constructionists suggest that the concept of ‘diaspora’ continues to privilege the notion of ethnicity as the point of origin in the construction of solidarity between migrants, overlooking the differences of social class and gender. This research interrogates this contention by exploring the role of gender in shaping diaspora – a complex process by which migrant women articulate new identities and give new social and political meanings to their relationships with one another, with co-nationals living elsewhere and with an imagined ‘homeland’. It investigates the motivation behind the emigration of highly skilled Algerian women during the ‘Black Decade’ of the 1990s and its aftermath, and looks at the agendas of this particular set of migrants, the extent to which they feel they belong to a diaspora, and their attitude towards returning ‘home’. Their political engagement takes a variety of forms, but the research reveals that certain modes of online discourse and manifestations of a diasporic social consciousness are common to their self-presentation. In order to investigate their networks, I used Social Networking Websites Analysis (mainly Facebook) and a Respondent-Driven-Sampling (RDS) method to sample and recruit participants, coupled with 15 in-depth interviews. The majority of participants cited the amnesty law (which absolved the perpetrators of violence during the 1990s, including violence against women, of their crimes) and the rise of radical Islamist ideology as the main barriers to considering present-day Algeria as ‘home’. Participants appeared to exhibit both a sense of exile and a desire to be part of a diaspora.
9
Gewurtz, Michelle Sara. "Three women/three margins : political engagement and the art of Claude Cahun, Jeanne Mammen, and Paraskeva Clark." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/1427/.
10
Li, Jerry. "Institutional Influences on the Political Attainment of Chinese Immigrants: Ethnic Power Share, Citizenship Acquisition Law, and Discrimination Law." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1942.
Abstract:
A transnational network of more than 50 million people, the Chinese diaspora stretches its reach across the globe. As part of their immigrant journeys, many Chinese immigrants have achieved political leadership in their adopted home countries despite monumental barriers. This thesis examines the political attainment of Chinese immigrants by uncovering how institutional factors such as political power sharing between ethnic groups, citizenship acquisition law, and discrimination law affect their pursuit of public office. I first establish a database of 265 politicians I define as Chinese immigrants, whose various levels of political attainment I then use as the dependent variable. Through empirical analysis, this thesis finds that politicians of Chinese descent attain lower levels of political office when institutional discrimination has targeted Chinese immigrants. In contrast, this thesis reveals that politicians of Chinese descent attain higher levels of political office when political power is shared amongst ethnic groups and when citizenship acquisition laws are exclusionary. While the last result is seemingly counterintuitive, the negative relationship between the inclusiveness of citizenship and political attainment can be explained by the intrinsic role exclusionary citizenship acquisition laws play in naturalizing citizens who are deemed to be integrated and electable.
11
Miller, Marian RC. "Building Bridges to Transcend Borders: Radical Transnational Feminist Praxis in Response to US Systems of Incarceration and Violence." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/257.
Abstract:
This thesis explores the structures of white supremacist capitalist patriarchy as embodied in US systems of oppression and violence both within the United States and in El Salvador. As the United States illegally funded and trained the Salvadoran military during its 1978-1992 civil war, it simultaneously transformed the domestic prison system into one of mass incarceration, torture, and social death. In examining both policies, their roots in violence, racial capitalism, and gendered oppression emerge. Furthermore, by focusing the examination within a gendered lens, the potential of such methods of resistance such as radical transnational feminist praxis come to the forefront as today’s most integrated method of tearing down such pernicious systems of violence. As this thesis connects the dots between seemingly disparate structures of exclusion and incapacitation, the global levels of both infrastructural violence and feminist resistance surface.
12
Silva, Clara Cecilia Seguro da. "Memória das mulheres zapatistas: participação, mobilização e a construção do ser mulher no movimento zapatista." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100134/tde-02022018-120130/.
Abstract:
O movimento zapatista tem dedicado espaço à luta das mulheres desde seu princípio em 1980, segundo o que se expressa em comunicados oficiais. O movimento nasce seguindo o modelo de guerrilha, porém, nos primeiros dias de combate cede à opinião pública, aceitando a via pacífica de mobilização política para alcançar seus objetivos, assumindo os modelos de reinvindicação dos Novos Movimentos Sociais. Desta forma, o objetivo desta pesquisa é entender o processo de mobilização e participação política das mulheres nas comunidades zapatistas. Mais especificamente, procuramos identificar o que mobilizou-as a participarem do movimento zapatista; entender o impacto que estas mulheres percebem em suas vidas e na vida de outras mulheres. Para tal entrevistamos quatro mulheres que se envolveram no movimento zapatista em diferentes níveis bem como as observações feitas em campo e analisamos seus discursos a partir das suas memórias. Para isso fizemos uma análise com base na Memória Coletiva, Maurice Halbwachs (1990) e Ecléa Bosi (2004; 2012); na participação e mobilização política, Sidney Tarrow (1997), Alberto Melucci (1989; 1999) e Maria da Glória Gohn (2014; 2014a); e as teorias feministas latino-americanas. Percebemos o entrelaçamento das memórias familiares dessas mulheres com fatos políticos marcados na história política recente do Estado mexicano, e os destaques de datas, personagens e lugares marcados na história política do movimento; as oportunidades políticas e as redes articuladas pelo movimento zapatista. Destaca-se como três dessas quatro mulheres conseguiram criar uma relação com as organizações de que fazem parte, de forma a realizar seus sonhos, mas sem se desvincular totalmente destas, o que parece ter contribuído para sua emancipação; bem como, as diretrizes do movimento influenciaram suas escolhas profissionais e pessoais, e seus avanços e críticas a partir dos feminismosThe Zapatista movement has been giving room to the women\'s fight since it\'s first begging in 1980.The movement was born designed by the guerrilla model, however, it was laid aside due to the pressure from public opinion, accepting the \"pacific path\" to reach it\'s goals, assuming the reimbursement models of the New Social Movements. Based on that, the general aim of this research is to understand the process of mobilization and politic participation of women in the Zapatist comunits; The specific goals are: to know what has mobilized women to be part of the Zapatista movement; to understand the impact of the movement felt on their lives and on the other women\'s lives. For this purpose, the reports of four women involved in different levels of the Zapatista movement were collected and analyzed, from their memories as well as field observations. For this we did an analysis based on Collective Memory, Maurice Halbwachs (1990) and Ecléa Bosi (2004; 2012); In participation and political mobilization, Sidney Tarrow (1997), Alberto Melucci (1989; 1999) and Maria da Glória Gohn (2014; 2014a); And feminist Latin American theories. The interweaving of these women\'s family memories with recent Mexican history political facts were seized and, besides that, dates, characters and places were highlighted and marked in the political history of the movement. Emphasis were given on how three of these four women were able to build a relationship with the organizations they are part of in order to realize their dreams while still being linked to them as well as the directives of the movement influenced their professional and personal choices and their advances and criticisms from feminisms
13
Rostampour, Somayeh. "Genre, savoir local et militantisme révolutionnaire : mobilisations politiques et armées des femmes kurdes du PKK après 1978." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022PA080065.
Abstract:
Cette thèse traite de la théorie et de la pratique des femmes combattantes au sein du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) en Turquie de 1978 à nos jours. Alors que la production académique sur le PKK se concentre sur les positions officielles de l’organisation laissant en suspens la question de l’agentivité des femmes, cette recherche contribue à combler ce vide. En s’appuyant sur des récits féminins de combattantes et sur une démarche ethnographique, cette recherche entend retracer l’histoire du PKK au prisme du genre. Structurée autour de trois parties, la thèse problématise la participation politico-armée des femmes dans une société patriarcale et leur militantisme pour la reconnaissance de la kurdicité et pour la cause des femmes au sein d’un mouvement mixte marqué par l’hégémonie masculine. Outre leur participation politique et armée à cette lutte, les femmes construisent un féminisme local nommé Jineolojî dont ses causes et ses apports, ainsi que ses limites dans le contexte des pays du Sud, seront discutés. Dans le prolongement de l’analyse du féminisme matérialiste et en s’appuyant sur une perspective critique anticoloniale, cette étude examinera les débats actuels de l’étude de genre sur le local et le global, la nature et la culture, le sexe et le genre, le mythe et l’histoire. La thèse conclura que le militantisme a permis aux actrices kurdes de transgresser des normes de genre et de s’organiser collectivement autour de la cause des femmes tout en transformant le Mouvement dans son ensemble. Quant à sa théorie, malgré ses lacunes épistémologiques et méthodologiques, la Jineolojî apporte une contribution majeure aux études féministes, notamment dans les pays en guerre et en proie à des conflits ethniquesThis thesis examines the theory and the practice of women fighters in the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in Turkey from 1978 to the present through a sociological field study. While the academic production on the PKK often focuses on the organization’s official positions and thus leaves untouched the questions of gender domination and women’s agency, this research attempts to bridge this gap. Based on the stories of women fighters and an ethnographic approach, this research traces the history of the PKK through the prism of gender. Structured around three parts, the thesis addresses women’s participation in armed struggles (and the difficulties they encountered in a patriarchal society like Turkey), their political participation in gender and ethnic liberation within a mixed movement marked by male hegemony, together with their intellectual struggles for constructing a local feminism called Jineolojî. Drawing on the materialist feminist and the critical anti-colonial perspectives, this study will engage – via the analysis of Jineolojî and its inherent contradictions – with the current debates in gender studies on the local and the global, nature and culture, sex and gender, myth and history. The thesis concludes that the transformations in the women’s political and armed participation changes their mode of knowledge production and vice versa. Militant activism has enabled Kurdish women actors to transgress gender norms, organize collectively around the women’s causes, thereby transforming and feminizing the movement as a whole. As for their theory, and despite its epistemological and methodological shortcomings, Jineolojî makes a major contribution to feminist studies, especially in countries at war and those confronted with ethnic conflicts
14
Devere, Heather Mary. "Political labels and women's attitudes." Thesis, University of Auckland, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/2292/2266.
Abstract:
This thesis is an exploratory study of women's attitudes to political issues. The thesis poses the broad questions of what is the range of women's attitudes to specific issues, what patterns are there to women's attitudes and how well do traditional political categories describe women's attitudes? Attitudes of women to five civil rights or moral policy issues censorship, corporal punishment, the death penalty, abortion and homosexual law reform - are examined and the way women identify themselves in terms of feminism and the left-right spectrum is also discussed. A feminist approach is adopted and focus group interviewing is the methodology which is used for the study. Some of the labels used to describe attitudes to political issues and political identification are discussed. The way the women interpret the labels of left and right and feminism are examined and patterns of self-identification with these political terms are looked at. The attitudes expressed by the women to the five policy issues are categorised according to libertarian, liberal, conservative, neo-conservative, authoritarian or humanitarian labels. The patterns of attitudes and identification are explored. The findings are that diversity and plurality characterise the women's views. Their opinions cover almost the whole range of views on the five issues, they respond differently to the use of the left-right spectrum and the label of feminism, and almost every woman demonstrates an ideological profile which is uniquely her own. There are some similarities among the women, but patterns cannot be easily identified using the traditional political labels. There is also an assessment made of the value of the focus group methodology which has been used rarely in political science. The thesis ends by posing more questions. The adequacy of the liberal and conservative categories for classifying attitudes is raised and there are questions about whether the focus group interview method is gender specific.
15
Naqshabandī, Bari'ah. "Women's changing political participation in Jordan." Thesis, Durham University, 1995. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/998/.
16
Bouche, Vanessa P. "Identity and the Mechanisms of Political Engagement." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1305648034.
17
Musangeya, Elaya E. "Young women's engagement with sport in Lusaka secondary schools, Zambia." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/58898/.
Abstract:
This thesis reports on an investigation into the sport experiences and views of a sample of young women in two High Schools in Lusaka, Zambia. The purpose of the study was to gain an understanding of the sports played by young women, their reasons for playing the sports, the benefits they gained, and how they navigated and negotiated the barriers they faced. The study was framed by looking at the intersections and interactions of four key ideas – sport, education, gender, and development. Significantly the study was set in the context of the United Nations' declarations of sport as a human right and the global policy position of using sport as a tool for development, gender equality and empowerment of young women. Thirty-six young females from Grades 10 and 11, identified through snowball sampling, participated in the interpretive phenomenological research. Data was collected mainly through six focus groups, thirty-six semi-structured interviews and field observations. The findings show that young women played team sports in schools' extracurricular programmes historically and culturally dominated by men and characterized by gender issues around participation. Interestingly the same young women also took part in after school activities organized by Non-Governmental Organizations that disseminated HIV/AIDS information and addressed gender equality issue through sports. Using young women's voices, the thesis details their personal and social reasons for playing traditionally male sports. It also details the personal, social, health-related and economic benefits they experienced, and, as active agents, how they navigated and negotiated gendered barriers associated with the notion of sport, access to playing space and resources, and regulation of their behaviour in doing sport. There was, however, no evidence from the young women to suggest that playing male sports or sport for development interventions contributed to gender equality and women's empowerment. The thesis underlines the importance of listening to young women about what sports they want to play, the social support they need from peers, friends and family and especially males, and that sport for development interventions may have potential in facilitating young women's participation or in reducing the gender-based barriers women face. The thesis highlights limitations of the study and suggests important directions for future research.
18
Zwiener-Collins, Nadine. "Women's work and political participation : the links between employment, labour markets, and women's institutional political participation in Europe." Thesis, City, University of London, 2018. http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/21779/.
Abstract:
This study explores the links between women's work, gendered labour markets, and women's institutional political participation in 25 European countries. Although employment is a standard predictor of (women's) political participation, previous research has treated women's work mostly as a characteristic of individual women, disregarding the broader structural inequalities that are behind women's work patterns. Using data from the fifth round of the European Social Survey, in combination with detailed information on work-family policies and labour market structures of the countries included, this study aims to contribute to a more contextual understanding of the effects of employment. My research explores whether the effects of employment status, working hours, and job level are shaped by the context, in which they are embedded. Although labour markets and political systems vary considerably across countries and existing research has provided inconsistent findings, the context-dependency of employment effects has not yet been systematically assessed. Moreover, little research has focussed on direct effects of the labour market; therefore, this study explores the effects of two labour market characteristics that have a particularly gendered meaning: work-family policies and gendered structures in the labour market. The findings indicate that the effects of employment are more complex than often assumed in the literature. Employment can not only affect, for example, mothers and non-mothers differently, but there is also an indication that some employment effects are shaped by the labour market context. Contextual characteristics also affect women's political participation directly by redistributing resources and shaping women's experiences in the work-place. Overall, the findings show that the political effects of work should be understood within the wider context.
19
Bella, M'ba Noella Maryse. "Comprendre l'engagement politique des femmes au Gabon." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH193.
Abstract:
Née d’un questionnement initial sur la thématique de la démocratie gabonaise, cette recherche a évolué, non pour s’en détacher, mais pour en analyser un des aspects fondamentaux souvent mis de côté : celui de l’égalité dans la représentativité des genres. Au Gabon, depuis la Conférence Nationale qui instaure la démocratie dans les années 1990, la présence des femmes au sein des Gouvernements et dans les grandes Institutions de la République est ininterrompue. Auparavant, les groupes exclusivement féminins ont été leur principale tribune d’expression, limitant ces dernières à une pratique périphérique au champ politique. Elles semblent désormais parfaitement intégrées à la sphère des responsabilités.Cette thèse de doctorat vient interroger l’engagement des femmes dans le contexte gabonais. Elle analyse notamment la construction des différentes identités féminines socialement déterminées, mais aussi les rapports qu’elles entretiennent entre elles, et l’image qu’elles construisent de la sphère politique. Elle s’intéresse également à l’adéquation entre les pratiques féminines et les réalités de ce champ. En somme, l’objectif principal de cette recherche est d’analyser la pérennisation des dissymétries entre les femmes et les hommes en matière de responsabilités et de représentativité.La méthode principale a consisté en des entretiens semi-directifs auprès d’une soixantaine de femmes et d’hommes élus ou simples militants, issus d’une dizaine de partis politiques de la majorité et de l’opposition, du monde associatif, mais aussi de gabonaises et de gabonais sans attache partisane et non militants, appartenant à des catégories sociales variées. De nombreux présupposés théoriques sont venus renforcer cette étude qui se situe notamment à la croisée de la reproduction des rapports de sexes, de la domination, de la théorie de la dominance sociale, mais aussi de la violence symbolique et de celle relative aux imaginaires des croyances africaines.Cette étude apporte de nombreux enseignements sur l’engagement politique des femmes au Gabon. En dépit de leur présence numérique de plus en plus importante, et du fait que le pays se soit engagé, à l’échelle continentale et mondiale, à réduire les inégalités entre les femmes et les hommes et à améliorer le statut de ces dernières, leur existence en tant qu’actrices politiques demeure précaire, ce qui se lit à travers les postes qui sont les leurs et qui demeurent intrinsèquement liés aux mêmes grandes thématiques. En définitive, la sous-représentation quantitative et qualitative des femmes gabonaises en matière de responsabilités est la conséquence de nombreux facteurs, notamment la difficulté à juxtaposer leurs nombreuses identités contraignantes, le besoin de maintenir un ordre familial remis en cause par la disparition ou les modifications de la virilité sociale masculine elle-même consécutive à une présence plus importante des femmes au sommet de la hiérarchie, les pratiques féminines peu adaptées à la recherche et à la conquête du pouvoir, ainsi que l’influence importante des valeurs traditionnelles reçues en héritage. Enfin, l’organisation trimorphique de la société, c’est-à-dire sa séparation en trois univers distincts, à savoir, la sphère privée, la sphère publique et la sphère des pouvoirs, complexifie la réalité de l’engagement politique des femmes gabonaisesEmerging from an initial questioning on Gabonese democracy, this research has evolved, not in order to emancipate itself from it, but to analyze one of its fundamental aspects which is too often put aside: the equality of gender representativeness. In Gabon, since the National Conference that established democracy in the early 1990s, the presence of women within Governments and major Institutions of the Republic has been permanent. Previously, the female groups were the main platform for their expression, limitating them to a peripheral practice in the political field. Now, they seem perfectly integrated into the sphere of responsibility.This doctoral thesis questions the commitment of women in the context of Gabon. It analyses in particular the construction of different identity among socially defined women, but also relationships between them, and the image of the political sphere that they build. It also deals with the adequacy between the women's practices and the realities of this field. In short, the main objective of this research is to analyse the perpetuation of the asymmetries between women and men in terms of responsibilities and representativeness.The main method consisted in semi-structured interviews of some 60 women and men representatives or activists from a dozen political parties of the majority and the opposition, of the associations, but also of Gabonese citizens and a variety of non partisan and not militant Gabonese people belonging to various social categories. Many theoretical assumptions have reinforced this study which is especially at the crossroads of the reproduction, of sex relationships, of domination, of the theory of social dominance, but also of symbolic violence and that are related to the imaginary of African creeds.This study provides insights into the political commitment of women in Gabon. Despite their increasing numerical presence, and the fact that the country has committed itself, on a continental and global scale to reduce inequalities between women and men and to improve the status of women, their existence as political actors remains precarious. This is visible through the positions they occupy and which remain intrinsically linked to the same major themes. In the end, the quantitative and qualitative under-representation of Gabonese women in terms of responsibilities is the result of many factors, including the difficulty to juxtapose their many binding identities, the need of maintaining a family organization undermined by the disappearance or changes of men’s sense of social manhood itself due to a greater presence of women at the top of the hierarchy, women's practices that are not suited to search and the conquest of power, as well as the important influence of traditional values inherited. Finally, the trimorphic organization of society, that is to say, its separation into three separate worlds, namely, the private sphere, the public sphere and the sphere of powers, makes the reality of Gabonese women’s political commitment more complex
20
Loudes, C. M. H. "Increasing women's political representation : law into politics." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273116.
21
Childs, Sarah. "Women's political representation in contemporary British politics." Thesis, Kingston University, 2000. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20645/.
Abstract:
The 1997 British general election saw the return of 120 women Members of Parliament. The central question of this thesis is whether this unprecedented number of women MPs makes a difference to the political representation of women. The research is applied political theory, in which conceptual analysis is informed by and informs the empirical research. Pitkin's seminal contribution The Concept of Representation and Phillips' The Politics of Presence are both considered. In particular, Phillips' 'shot in the dark thesis', which makes a link between women's numerical representation and the substantive representation of women by women representatives, is subjected to empirical analysis. The data are drawn from interviews with half of the Labour women MPs elected for the first time in the 1997 election. The introduction in Chapter 1 includes discussions of the research objectives and the research design and methods. Chapter 2 explores women's legislative recruitment within the Labour Party, focusing upon its policy of all-women shortlists. Chapters 3 and 4 examine Pitkin's and Phillips' ideas respectively. The next three chapters (Chapters 5, 6 and 7) utilise the empirical data to analyse in tum symbolic, microcosmic and substantive conceptions of representation. The last of these chapters centres upon the question of whether women representatives seek and are able to act for women at constituency, parliamentary and governmental levels. The analysis broadly supports Phillips' thesis. However, the intersection of party and gender identities is emphasised to a greater extent. It is also argued that women MPs may not have, at least as yet, secured the 'safe spaces' from which to act for women. These conclusions suggest both that the complexity of the concept of representation must be recognised and that combining conceptual and empirical analysis engenders a more sophisticated understanding of women's political representation.
22
Bao, Hsiu-Ping. "Hamas' political transformation and engagement, 2003-2013." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/29514.
Abstract:
This thesis aims to explore the process of Hamas’ political transformation and engagement between 2003 and 2013 as well as the implications of the transition. In general, conventional scholarship research on Hamas and its transition in politics focuses either on the discussion of its tendency to violence or on its orientation towards moderation. However, both analyses fail to capture the essence of Hamas’ political transition over the ten years under discussion. This thesis argues that Hamas’ transition is interrelated with its perception of resistance. That is to say, Hamas’ transition aimed to keep its resistance work intact. Hamas believed that because of its Zionist ideology, Israel would continue to occupy and colonize at Palestinians’ expense. Furthermore, past negotiations between the Palestinian Authority and Israel had not helped Palestinians but on the contrary, had intensified the Israeli occupation. Therefore, nothing but resistance would restore Palestinians’ rights and defend them against Israel’s aggression. Ever since its inception in 1987, resistance has been Hamas’ only strategy and its means to end the Israeli occupation. It is worth noting that Hamas sophisticated the concept of resistance into a ‘resistance project’ from 2003 onwards, and then enforced it after taking over Gaza in June 2007; and for Hamas, the elements of resistance are comprehensive. In order to end Israeli occupation, armed struggle is its major tactic but this includes: the necessity of the national unity of Palestinians, the need for substantial support from the Arab and Muslim states and the understanding of the West. This thesis argues that as long as the Israeli occupation is in place, it is inevitable that Hamas’ engagement in politics will be irreversible and its work on resistance will continue, irrespective of the circumstances. However, it might appear in a different form.
23
Bolton, Victoria. "Volunteering and political engagement : an empirical investigation." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2015. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/397639/.
Abstract:
Falling levels of political enagagement have attracted attention from politicians, think tanks and researchers alike, and considerable column inches have been devoted to possible solutions. The purpose of this three paper thesis is to investigate and contribute to the empirical evidence for just one of these possible solutions: volunteering. There is a rich and varied literature on the contribution of volunteering and voluntary associations to civic life and in Chapter One this literature is given a novel classification, by causal mechanism. Volunteering is often considered to be a formative experience, important in setting up a lifetime civic and political habit. Chapter Two (Paper One) uses longitudinal data from the 1958 British birth cohort study to assess whether volunteering as a young adult can promote political engagement in middle age. Data from the early waves of the study is used to account for potential confounders, particularly social class. Volunteers are more likely to be engaged with politics than non-volunteers: but volunteers are also more likely to be well-educated people, with professional jobs who come from middle-class homes with parents who socialised them to engage in this way. Chapter Three (Paper Two) addresses the question of whether volunteering can be said to affect political engagement by using fixed effects modelling to account for these and other time-invariant effects. The data are drawn from the British Household Panel Survey, and enable an examination of relatively short term effects. In Chapter Four (Paper Three), the structural equation modelling framework, and cross-sectional data from the Citizenship Survey, is used to analyse the role of trust as a mediator between volunteering and political engagement. Trust is a key component in the social capital literature. Finally, Chapter Five presents a summary of key findings, important limitations and suggestions for further work in this area.
24
Adugu, Emmanuel K. "Factors Associated With Engagement In Political Consumption." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1228239697.
25
Toney, Jeffrey A. "Political engagement and social networking sites exploring the relationship between social networking sites and political engagement in young adults." Scholarly Commons, 2009. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/713.
Abstract:
Social Networking Sites (SNS) have extremely high rates of young adult users. Facebook.com report.s that more than half of its users are of college age. Due to the increasing number of political figures and political information on SNS, this study analyzes the relationship between SNS and political engagement. Specifically, this study seeks to determine if adults' consumption of political information on SNS leads to higher levels of political engagement. Political engagement is broken down into three different variables: political knowledge, political interest, and political participation. This study draws its data from a sample of 355 undergraduate college students. Data was collected through a volunteer self-administered survey questionnaire. Three sections respectively measured political engagement, social networking site dependency for political information, and demographic information. Data were collected from a junior college and a private university in Northern California.
This study found a positive relationship between SNS dependency for political information and political interest and participation. In other words, individuals who depend on SNS for political information have higher levels of political interest and participation. There was no significant relationship found between political knowledge and SNS dependency. These results suggest that SNS may help foster political engagement in young adults.
26
Gadzekpo, Audrey Sitsofe. "Women's engagement with Gold Coast print culture from 1857 to 1957." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.398890.
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Yazlik, Ozlem. "Women's identity-related participation and engagement in literacy courses in Turkey." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9448.
Abstract:
This dissertation explores women’s participation and engagement in literacy courses from an identity perspective within the broader context of women’s life stories and the socio-cultural, economic and institutional contexts within which the courses take place. The approach I develop rests on a combination of literacy, discourse and identity theories. It draws on the social theory of literacy to show how women’s valuations of literacy and education contributed to the construction of the subject positions they attempted to enter through their participation in literacy courses. Drawing on Norman Fairclough’s understanding of discourse, I focus on the link between identity processes and the discourses and socio-political structures which are understood to be in a dialectical relationship with each other. I draw on feminist theories of self and subjectivity to understand how women attempted to change aspects of their selves created by the interplay of their social and material circumstances, their agency, and specific life trajectories. In Turkey, the majority of the participants in the literacy courses are women. The state-funded People’s Education Centres (PEC), with their extended network, attract the majority of the participants. Adult literacy programmes are organised as Level 1 and Level 2 by the Ministry of National Education (MoNE) and these two levels of adult literacy and basic education courses in Turkey are offered under the monitoring and inspection of said Ministry. I chose for the sites of my research two PEC literacy courses in disadvantaged areas of Istanbul where the occasional shanty house coexists with haphazardly-built apartment buildings. Methodologically, my study has an ethnographic approach to feminist discourse analysis. I observed one Level 2 literacy course at each centre over the course of four months. I had repeated interviews and conversations with seven women participants at Akasya PEC and four women participants at Lale PEC. Fieldnotes and interview transcriptions of more structured interviews constituted the major body of my data. The study shows that women’s accounts of their participation in the courses were underlined by discourses of formal education and literacy. These discourses have a prominent role in the official policy documents. However, the dissertation argues that the significance of the discourses of formal education and literacy was equally rooted in women’s attempts to redress, through their participation in the courses, some of the structural and institutional injustices they experienced as girl-children. These injustices made it difficult for my participants to access most of the prestigious literacy practices, knowledge and associated identities. The study highlights the meanings of the subject position of the schooled person which women attempted to take on through their participation. It also brings to the fore ways in which the discourses of formal education and literacy and the subject position of the schooled person were underpinned by socio-political structures such as gender, social class, ethnicity, rural-urban migration and the extent of poverty individual women lived in. It reveals women’s persistent attempts to access and continue the courses within the constraints of bureaucratic hurdles and socio-economic hardship and responsibilities. The study demonstrates how women “took hold” of the dominant literacy practices and power relations they found in the literacy classrooms. It shows the ways in which women aligned themselves with the schooled literacy practices and at times challenged the dominant literacy practices and power relations they found in the classroom. The study shows that women’s understanding of the value they found in education changed as a result of their educational experiences. It shows that women found joy in learning things they found both challenging and important. These findings contribute to discussions on the symbolic value of education and school literacy practices for literacy learners by exploring the roots of this symbolic importance in women’s life stories. The study demonstrates the importance of both schooled literacy practices and the broader value of education and the emerging specific uses of literacy in everyday life. The findings challenge the portrayal of literacy learners in policy documents and most of the literature in Turkey which assume that their most important literacy need is access to school literacy practices. The findings also challenge the deficit view of literacy learners in policy documents which undermines their social and economic capabilities. Thus the study extends understanding of what is considered as literacy that has the potential to improve one’s material and social conditions by exploring the perspectives of different women who lived in differing levels of poverty and socio-economic obligations. It also contributes to arguments on the reasons of finding value in education by showing the ways in which women found joy in learning in formal literacy classrooms as a result of their educational experiences.
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Smith, Theresa Marie. "How engagement in occupation affects older women's adaptation to low vision." Diss., NSUWorks, 2006. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/hpd_ot_student_dissertations/41.
Abstract:
"August 2006" A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Occupational Therapy. Typescript Project Advisor : Ferol Ludwig Background and need : Prior research studies on adaptation to low vision have excluded the importance of engagement in occupation to the adaptation process. The purpose of this study was to develop a theory on how visually impaired women achieve adaptation through engagement in occupation. The theoretical framework for this study is occupational adaptation. A premise of occupational adaptation is that the occupational environment, the person, and their interaction are equally important in the adaptation process. Methodology : This qualitative study explored the reflections of seven visually impaired older women, aged 65 to 91, on their adaptation to low vision. I used grounded theory methodology to construct a theoretical model of Adaptation to Low Vision by Seven Older Women. Results : Engagement in meaningful occupations facilitates internal adaptation by increasing participants' self-esteem and motivating them to continue to find methods of doing and in getting help to participate in valued occupations or their abilities. Threats to performance initiate the process of adaptation and abilities serve to motivate participants to continue getting help and finding methods of doing their meaningful occupations. It is through the integration of losses and abilities that adaptation is achieved. Conclusions : The study adds to the knowledge base of occupational therapy by illustrating how integral engagement in occupation is to the process of adaptation. Engagement in meaningful and purposeful occupations supports adaptation to low vision and is an important component of the adaptation process. Results of the study should be considered in the treatment or program planning for the visually impaired. Rehabilitation for the visually impaired could be improved with: (a) education for clients and support persons on available services, (b) provision of opportunities for peer association, (c) use of client-centered practice, (d) training for necessary adaptive equipment, (e) home evaluations, (f) intervention at any point in the adaptation process, (g) therapist familiarity of visual impairment manifestations and effects of concurrent issues, and (h) therapeutic use of occupation to address personal occupational performance challenges.
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Homan, Melicent M. "Democratic Engagement in Professional Practice| How Perceived Educator Engagement Affects Student Learning." Thesis, Middle Tennessee State University, 2019. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10976873.
Abstract:
Length of time teaching shapes educators’ competence with intentional integration of democratic engagement in the classroom. This study finding stems from a pivotal understanding of civic engagement refocused and defined as democratic engagement by Saltmarsh and Hartley (2011). The authors determine that democratic engagement as an ideal includes far more than the civic participation element of voting. These authors suggest that for a representative democracy to thrive, communities and civic institutions must partner to create civic agency among not just the individual, but collective, social, and government entities. In this study, educators in a small to medium sized K-6 district are surveyed to identify differing levels of democratic engagement among demographic indicators as identified by Saltmarsh and Hartley (2011). Democratic engagement constructs of community engagement, political voice, civic participation and political knowledge combine to create a Civic Index Scale measure. This measure describes a sample population of highly democratic engaged versus disengaged participants. Identified educators with the most engaged, somewhat engaged, and disengaged civic scores were interviewed for attitudes, beliefs, and professional practice in relation to democratic engagement. A series of two interviews per educator yielded unexpected results. The study found that democratic disengagement does not equate to disengagement in the classroom, poor teaching, or lack of effort to promote citizenship as developmentally appropriate. A disengaged educator in the study was professionally fulfilled, and successfully created classroom community. A medium engaged educator identified in the interview process exhibited highly effective teaching practice as a seasoned professional with lower levels of job satisfaction and difficulty in classroom management. The highly engaged educator in the qualitative analysis exhibited not only effective teaching practice, but also intentional relationship building, and highly effective classroom management. Hierarchical Regression analysis indicated that time teaching, age, race, and gender were significant in the model and that time teaching persisted as a key factor contributing to variance in the model.
30
Vidal, Correa Maria Fernanda. "Women's representation in Mexican state politics." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.632853.
31
Ewins, Kirstin. "Women's Writing and Political Activism in the 1930s." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.517118.
32
Edwards, Julia Ann. "Local government women's committees : a feminist political practice." Thesis, University of Hull, 1993. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3501.
33
Sanders, Greshauna Hannabiell. "Protest culture : creative practice as socio-political engagement." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/3293.
Abstract:
Since moving to Newcastle in 2009 to pursue our masters in music and art, Yilis del Carmen Suriel and myself noticed that there was a lack of cultural events designed and aimed to engage and highlight the diverse music and culture of the African and Caribbean Diaspora. We also noticed that there were a lot of local bands and musicians who performed and composed music from this community but did not share the same stage, perform together, or were even aware of each other’s existence. As musicians who love to collaborate and engage in musical activities we began creating concerts around our band, Hannabiell & Midnight Blue, and our duet, Ladies of Midnight Blue, aimed at bringing people from diverse backgrounds together. Our unique talent and skill is the ability to excite, enthuse, and create a collaborative force. We work in partnership with many other organizations and individuals, because we believe that partnerships result in stronger projects and direct action. All of our work is done through collaborative work, which is based around utilizing the resources, and strengths that already exist within the community and how we can identify them, honor them, and channel them to create new and innovative programing. The contents of this portfolio highlight and provide evidence of the longstanding rich program of events and activities that we have created and taken part of. It documents the process and ongoing development of my research in community building, audience development, networking and collaborating. It is organized chronologically from our most resent, Harambee Pasadia 2016, to some of our earliest, Roots Rhythms Double Bill in 2011.
34
Wray, Rebecca. "Young women's engagement with feminism in a postfeminist and neoliberal cultural context." Thesis, Leeds Beckett University, 2018. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.765745.
Abstract:
This thesis aims to explore young women’s relationship with feminism against the backdrop of a long-running media claim that ‘feminism is dead’ from a feminist-influenced poststructuralist perspective. Aapola, Gonick, and Harris (2004) note how young women tend to be constructed in three specific ways: 1) as repudiating a feminist subjectivity, 2) as apolitical and apathetic, and 3) as interpreting the world through an individualistic lens. I agree with theirs and Griffin’s (2001) sentiment that many assumptions have been made about young women’s relationships with feminism. I sought to build on previous research by conducting three studies. Study 1 and Study 2 were both media-text studies which investigated contemporary discourses relating to gender and feminism which are made available in (S1) women’s monthly magazines and (S2) online feminist blogs. Study 3 used mini-focus groups with young women aged 18-30 years, in order to examine how discourses around feminism are co-constructed, as well as to identify which discourses from media (specifically women’s magazines and feminist blogs) women reproduced and/or challenged in their talk. A feminist-informed poststructuralist discourse analysis was used to analyse each dataset. This research identifies not only a strong underlying core of individualism running throughout participants’ talk (and operating across both media datasets), but also participants frequently repudiated terms such as ‘feminism’ and ‘women’s rights’ and instead positioned themselves as ‘equal rights advocate’. While participants deployed a discourse of gender neutrality to advocate a degendering of women’s rights issues to being ‘human rights’, participants were deploying this discourse to suggest that men ‘have it bad too’. Many participants seemed to prefer to look at equality issues through a gender-neutral lens, and some participants felt unable to adopt a feminist subjectivity due to its perceived ‘exclusion’ of men. A feminist subjectivity was constructed by participants as passive and dependent. Instead, participants appeared to adopt the (apparently) active subject position of the ‘can-do girl’, who has individual agency and does not need to rely on support from the state, nor have any need for involvement in collective action such as feminist politics.
35
Clarke, Rachel. "Artful social engagement : long-term interaction design within an international women's community." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/2794.
Abstract:
Long-term commitments, a rich understanding of - and sensitivity towards - identities are considered of value for researchers working within technology design to support community participation. However, few studies have explicitly discussed how researcher relationships are built and how communities negotiate their technology use around identities over time. This thesis presents the findings and insights from a three-year long, in-depth participatory project at an international women's centre in Newcastle upon Tyne, UK. The thesis contributes to interaction design research, and experience-centred design more specifically within social care communities. The research demonstrates how interdisciplinary approaches, combining critical methodological perspectives from feminist postcolonial studies with narrative inquiry and speculative design, can be used constructively in complex and sensitive community contexts. The thesis outlines how such approaches contribute opportunities for the negotiation and celebration of diverse community identities using technology. This is achieved through exploring how 'dialogical aesthetics', as articulated through socially engaged arts, can sustain conceptual resources and practical approaches to reflexively inquire into personal identities within communities. Through 'space-making' workshops, involving digital portraits and digital story making and through the design and use of a speculative photo-sharing device, the thesis provides insights into exploring and responding to identities, while engendering inspiration and resonance for sustainable future technical practices within a culturally diverse social care community.
36
Deatherage, Kimberly Dawn. "Saudi Women's Experiences of Control and Engagement as Employees in Private Universities." ScholarWorks, 2017. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4435.
Abstract:
Saudi women have higher rates of graduation from college than their male counterparts, but are underrepresented as employees in the private higher education sector. Saudi women working in higher education report a lack of involvement in the planning of their work, challenges in balancing family and career, and low wages. Yet, no research has explored how Saudi women in administrative support staff positions in private universities perceive control and how their perceptions of control affect their engagement in the workplace. Therefore, based on locus of control theory, the 2-process model of perceived control, and compensatory control theory, the purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore the lived experiences of Saudi women administrative support staff working in private universities regarding the phenomena of workplace control and engagement. Ten female administrative support staff were selected using purposive and snowball sampling. Semistructured interviews were used to explore the lived experience of control for Saudi women administrative support staff and how their experiences influence engagement. The data were analyzed using Moustakas's steps to the phenomenological process. Eight core themes emerged from the data, including supervision and guidance, social relationships and connections, time, lack of predictability, adjustment of self to fit the environment, self-development and inner transformations, having a voice, and cultural conditioning of women's social roles. The implications for positive social change include raising awareness among management, human resources, and training specialists in private higher education of Saudi women's perceptions of control and engagement in the workplace.
37
Nover, Sabine Ursula. "Protest und Engagement : wohin steuert unsere Protestkultur? /." Wiesbaden : VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2009. http://d-nb.info/989829340/04.
38
West, Diana Burghard. "Women State Legislators and Political Culture." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626126.
39
Missire, Gaëlle. "Women's right to political participation in post-conflict transformation." Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32581.
Abstract:
This thesis is looking at the experience of girls and women in times of armed conflict in order to offer some solutions to increase women's participation in post-conflict transformation of society. Women and girls experience war in many different ways, but both as victims and agents of change. This latter role often goes unnoticed and women are traditionally forced to go back to traditional gender roles. Undertaking the study of some cases of African countries, the author tries to analyse the impact that women's movements for peace have had on the substantive content of peace agreements. While it is difficult for women to participate in the reconstruction of their society once the conflict ceased, it might be more efficient to include women at the very beginning of peace negotiations. Women's right to take part in the conduct of public affairs is a means as well as a reparative measure, both aiming at increasing women's political participation in a transformed post-conflict society.Ce travail de recherche s'appuie sur la condition des femmes en situation de conflit armé. L'objectif est de déterminer les failles en matière de justice transitoire, vue sous l'angle des femmes, et de proposer des éléments de solutions pour que les femmes puissent participer pleinement à la transformation de leur société au sortir d'un conflit. En temps de guerre, on ne voit souvent dans les femmes que les principales victimes de violence sexuelle et on tend à oublier le rôle très positif et constructif qu'elles jouent par ailleurs dans la transformation de leur société. C'est de ce rôle dont traite cette thèse. Généralement, dès qu'une certaine stabilité est retrouvée, les femmes se voient contraintes de reprendre leur vocation traditionnelle qui occulte alors leurs efforts pour la paix. L'argument développé ici propose d'impliquer les femmes dès le début des négociations de paix. Une étude portant sur plusieurs cas de pays africains permet de conclure que ce n'est qu'à cette condition que les femmes peuvent réellement avoir une influence sur la teneure des accords de paix, et donc l'évolution de leur société d'après conflit. Le droit des femmes à prendre part aux affaires publiques est ainsi vu comme un moyen d'assurer une meilleure représentation des femmes sur la scène politique, mais aussi comme une mesure de réparation servant le même objectif.
40
Mok, Hing-luen, and 莫慶聯. "A study of women's political participation in Hong Kong." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1991. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31976669.
41
Mikus, Birgit. "The political woman in German women's writing 1845-1919." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:31c15d04-aa94-4ab8-8b91-368731b77538.
Abstract:
This thesis analyses the depiction and its function of politically active women in novels by six female authors from the margins of the democratic revolution of 1848 and the first German women’s movement. The thesis asks (i) what their political stance was in relation to democratic developments and women’s rights, (ii) how they rendered their political convictions into literary form, (iii) which literary images they used, criticised, or invented in order to depict politically active women in their novels in a positive light, and (iv) which narrative strategies they employed to ‘smuggle’ politically and socially radical ideas into what were sometimes only ostensibly conventional plots. The thesis combines intertextual analysis with poetic analyses of individual texts in order to highlight deviant elements in narrative strategy, imagery, or text-internal appraisals by the narrator or author. In order to contextualise the chosen texts as well as my analyses, it draws on the historical environment (social and legal developments, revolutions, technological progress) for the definition of what can be considered radical and political in the period 1845-1919. Additionally, the thesis is firmly grounded in feminist theory, which provides the instruments for highlighting the concepts and circumstances in which the six authors’ works are situated. The essays and novels analysed were written before feminist theory was established; however, their proto-feminist observations, demands, and discursive tactics contributed much to the formation and institutionalisation of feminist thought and, ultimately, theory. In their efforts to construct a positive role model for the political woman, the six authors chosen are united in their notion that such a role model should evolve from bourgeois values of family and work ethics, but the examples manifested in their novels show a great variety of degrees of radicalism.
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Narayaem, Lindman Lipikar. ""Womenomics" : The Political and Economic Policies for Women's Emancipation?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-352027.
Abstract:
Although there has been substantial progress toward gender equality, great disparities still persist. Across the globe, women face widespread gender gaps in the division of household responsibilities, economic resources, limited access to educational opportunities, and legal and political barriers to political power. Japan is one of the countries that has been falling behind, and has for several years been facing criticism from major international organisations for the persistent gender gaps in its economy, politics, and society. Furthermore, Japan has for a long time been influenced by Confucian tradition where the emphasis has been on strong gender norms and division. In 2013, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe launched new economic policies to restart and stimulate Japan’s economic growth. He encourages an increase of active inclusion of women’s participation, and his policies came to be widely known as “Womenomics”. The ambition of this paper is to discover Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s view on women’s role in his new policies, and to conduct a dimension analysis on “Womenomics”. The analysis is based on the theoretical framework of Confucianism and Liberal Feminism, to see whether one can discover elements of Confucianism and/or Liberal Feminism in “Womenomics”. The results indicate that the prime minister consider women’s role mostly in regards to economics, and the policies and the view on women’s role are foremost aligned with the political ideas of Liberal Feminism.
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Mok, Hing-luen. "A study of women's political participation in Hong Kong." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1991. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B13115546.
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Zima, Amanda H. "Young Voters and the Power of Political Internet Culture: An Exploration of Political Websites and Political Engagement." Cleveland, Ohio : Cleveland State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1243606048.
Abstract:
Thesis (M. Ap. C.T. & M.)--Cleveland State University, 2009.Abstract. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed June 17, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-76). Available online via the OhioLINK ETD Center. Also available in print.
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Ekman, Joakim, and Erik Amnå. "Political participation and civic engagement : towards a new typology." Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-22607.
Abstract:
Reviewing the literature on political participation and civic engagement, the articleoffers a critical examination of different conceptual frameworks. Drawing on previousdefinitions and operationalisations, a new typology for political participation and civicengagement is developed, highlighting the multidimensionality of both concepts. Inparticular, it makes a clear distinction between manifest 'political participation'(including formal political behaviour as well as protest or extra-parliamentary politicalaction) and less direct or 'latent' forms of participation, conceptualized here as 'civicengagement' and 'social involvement'. The article argues that the notion of 'latent'forms of participation is crucial to understand new forms of political behaviour and theprospects for political participation in different countries. Due to these innovations itcontributes to a much-needed theoretical development within the literature on politicalparticipation and citizen engagement.
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Morrissey, James Rodger. "Political engagement in the French fiction film 1968-2008." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.542026.
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Mustafa, Asma. "Identity and political engagement among second-generation British Muslims." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543634.
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Escobar-Rodriguez, Oliver. "Transformative practices : the political work of public engagement practitioners." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/9915.
Abstract:
Participatory and deliberative democracy have attracted global attention, both as a field of research and practice. This interest reflects ongoing experimentation with ideas and practices of stakeholder governance, collaborative policy-making and citizen participation. The institutionalisation of such practices in Scotland is taking place through local partnership arrangements and public engagement processes. In particular, the Scottish Government’s Community Planning policy mandates local authorities to develop partnerships where various sectors and organisations are summoned to engage in collaborative policy-making. Central to this agenda is the involvement of citizens and communities through an increasing number of official local forums. In this sense, Scotland resembles other countries where public authorities seek working combinations of strategic partnership governance and local citizen participation. Despite burgeoning interest and developments, however, scarce attention has been paid to the role of public engagement officials tasked with turning participatory and deliberative ideals into everyday practices. Indeed, we still know little about the policy work of official ‘public engagers’ who organise participatory processes by negotiating a contested milieu of actors and agendas, while being constrained and enabled by an evolving ecology of participation. Consequently, this thesis presents findings from two years of ethnographic fieldwork shadowing public engagers in a Scottish Local Authority Area. The uniqueness of these policy workers is that their expertise is not on a particular policy area, but on stakeholder and citizen engagement across policy domains. That is, their expertise is on process, and their job is to facilitate deliberative forums to inform local policy-making. The fundamental question addressed here is not whether participatory policy-making works, but rather how does it work, what kind of work does it take, and what kind of work does it do. By foregrounding the ‘how’ question, this thesis provides a new practice-based analytical framework to both understand and inform participation processes. The findings highlight the importance of the engagers’ political work, thus illustrating the disciplinary force of engagement practice and the contested nature of participatory policy-making. Understanding these dimensions offers insight into new political spaces for the renegotiation of the relationship between authorities and citizens. Accordingly, the research shows how public engagers work to open and develop such spaces in order to foster new relationships through a new ‘politics of process’. In addition, it explores the impact that this work has on the engagers’ community of practice, as well as the challenges they face as engagement work gets institutionalised. Therefore, the thesis offers a distinct ethnographic account of the role of agency in developing official local spaces for participatory and deliberative democracy in Scotland.
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Moleta, Benedict Joseph. "EU-Palestine relations in 2020: Is political engagement possible?" Thesis, University of Sydney, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/24106.
Abstract:
This dissertation considers the prospects for more direct and effective political relations between the EU and Palestine, in light of the geopolitical pragmatism proposed by new Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and new High Representative Josep Borrell. Part I reviews current conditions within the EU, in EU-US relations, and in Palestine and the surrounding region, which I suggest are producing new opportunities for political engagement. A persistent tension is identified between the primarily economic and ethical terms of engagement which characterize EU-Palestine relations today, and the potential for these to be accompanied by more directly political forms of diplomacy and foreign policy. Part II draws on Olivier Roy's The Politics of Chaos in the Middle East (2007) to present three conceptual elements which could frame a newly political EU-Palestine relationship. These are: inescapable nationalism, problems of political legitimacy, and the necessity of engaging with complex political actors such as Hamas and Hizbullah. Part II presents an analysis of contemporary EU-Palestine relations via these three conceptual elements, and proposes that in all of them a productive “intermediary” quality is evident. They address aspects of political interaction which lie between long-term historical factors and current events (historical intermediacy), between local, regional and global affairs (geographical intermediacy), and between theoretical and practical considerations (methodological intermediacy). The dissertation proposes that an intermediary approach, based on negotiation with an enlarged range of diplomatic partners, could contribute to a conceptual reorientation of EU-Palestine relations. Such a reorientation would be in accordance with the geopolitical pragmatism proposed by the new EU leadership.
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Toscano-Davies, Luigina. "Women's employment policy in Italy, 2000-2006." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2019. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/120143/.
Abstract:
The thesis investigates the development of women's employment policy in Italy in the decade 1996-2006 with specific focus on the European Structural Fund Programme (ESF) 2000-2006. The Italian case is considered in a comparative perspective. Therefore, albeit the research is centred on a single-country study, Italy is identified as a welfare state that belongs to the Mediterranean type, according to the relevant literature. The case study focuses on the different experiences of Basilicata and Apulia in creating public policy promoting female employment, as revealed by the evaluation of their different experiences in the 2000-2006 (ESF) programme and the subsequent 2007-2008 twinning project which resulted from this. The case study examines a specific policy activity in Italy, the 2005 Voucher Grant Scheme of the Basilicata Region, in comparison with the experience of the Apulia Region. In fact, the Basilicata Scheme won the "EU Best Practice Model" award. The thesis investigates whether, using the concept of 'policy' as defined by Colebatch, policy was developed in the Basilicata Voucher Grant Scheme whereas policy was not developed in Apulia's similarly intended scheme. Colebatch argues that for policy to be constituted as policy in practice, rather than as the mere idea of it, it must have three "attributes" and "distinctive elements". These attributes are: a) authority, b) expertise and c) order. Their respective distinctive elements are: a) hierarchy, b) instrumentality and c) coherence. When these criteria are met, then a chosen government course of action can be framed as a process generating policy. The thesis demonstrates that these criteria were met in the Basilicata Region, but not in Apulia. The thesis thereby also probes and confirms the value of Colebatch's constructivist theory of public policy.